جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « umayyads » در نشریات گروه « تاریخ »

After the establishment of the Abbasid caliphate, two schools of thought, "populist" and "anti-populist" in the Islamic world, came into conflict with each other. The Iranian populist movement relied on Iran's ancient historical and civilizational background and sought to improve its political and social position in the new political order. The anti-populist movement, which was considered an extension of the Umayyad political thought, sought to instill and perpetuate the idea of Arab superiority over non-Arabs due to the loss of their previous political and social status. This research seeks to reconstruct the intellectual foundations of the anti-populist trend in the first centuries of Islam, relying on the opinions of Ibn e- Qutaiba, one of the serious supporters of the mentioned thought. The reason for choosing Ibn e- Qutaiba, as a representative of the anti-populist movement, is the survival of his book Fazl al-Arab, which contains a complete formulation of the anti-populist principles. The findings of the research clarify that the intellectual foundations of the anti-populist trend based on Ibn e- Qutaiba's opinions have two focal axes of proving the superiority of the Arab people over other nations and proving the inferiority of the social, political and historical position of Iranians and populist-Muslims, each of which is based on several principles. The present article is a type of historical research written through the descriptive-analytical method, relying on library sources especially the book of Fazl al-Arab.

Due to the predictions and warnings cited by Prophet Muhammad (PBUH), some of the companions tried to identify instances of "Fitna", i.e. sedition. The question is how Ali ibn Abi Talib (PBUH) introduced and exemplified them to the society. This paper, using a descriptive and analytical approach, demonstrates that he not only explained the nature and essence of sedition, but also provided specific instances to illustrate it. In addition to the incident of Saqifah, he addressed the assassination of Uthman and the consequences of this “major sedition”. He also considered the Battle of Jamal as a "major calamity" and one of the instances of the "Dehima" i.e. sedition. Furthermore, he regarded the rise of the Umayyads as an example of the "Amya-e-mazlameh" or the sedition of blindness and obscurity, describing it as the most terrifying sedition. Additionally, in another sermon, he enumerated the long-term consequences of the Abbasid rule and other seditions.

With the establishment of the Umayyad rule, the use of rhetoric and threats with a violent approach became one of the most important components of ensuring the security of the Umayyad rule. It is important to identify the mechanisms that were relied on to influence the audience at that time. This article seeks to answer the question of why Ḥajjāj ibn Yūsuf used violent sermons (khuṭbah) when facing the Iraqi people with the descriptive-analytical method. Findings of the research indicate that Ḥajjāj used words with a negative psychological effect in her sermons (khuṭbah) such as villain, maidservant (handmaiden), hypocrite, sedition seeker, and deceiver. Also, by slandering, threatening to kill, mocking, demeaning, and calling people and likening them to animals, he destroyed his audience in terms of character and instilled a sense of inferiority in them, being undervalued, hopelessness, and fear in order to dominate them until that strengthen himself and prevent the possibility of rebellion and uprising of the opponents.

Reference groups as the social capital of a society have a great role in the decline and growth of societies and the fall and strengthening of governments. On the other hand, it should be noted that governments typically seek to gain legitimacy and strengthen themselves by employing reference groups as their social capital, and this study seeks to explain the role of these groups and specifically the role of cultural elements in strengthening Umayyad rule. The result of this research is that the cultural elements of reference groups such as jurists, narrators and poets played a great role in strengthening the Umayyad rule, both in terms of legitimacy and political, spiritual and psychological strengthening. In terms of method, the data processing method in this research is descriptive-analytical and content analysis..

The Marjeeh Sect is one of the Islamic sects that first came into being by not judging the Companions of the Prophet (PBUH). Although at the beginning the policy of this sect was to avoid judgment about people and as a result to avoid political controversies, but with the spread of Arjaa's teachings among Muslims and the great popularity of it, the said sect also entered into political conflicts. The Umayyad caliphs made good use of Marjee's tolerant view, which sought to establish peace among Muslims. Because the theoreticians of this sect considered it right to reconcile and get along with the Umayyads. Since the Umayyad caliphs are Muslims, committing a crime does not remove them from the circle of Muslims, and uprising against them is not permissible. Although in many cases this sect acted as a supporter and ideological supporter of the Umayyad government, in some cases religious leaders have stood in front of the Umayyad government relying on the teachings of this sect. The question of the present research is, what was the encounter with the Umayyads in the eastern lands of the Caliphate? It is assumed that the groups of the reference did not reflect their Arabist policies and unfair discriminations and started to fight against it. The current research is organized by relying on historical sources and descriptive and analytical methods.

Reference groups as the social capital of a society have a great role in the decline and growth of societies and the fall and strengthening of governments. On the other hand, it should be noted that governments typically seek to gain legitimacy and strengthen themselves by employing reference groups as their social capital, and this study seeks to explain the role of these groups and specifically the role of cultural elements in strengthening Umayyad rule. The result of this research is that the cultural elements of reference groups such as jurists, narrators and poets played a great role in strengthening the Umayyad rule, both in terms of legitimacy and political, spiritual and psychological strengthening. In terms of method, the data processing method in this research is descriptive-analytical and content analysis..

One of the hidden aspects of the differences between Bani Hashem and the Umayyads is the difference in the attitude of these two dynasties to the details of power, including the ‘distance of power’. Power distance, which is of interest to anthropologists, analyzes the distribution and accumulation of political power and the relationship between people and those in power. Hofstede’s cultural dimensions theory has listed this component as one of the six axes of the cultural difference of societies. Emphasizing the issue of power distance, the present study examines historical statements about the behavior of the power of the two Quraysh dynasties and presents an analysis of the role of the dominant viewpoint in each of these two dynasties. According to this research, the desire to be seen as generous, the emphasis on the display of power, ethnocentrism, trying to maintain economic superiority, unconventional and purposeful generosity, and the utilitarian view of others and public property, are the issues that show that Bani Umayyah believed in a great power distance. On the other hand, simple living, a noble view of others and public property, humility, kindness to subordinates, and avoiding tribalism are some of the evidence that show Bani Hashem's emphasis on low power distance. Based on this, it should be said that the difference of opinion about the power distance was the main source of the difference in the attitude of the Umayyad and Hashem families towards the economy, society, and politics.

Umayyads (Haqq: 132-41) despite all the strictness and intolerance they had towards some sects and races, especially Iranians, they were tolerant in some cases due to political and social necessities and to advance their sovereign affairs. Examining their tolerance in religious matters and knowing their performance in this field can provide a useful experience from the past to our Islamic society. The question answered by this article is: How was the tolerance of the Umayyads in civil affairs and what effect did it have on the improvement of the administrative organization of Islamic civilization? Analyzing the sources with a descriptive-analytical approach shows that although the Umayyads had a lot of violence and strictness against the people, especially the Iranians, but they, as in the administration of vast Islamic lands and in the creation, development, integration and organization of their administrative and judicial affairs, They did not have enough experience and ability, in administrative and civil matters, they have used civilizations such as Iran and Rome, which had valuable experiences in this field. This has caused us to witness the participation of non-Arab and sometimes non-Muslim ethnic groups both in the formation and in the interpretation of courts. This, in turn, has made Muslims familiar with civil matters and has gradually provided the means for their independence in this field

At the end of the Umayyad rule, much opposition existed in the territory under their control in Iraq, Syria, and Iran. The main reason for this issue was tribal and racial prejudices, difficult living conditions, and payment of jizya and tribute. The harsh and strict policies of the Umayyad rulers, including Hajjaj ibn Yusuf, intensified widespread movements and opposition, such as the rebellion of Abdul Rahman ibn Ash'ath; therefore, some Umayyad caliphs and emirs made reforms to reduce differences and prevent the collapse of the caliphate. The reforms of Umar ibn Abd al-Aziz were successful at first, but his early death prevented the continuation of the reform process and the next caliph tried to remove his actions. At the end of the Umayyad rule, Yazid III and also the governor of  Khorasan, Nasr ibn Sayyar, attempted to control the rapid process of opposition by pursuing reforms, but none of these efforts prevented the collapse. The renewed energy of the Abbasids with the original early Islamic slogans was able to bring the people with them and destroy the Umayyad-Islamic royal government. The issue of this research is the reform measures of the caliphs and Umayyad rulers, especially their political and economic reforms. This research is organized in library style with a focus on Islamic historiographical sources. The authors claim that the Umayyad period's political actors considered it necessary to carry out large-scale reform measures, considering the economic and political conditions of the Islamic lands.

This article examines the relationship between Abdul Malik bin Marwan, one of the most powerful ‎Umayyad caliphs, and Imam Sajjad (a), as the leader of the Shiite community. This issue, not only ‎would reveal the political position of Imam Sajjad (A), but also can illustrate a way of understanding ‎the political and social activities of Shiites in the second half of the first century AH. The raised ‎question of the present paper is: how did Abdul Malik treat Imam Sajjad during his twenty years of ‎rule? It does not seem possible to imagine a specific pattern of behavior for the relationship ‎between the two though. During his role, Abdul Malik behaved appropriately and interacted with ‎Imam Sajjad (A) until the last years of his caliphate, but from the early nineties (AH), he changed ‎his behavior with the Imam and created severe pressures and strictures against him. Therefore, ‎this study mainly concluded by examining historical sources that the course of Abdul Malik's ‎approach to Imam Sajjad (A) began with an interactive approach and ended with a confrontational ‎approach. ‎

Kerman has always been an independent satrapy, province, and nation from the Achaemenid period until the end of the Sassanid period, and was sometimes governed by the Sassanid princes. After the conquest by the Muslim Arabs, this province was not an independent province until the 1950s, because it was annexed to Khorasan from the second half of the first century AH to about 129 AH (or 156 AH/ 779 AD). The geographical location of Kerman and the distance of this region from the center of the Caliphate caused this province to become the center of many political, economic, social, and cultural challenges. Using the descriptive-analytical method and relying on library sources, this research investigated the policies and actions of Umayyad governors in the administration of Kerman by analyzing the problems and challenges they faced. The results showed that the measures of groups opposed to the Caliphate such as the Khawarij, people's dissatisfaction, tax pressures, and the independence of governors and government officials had made the administration of Kerman face many challenges. The Umayyads sent many governors and tried to bring the situation under their control by applying violent and strict policies. However, their lack of tolerance towards the people of Kerman caused the loss of the security and economic status of this province and turned Kerman into a center of rebellions more than before.

The present study tries to answer the question "What topics do the companions of hadith present to the audience in recording Kharijite narretive?" by understanding the value of the historical heritage of the Companions of Hadith and its impact on the minds of the audience of these works on the subject of the Kharijites of the Umayyad era and with the aim of discovering the thematic network in these texts and to achieve a pattern that explains their general logic. First, the historical heritage of the Companions of Hadith was studied in this field, and among the existing works, Tarikh Khalifa Bin Khayyat (Ibn Khayyat 240 AH), the remains of AL-Ma’refa Va Tarikh (Faswi 277 AH),Tarikh al- Umam Va al-Molouk (Tabari 310 AH), al-Montazam fi Tarikh al- Umam Va al-Molouk, (Ibn Jawzi 597 AH) were selected and the data related to the Kharijite narretives were extracted from them and then the data analysis method and its various steps were performed to analyze the data and discover the themes hidden in the selected sources and led to the discovery of four themes incuding the political-religious and pragmatic current, the constant threats of the Kharijites to the government, the repression of the Kharijites at great cost and the Islamic nature of the Kharijite repression. And these themes are against the suppression of the Kharijites, according to the approach of the hadiths to the caliphate, in order to legitimize the behavior of the Umayyads.

Precautionary concealment, being interpreted as avoiding from falling into the trap of hazard and disaster, has been considered as one of the most important elements of safeguarding the Shiite school throughout the history. After the tragic incident of Karbala and the martyrdom of Imam Hossein (PBUH), Imam Sajad (95-61 A.H) took the strategy of Precautionary concealment as the best policy. Moreover, the next Shiite Imams also relied on this method to safeguard Imamate and the identity of Shi’ism. The events and seditions occurred during this period being considered as the most complicated and tragic crises, and each of which was in need of an intelligent stances, so that any faults could face the continuity of Imamate and the reconstruction of the Shiite community, that Imam Sajad (PBUH) was looking for, with great dangers. This research seeks to answer the question on how Imam Sajad took this strategy to protect himself and the Shiite community in these critical situations. The findings of research indicate that Imam Sajad (PBUH) disregarded the cruelties of Umayyads and stopped the domination of another enemy, such as Al e-Zobair on Shiites and Prophet’s Family.

This paper understands the value of the historical heritage of the Companions of Hadith and its impact on the minds of the audience of these works on the subject of the conquests of the Umayyad era and with the aim of discovering the thematic network in these texts to achieve a model that explains their general logic and structure. It tries to answer this question: "What topics do the companions of hadith present to the audience in recording the news of the conquests?" To find this answer, we first studied the historical heritage of the Companions of Hadith in this regard among the existing works, the history of Khalifa Ibn Khayyat (Ibn Khayyat 240 AH), the remains of the book al-Ma'rifah wa al-Tarikh (Faswi 277 AH), Tarikh al-Umma wa al-Muluk (Tabari 310 AH), Al-Mu'tazim Fi Tarikh Al-Umam wa al-Muluk, (Abd al-Rahman Ibn Jawzi 597 AH) were selected and data related to the news of the conquests were extracted from them, and then the thematic analysis method and the implementation of its various stages were used to analyze the data and discover the themes hidden in the selected sources, which are in the form of five themes. These are the Islamic conquests, the rule of the Muslims over the open areas and the enjoyment of its interests, the military power of the Muslims, the military superiority of the Muslims over the enemy, the power of the enemy over the Muslims. These themes are in line with the legitimacy of the Umayyads, according to the approach of the Companions of Hadith to the Caliphate.

Poems and literary texts have long been considered as the most important writings to illustrate the cultural and political developments of society. Examining the poems related to the uprising of Zayd ibn e- Ali (A.S) from this point of view, can display the process of poets' attention to this great event and the factors affecting it. The findings of the present research clarify that the content of the poems related to Zayd's uprising reflected axes such as the cautious anger against the Umayyad rulers, fear and hope of poets toward the description of Zayd's uprising, removing the Umayyad barriers, and Zayd's blaming.

Propaganda is one of the important areas of communication of societies , therefore, it has always been considered in different fields, including political and governmental fields in different periods . The Umayyads also used propaganda to legitimize, gain power, and maintain political sovereignty, especially against the Alawites (Shiites) . Advertising approaches are attention to areas and the use of various tools that are given the nature of advertising. The present study answers the question: What were the areas of Umayyad propaganda approaches? It has been done in a descriptive-analytical method and with reference to library sources. The result of this research shows that many propaganda methods were founded by Muawiyah and continued by the later caliphs. The propagandistic approaches of the Umayyads included a religious, political, emotional-psychological and economic approach that was aimed at influencing the thoughts and behavior of individuals and leading society to the goals of the Umayyads.

Yazid's behavior with Imam Sajjad (AS) after the event of Karbala should be considered. He allowed the Ahl al-Bayt to mourn after deciding to correct his behavior. He then respected the captives, placed Imam Sajjad (AS) and the other captives in a house near his palace, and gave them food and gifts. He also invited Imam Sajjad (AS) and his brother, Umar, for serving food with him in the morning and evening. Before moving the captives to Medina, he allowed Imam Sajjad (AS) to choose either to stay in Damascus or go to Medina. He suggested the Imam stay in Damascus so that he would be respected and honored by him. Imam Sajjad (AS) did not accept it and returned to Medina with Imam Hussein’s family. Yazid appropriately treated Imam Sajjad (AS) even until the Harra uprising. He had some advice for Muslim Ibn Aqaba (d. 64 AH), his military commander, one of which was treating Ali Ibn Hussein (AS) kindly.The Umayyad interactions with Imam Sajjad (AS) also continued after Yazid in the period of Marwan. Two reports have been quoted in Sunni historical sources in this regard. First, Marwan lent Imam Sajjad (AS) 4 or 6 thousand dinars after the Imam’s return to Medina and advised Abdul Malik not to take it back from him.We can also refer to Marwan's recommendation to increase the generation of Hosseinians. Continuation of this behavior can be traced to the event of the Harra uprising, in which the Umayyads were expelled from Medina and Marwan asked Imam Sajjad (AS) for asylum for his family and the Imam approved it. Marwan then thanked him and this was probably why he tried to ask the people of Medina to give Imam Sajjad (AS) protection during the allegiance of Muslim Ibn Aqaba. In this story, Muslim Ibn Aqaba summoned Imam Sajjad (AS) to pledge allegiance to Yazid. The Imam (AS) came to Muslim with Marwan and his son, Abdul Malik. He considered this behavior as a kind of request for safety and mentioned Yazid's benevolent advice for appropriately treating Imam Sajjad (AS) as the only reason for not attacking him and just rejecting it.From the very beginning, Abdul Malik, like his father, Marwan, had an interactive approach with the Imam. In the event of the Harra uprising, Abdul Malik had witnessed that Imam Sajjad (AS) had given his mother (Ayesha/Aban’s mother and Uthman’s daughter) protection. Hence, the Imam was revered by Abdul Malik from the very beginning of his rule. Abdul Malik always praised him and said that Ali ibn Hussein (AS) had a position beyond what people had known for him. He provided financial assistance to the Imam and set a pension for him. He entrusted the charities of the Prophet (PBUH) and Ali Ibn Abi Talib (AS) to Imam Sajjad (AS) and even stood against other Hashemites on this issue. The culmination of the relationship between Abdul Malik and the Imam can be seen in the report saying that Abdul Malik ibn Marwan has been willing to marry one of his daughters to Imam Sajjad (AS), but he has refused to accept it.The interactions of the Umayyads with Imam Sajjad (AS) were not permanent. Their confrontations with him began at the end of Abdul Malik's period. The historical reports show that Abdul Malik's attitude towards the Imam has changed from a certain time, which can be probably from the early 80s after the removal of Ibn Zubayr’s sedition (AD 72 AH) when the Umayyads have been relieved of the danger of the Zubayris and have not needed to interact with and satisfy the Alawites. Also, there are reports of Abdul Malik spying on the Imam. Abdul Malik asked Imam Sajjad (AS) to send him the sword of the Messenger of God, which was one of the symbols of Imamate and leadership in the eyes of Shiites and had been claimed to now belong to the Imam. Abdul Malik's request was met with a negative response from the Imam and thus, he threatened him in a letter to cut his pension from the treasury. Abdul Malik's same concerns probably led him to finally summon the Imam to Sham (today’s Syria) in the early 90s. This confrontation continued during Walid's time. In political matters, Walid had maximum pressure on the Hashemites. His pressures were specifically on Imam Sajjad (AS) as well. Concerning alms, which were one of the most important financial sources for Imam Sajjad (AS), the alms related to Imam Ali (AS), the Imam’s grandfather, were entrusted to Hassan Muthanna during the period of Walid (Late 90s AH). The Umayyads' confrontation with Imam Sajjad (AS) had reached a point where he kept defending Hassan Muthanna, who was a clear opponent of the Umayyads. Eventually, Walid and the Umayyads could not tolerate Imam Sajjad (AS) and poisoned and martyred him like other opposing Hashemites.

The political life and Imam Sadegh (AS) Imamate era coincided with the period of the political-governmental system of the Umayyad and Abbasid dynasties. according to Imam, both governments were examples of Taghut but his life and strategy are different in these two times. Indeed, what was the origin of the difference between the Imam’s treatment of the two illegitimate political systems? It seems that the socio-political situation at that time had a decisive role in the type of behavior and reactions of Imam Sadegh (AS) and caused the difference in his political life in the face of government systems; And of course, all the actions of the Imam, like other Imams (AS), like a puzzle in line with the divine mission of the Imamate, protection of Islam and the completion of divine rules in accordance with the time periods, were different. Among the achievements of the hypothesis that is proved in this article is that not only the political Sira of Imam Sadegh (AS) is much more prominent than other aspects of his life, but also the political method of the Imam played a key role because the Imam considered different nature of the Umayyad rule and tried to maintain Shiite culture by being flexible. This research, in a descriptive-analytical method and based on historical sources and narrative documents, analyzes and re-examines the role of time element in the political Sira of Imam Sadegh (AS).

The Umayyads were rulers with Arab inclinations. During this period, the Arab tribes played an important role in governmental and military affairs, especially in the conquests. The relations of the Arab tribes with the the Umayyads were not on the same level. The tribe of Kalb, the tribe descended from the Al-Ḳuḍa’a, was one that had close relations with the Umayyad rulers, especially the Sufyānī branch. Kalb tribe had a long history of living in the deserts of Syria and a large population, which led to Mu’āwīyah marrying a Kalbi woman in order to gain the support of this tribe. The mother of Yazīd, Muāwīyah's successor, was a Kalbi woman, which led to the rise of the Kalb's political position. This article seeks to look at the role of the Kalb tribe in the period of Instability and crises that occurred after the death of Muāwīyah II, until the end of the rule of ‘Abd al-Malik by focusing on the Baḥdal and Abū-Umāmah families of the Banu Hāritha bin Janāb clan of the Kalb tribe. The results obtained show that these two families reached the highest levels of military administration during the period of Yazīd bin Muāwīyah and in the period of crisis, and despite the fall of four of the five region (Jund) in Syria in the hands of the forces belonging to al-Zubayr, they were able to manage the situation and lead the forces loyal to the Umayyads and bring them back to power. At this point, the Kalb tribe and its leaders from the Banu Hāritha bin Janāb clan, particularly the Baḥdal family, played a crucial role. During the reign of ‘Abd al-Malik ibn Marwān (685-705), this tribe also played an influential role in suppressing various uprisings in the Syria, Jazira, Irāq and Persia. During this period, the Baḥdal family's role gradually diminished, but the Abu-Umāma family had the upper hand in stabilizing the government leading Shāmi forces.

The Arab socio-political system depended on the tribe through which the Umayyads formed the Umayyad rule. Thus, the Kalb tribe by claiming the supremacy of the Yemeni tribes, the vast population and territory became the most loyal fanatical tribe of the Umayyads, and with their presence in the political arena and sacrifice in the Battle of Siffin, they became the basis for inheriting this dynasty. In addition, their military and cultural assistance to Yazid I marked the expansion of the Umayyad rule. Therefore, the present study tries to describe and analyze the Kalb tribe's reaction in the face of the ideological insurrections and political-economic challenges of the Umayyad government and the role this tribe played in suppressing the anti-Umayyad movements. The research findings show that the most important field of role-playing of the Kalbiyya was the military performance influenced by their ideological support, traditions and tribal interests because they were part of the Umayyad armies. The suppression of ideological as well as political-economic movements, conflicts with followers of religions, rival tribes and political groups opposed to the Umayyads within the Islamic Caliphate were the special features of the Kalb tribe during this period, so that they had an effective presence in military campaigns outside the Levant and in the most remote areas. The culmination of their participation can be considered a believable struggle with the economic protests of the Dhimmis in Egypt and far from the center of the caliphate, the revolt of the followers of Zayd ibn Ali, the uprising of the people of Medina and the rebellions of the Kharijites and Zubayres throughout the Umayyad Empire.