جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه ": language" در نشریات گروه "علوم سیاسی"

Paradigms are common semantic patterns that guide the kind of attitude towards the world and social practices. Tradition, Modernism and Postmodernism are often used to refer to intellectual developments in the foundations and assumptions as well as the consequences of thought-making throughout history. One of the most important principles of this paradigm division is the analysis of the ratio of structure to broker and their interaction and interaction. In particular, it seems that the ratio of structure and agent in contemporary thought has become much more complex than the dual-division and inherently common and conventional as poststructuralist thinkers or postmodern inspiring thinkers like Jacques Lacan have advanced their discussions using the unconscious conception of man as a structure based on language. On the other hand, classifiable thinkers in the modern approach such as Louis Althusser, with their structuralist viewpoint, have provided the grounds for doubt in the independent and self-founded identity of the subject. In this article, by focusing on a reading of Althusser's and Lacan's views, some of the similarities of their viewpoint and its consequences on the relation between the subject and authority are discussed. The findings of the study indicate that in the process of developing the subject in the context of language and ideology and in relation to social structures, with all the fluctuations and ups and upheavals, the subject does not die and the power along with its repressive and limiting aspect also builds the subject. Therefore, in Althusser's thought, along with many similarities with Lacan's thought, the authority is more important and in Lacan's attitude, the subject has more possibilities to escape from authority. So Althusser has considered the subject under it by discussing ideology, although from his point of view in the field of ideology, there is also the possibility of forming resistance centers. In addition, Lacan also considers language as a dominant structure of the subject that directs its actions, but is affected by the transformation of the political in his view, a kind of situation of impulsivity and evasion from authority in the subject.
 

Religious intellectuals after the revolution, by turning towards some European philosophical schools, such as analytical philosophy, adjusted their intellectual opinions based on them. Although their main discussion was to pay attention to religious categories such as "religious knowledge", "dynamic jurisprudence" and, in the political dimension, "religious government", their extra-religious attitude and headed by Abdul Karim Soroush were based on those schools. The two categories of language and the issue of interpretation are important components of this extra-religious view. The present study, with the aim of knowing these two components in the intellectual opinions of Soroush, based on what has been raised in the thought of philosophers such as Wittgenstein and Gadamer, deals with the question of what language and the problem of interpretation, in the thought of Wittgenstein and Gadamer, is a reflection in the intellectual opinions. Did they have a drink? By using a philosophical component of language and interpretation, Soroush pays attention to redefining the relationship between reason and religion in his intellectual views, and in the interpretation of holy texts and also religious foundations, he takes advantage of new exegetical achievements and the three categories of "religious knowledge", "jurisprudence" It offers "dynamic" and "religious democratic government" and it can be said that it does this with a kind of "dialogue" between the foundations of religious knowledge and the two categories of "language" and "interpretation".

One of the features of the war was Imam Khomeini's amazing performance in the field of political and military struggle and the fighters accompanying him. The purpose of the research is to examine the special role of Imam Khomeini in the management of the Iran-Iraq war. So, the fundamental question of the research is how Imam Khomeini influenced the Iranian fighters and on what components was his leadership based in the war? In order to answer this question, the research hypothesis based on Imam Khomeini's performance based on symbolic power on the battlefield has been considered.Research

The research methodology is qualitative and the present study has been studied based on the historical method.

Findings show that Imam Khomeini, relying on symbolic language and power and using the symbols of Shiite Islam during the eight years of warwith the Iraq regime, mobilized the people and maintained security for Iran.

Imam Khomeini, with special language and personality characteristics, using Shia symbols such as martyrdom, Imam Hussein and Velayat, made the political and social field of war symbolic and extraterrestrial, and the people supported him through the symbolic power of the Imam. As a result, the battlefield became one of the most symbolic historical periods of the in Iran.

This paper is about to provide a conceptual model from the process of political identity construction according to the social constructionist views : of Kenneth Gergen and Stuart Hall. . . .In the social constructionist view of point, there is no reality in a discourse that can represent itself without language . . Language is not only a mere way of comprehending the meaning of reality but also a main way of constructing the whole reality .In the constructionist approach, identity, especially the political one, is considered an institutional reality and a linguistic implication with complete dependence on linguistic representation . .The author mentioned that for comprehending the process of political identity construction, it is necessary to comprehend the process of representations of stereotypes and warrant voices in each political discourse, due to the representation of political identity in the constructed political voices and stereotypes . .

In psychological discourse, subjects located in social act context use language as a tool for understanding their contextual phenomena. Indeed, based on interaction of language and context, individual’s discourse practices are established in social context, and because of this interaction, the discourse is strengthened or weakened. Despite the fact that total nationalism-secularism discourse of Pahlavi the Second is in hegemony social context, actors of lingual single speech indicate its inconsistent orientations toward dominant speech. Though this lingual part is hidden, but it opens critical mindfulness of actors of this period toward dominant political phenomena. On the basis of this, each of the actors of Pahlavi the Second, by accepting dominant principles of discourse established on total monarchy is affected by different approaches of its psychology rooted in their contextual contexts and has different perception of established identity of Pahlavi the Second. On the basis of the Patter and Votrel’s discourse psychological approach; this study tries to examine different perception of index actors in era of Pahlavi the Second located in reciprocal act with dominant discourse structure using their political diaries. According to the result of the current paper, Alam and Hoveida as two typical actors of Pahlavi Era, despite their official comments based on total monarchy of Pahlavi, but among their informal correspondence, their mindset inconsistency is apparent with Pahlavi power structure.

The invasion of Muslim Arabs is one of the most influential identity events in the history of Iran, especially in the discussion of language; But there is a difference of opinion about how and how much, and to what extent this change is on Iranians, which has led to various research topics and various narratives of this historical period. In this study, while examining the essentialist and constructivist narratives about the effects of language on historical developments, we examine the various functions of language from the beginning of the Abbasid rule to the beginning of the fifth century with the help of Michel Foucault's method of historical genealogy.The finding of this study of language in this period is that, given the acceptance of the argument about language that, while language plays an important role in shaping the collective life of ethnic groups and nationalist beliefs, it is nevertheless inappropriate to consider language as the collective spirit of a nation. Although language is the builder of mentality, it should by no means be considered an unwritten whiteboard. Rather, language has different functions throughout history and it must be examined in its time frame.

The main purpose and problem of the present study is to study the moral and educational contexts of the poem "Our Lightning is the oppression of the rich" based on the principles of Jacobsen's theory of verbal communication. This research has been compiled with regard to descriptive-analytical method and library resources. The results of this study show that Parvin has shared a combination of ethics, socialism and political issues with her audience. Also, his call for justice and the creation of a good temperament to disrupt adverse conditions have been motivational uses. The role of empathy expresses Parvin's common pains with most members of society. The emotional role better reflects his poetic spirit and describes his inner world. The referential role reflects the existing realities, which are a mixture of the immorality of the ruling class and the deprivation of the lower classes. The literary role shows the power of Parvin's illustration to make the contradictions and confrontations in the society feel. Also, the deplorable conditions of the people are described through the use of metaphor and irony. According to the role of transliteration in this poem, Ramzi is the symbol of deprivation, Nowruz is the symbol of the world's discredit, and Ramzi's killing and salutation is the harmony between work and result.

Language plays a prominent role in shaping the structure of human thought, so that it can be said that man's worldview is determined by his linguistic development. Therefore, language teaching policies also play an important role in the development of communities. With the emphasis on the field of Arabic language, this study intends to examine the harms of teaching Arabic language in the country and the country's policies in this field in the hierarchy of the country's policy system including general policies, approvals of the Supreme Council of the Cultural Revolution, laws of the Islamic Consultative Assembly, approvals Recognize and critique the Higher Education Council and the approvals of the Cabinet and executive bodies.

Tak Darakht-E Intezar is a collection of poems by Safar Muhammad Fayez, which contains a world of pain, suffering, sorrow, despair, migration which has given a special prominence and privilege to this work. From the aesthetic point of view, it has features that have a high status and rank compared to the most poetries of those who are of the same age and base. The Lonely Waiting Tree, in fact, represents the ups and downs of the poet’s life. Intimacy in the expression of speech, metaphysics and literary and linguistic aberrations, imaginations, all of which are part of formalism, and have made this work beautiful and endearing.

Language plays a special role among the various factors that cause the formation and consolidation of identity for a society. In the meantime, toponyms or place-names have a special role. In these geographical names, there are common elements that lead to a cultural similarity and, ultimately, a common identity for their users. Most of these common elements in geographical names are those linguistic units which are called topoformants. The role of these formants, especially in countries such as Iran, which is composed of different ethnic groups and different languages are prevalent in it, is very important in creating a common cultural identity and, ultimately, national identity. In this paper, we intend to answer this question, given that different languages are common in Iran, what strategy has been chosen in choosing the geographical names, that are prominent manifestations of identity in each country, and whether this strategy has been useful. The data of this paper show that the use of common and transparent topoformants is a solution that Iranian people have chosen in naming geographical places. In fact, by using these common topoformants Iranian people have been able to create a common cultural identity, which has also strengthened their national identity.

In the last three decades, the level of civilization analysis has emerged in international relations and has given rise to new issues in this field of study. One of the emerging issues is re-reading the role of language civilization as an active variable in international relations. In this realm, the ability of language to act in empowerment, creating balance and competition, creating communication and cooperation, and convergence is considered. In the present study, answer will be given to this question that based on the lived experience of Muslims, language has played a role in the relations of civilization (Islamic world) and extra-civilization (Islamic world and other civilizations)? The hypothesis of the present study is that: The role of language in Islamic civilization has been to create a “domain of civilization validity.” This role has been achieved both within civilization and in relations with the external environment (especially in international relations in the last two centuries). The field of civilization validity of language functions in creating intersubjective understanding in Islamic civilization while linguistic pluralism, facilitating scientific communication within the Islamic Ummah, being at the center of confrontation and competition with Western civilization in the last century, is the most important evidence that will be review in this study. Reveiwing the elements of civilization and key variables in Islamic civilization - or in the lived experience of Muslims - allows us to gain a clearer understanding of the relationship between the elements and the process of production and reproduction of Islamic civilization. By explaining these relations, we can think about the rules of civilization or how to use the elements of civilization in the contemporary period

one of the focal turning points in history of Islam is the" saqifah Gathering " in which the successor of prophet Muhammad was elected .Historically there has been three main discourses regarding the choosing of the caliphate which can be traced back to this event .we can examine these in the context of language and Discourse which is inspired by works of French philosopher Michelle Foucault .The question remains as how the advocacy of each three discourses can be associated to early Islamic society language, power structure and internal dynamics? Findings of this study shows that the pre-Islamic values and structures affected the notion of succession and leadership "Khilafah" in Islam and later paved the way to comprehend the notion of "khilafah' in a form of non-religious pattern.

The purpose of article is to show a new interpretation of Muʿtazila ideas, especially the narration Abd al-Jabbar ibn Ahmad, and an attempt to show the solution of the Muʿtazila to one of the important philosophical challenges, how to understand Rational understanding in the context of language and its communicative constraints. To achieve this goal, the Muʿtazila’s linguistic theory and how they extract the sensible within the limits of language is studied. The main question of this research is to what extent Muʿtazila’s rational approach is capable of resisting the critiques of linguistic turn and postmodern theories. By using of »Inference to the Best Explanation« Method, The results of this study show Muʿtazila present a form of Evidentialism, due to the type of definition of reason (common sense) and its reliance on language and its contractual conventions, potentially and actually have the ability to resolve imported criticisms on the Evidentialism that results from theories of linguistic-cognitive and postmodern rotation. The organization of Argument method in the Muʿtazila can provide a way to defend the rational matter in the postmodern age

The language and its historical context are one of the basic foundations of national security in countries with a thousand years of history. National cohesion and the expansion of the regional and international power of the country without a coherent identity and language structure are undoubtedly defeated. One of the foundations of the cultural power of each country is the cultural context of its language and extends it beyond its geographical boundaries. The Iranian culture with the thousand years of history and its historical national identity based on the Persian language can be influential elements of regional and political influence. The present paper establishes a multifaceted relationship between official language and national security and considers Persian as a part of national security in the Islamic republic of Iran which has been politicalized-securitized since the time of Islamic Revolution. This paper based on the Copenhagen school security examines that today especially after the Islamic Revolution in Iran, Persian language has been politicalized based on the opponent's approach to Iranian territorial integrity. The output of the research emphasizes the prevalence of Persian language through expanding the cultural and economic influence of Iran in the short term along with linkage between this language and Iran's national security which can help the Persian language to be a normal and non-security, politicized subject. The research method is based on qualitative analytical research.

Science transmission has by no means less importance than its production. With no means to transfer the science, It will disappear soon. It is here that  the role of language in its general meaning reveals. In the present article, It is tried to show the importance of handbooks writting in fortifying the science foundations with a focus on the handbook of philosophy and public policy.

As per reliable statistical reports the Kurds form the largest ethnic community in the Middle East after the Arabs, the Persians and the Turks. The 4 million Kurds of Iraq constitute 25 percent of its population and with a population of about 7 million they constitute 15 percent of the total population of Iran. The purpose of this study is to make a review of the various aspects and the extent of intercultural relations between the Kurds of North Iraq and the Iranian Kurdish community. For the purpose of this survey, the authors approached 200 Kurdish speaking citizens of the Kurdistan Province and Kurdish cities of West Azarbayejan Province of Iran as well as 200 Kurdish speaking citizens of the Iraqi Kurdistan (Erbil, Dohuk, Sulaymaniyah and Halabja) by random sampling method who responded by filling the questionnaire given to them. The findings of the research show that the two groups chosen for the purpose of this research speak the same language, enjoy common ethnic identity and follow the same religious school of thought all of which have proved to be effective factors in their intercultural relationship.