جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « قاجار » در نشریات گروه « علوم سیاسی »

The structure of pre-constitutional political power reflects metaphysical governmentality. With the arrival of modernity in Iran, some components of physical governmentality under the name of constitutional government were considered in the minds of intellectuals. The intellectuals of this period knew the reasons for the backwardness of the country and the progress of the West in the differences between the foundations of the governmentality. Among these intellectuals is Mirza Malekom Khan. He sought to lay the groundwork for government reform in Iran. Thus, he tried to correct the shortcomings and make the political system more efficient by criticizing power, and this led to the comparison of the pre-modern, pre-modern society and authoritarian government with the democratic and legitimate West. This descriptive-analytical method and using the main text of Malkom Khan's works seeks to analyze the principles of modern governmentality in his mind and explain the transition to mechanical rule based on law and order in the mind of this intellectual. The result of the present article is that Malkom Khan was a pioneer and propagandist of modernism and considered the solution to get out of Iran's backwardness in adhering to the monarchy, following the idea of freedom and the rule of law and accepting the modern system of government.

The present research deals with the discrepancy between the hypothesized theory of the Asiatic mode of production and the empirical evidence from the Qajar era. Specifically, it explored whether the state–class relationship in the Qajar era can accurately be characterized as oriental despotism (or an Asian state), or it reflects a state where the power of the king was limited by influential classes, such as the clergy, affluent merchants, local nobility, provincial rulers, princes, large landowners, and tribal chiefs. The central focus of this research was to determine whether the Qajar state enjoyed power concentration or operated within a kind of power plurality. In this respect, the central question is: Was the power of the Qajar state limited by social classes, or did it wield absolute and supra-class authority?

Theoretical Framework:

The study examined the state–class relationship through the lens of Karl Marx’s theory of the state. Marx’s perspective on the state can be categorized into three distinct models: the powerless state, the state with relative power, and the state with absolute power. Applying these three models, the present study analyzed the dynamics of the state–class relationship during the Qajar era.According to Marx’s instrumentalist theory, the concept of a class state suggests that both the form and essence of the state are contingent upon prevailing classes. While the state may exhibit diverse variations and characteristics in different historical contexts, it fundamentally relies on classes. In all instances, the state functions as a dependent entity and a tool of the ruling class. Marx presented his theory of the Bonapartist state in The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte (1852) and The Class Struggles in France 1848-1850 (1850). Marx acknowledges that the state possesses a certain degree of independent power or relative autonomy from the ruling class. According to Marx and Engels, the absence of private land ownership and the existence of large-scale state-controlled water facilities, despite their apparent contradiction, are the defining characteristics of the Asian state, in which the autocratic state machinery exercises control over the production surplus and serves not only as the central apparatus for oppression but also as a tool for economic exploitation at the disposal of the ruling class. In such a setting, “the state reigns supreme.”As evident, Marx’s triadic model of the state analyzes the state–class relationship at three levels. The model of class state portrays a state that lacks power and relative autonomy from the ruling class. The Bonapartist state enjoys relative autonomy from the ruling class, while the Asian state wields absolute power and autocratic authority over all societal classes. The present research used Marx’s triadic model as the analytical framework to examine the state–class relationship during the Qajar era.

This research employed a historical case study approach, which involves gathering extensive information through various data collection methods over an extended temporal span. The collected information is systematically analyzed with the explicit objective of deriving theoretical insights. The documentary research method within the framework of recorded or written history was used to collect the relevant information. There are three strategies for data analysis: pattern matching, explanation building, and time series analysis. Given the descriptive nature of the current case study, the pattern matching method, specifically the type of rival explanations, was utilized. This method involves comparing the historical pattern derived from experience with the predicted theoretical pattern.

The central question addressed in the present article pertains to the extent of the Qajar state’s power; whether it was constrained by social classes or characterized by absolute and supra-class authority. According to the research findings, the influential clerics, relying on their social support base, exerted their influence over the state. This influence manifested openly through the issuance of fatwas in significant events such as the Russo-Persian Wars, the Persian Tobacco Protest, or the Constitutional Movement. Furthermore, the clerics often succeeded in establishing common interests through their relationships with statesmen, thereby exerting influence over high-ranking state officials. Notably, clerics comprised 20% of the social composition of the first parliament, which signifies their official entry into the power structure of the time.Prominent and affluent merchants, particularly in the first half of the 19th century, wielded influence by fulfilling the financial requirements of the state and cooperating closely with it. However, their role evolved in the second half of the 19th century marked by events like the Tobacco Protests and Monsieur Naus, when they joined the protesters and disrupted the country’s economic cycles due to conflicting interests. This class emerged as one of the most influential groups in Iran during the Qajar era. With the establishment of the Constituent Assembly, they secured a significant one-third of the parliament composition.The influential patriarchs of tribes and the heads of important clans held significant sway due to their independent geographic position and economic resources, military strength, and provision of manpower to the Qajar army. This enabled them to exert influence and even engage in direct conflicts with the state, such as during the Constitutional Movement.Given Iran’s population structure, which predominantly comprised farmers, the large landowners assumed the role of quasi-sovereigns within the territories under their ownership. Their possession of extensive estates, personal military forces, and substantial incomes derived from landownership, combined with a weak bureaucracy and an inefficient tax system, granted them considerable autonomy in areas under their influence.

According to the findings, it becomes highly challenging to conceive of the Qajar state as the entity possessing absolute power, as Marx suggests as the primary characteristic of the Asian state. In the Qajar Iran, influential social classes, including the clergy, affluent merchants, local nobility, provincial rulers, princes, large landowners, and tribal chiefs, served as intermediary layers that limited the state’s power and prevented the establishment of a supreme master or an absolute ruler. Moreover, the Qajar state, originating from the Qajar tribe, was not practically reliant on the tribe itself or other social classes, so the Qajar state actually employed various methods, such as granting state positions or making discord between tribes, to control and even suppress them. Accordingly, the Qajar state cannot be categorized as a mere instrument of the ruling class or an entity with absolute power. It does not align with the concept of a class state or even a supra-class state. Instead, enjoying power and relative autonomy from the dominant class, the Qajar state could create a relative balance between social forces, leading to its characterization as a Bonapartist state.

The purpose of this research is to investigate how the image of Iranian women is reflected in foreign travelogues. Foreign tourists have provided important information about the social conditions of Iranian society in their travelogues. Therefore, studying these texts as one of the most significant sources in the field of anthropology and social history can help us to better understand the role and position of women in the life and social life of Iranians. This study is a descriptive and analytical research, which uses library sources to examine how women are represented in travelogues. The findings of the research indicate that although some reports indicate the weak and inferior role and position of women compared to men, many reports also indicate that women play an equal and sometimes superior role in They have had a significant presence and role in different social, economic and political fields. Therefore, it seems analyzes that emphasize the patriarchal rule and gender inequality in the culture and history of Iranian society by adopting a macroscopic and generalist approach can be viewed with doubt.

During the Qajar era, Iran witnessed various developments of modernism in various fields of society, including the army and arm forces, developments that reached their peak during the Naseri era. With the pressure of the western governments, the existence of internal riots along with the constant conflict with the Ottoman Caliphate, the transformation and upgrading of the military forces of the protected countries of Iran and, naturally, the weapons were given the first priority, which naturally brought a lot of costs. The above matter has such important that been subject of various researches, but the related materials have not been very coherent and it has always been difficult to present a clear picture of situation of the Qajar army, however, many weapons from the mentioned era have remained until today. which have rarely been researched, so the weapons and appearance, both in pictures and in the writings of military experts, can provide us with valuable information that forms the basis of this article. The main questions are:1.What weapons came to Iran in the process of modernization?2.How the new weapons of the 19th century, and in fact, the Naseri army, did act versus the traditional forces and geographical conditions of Iran? In addition to the introduction of weapons, this article aims to restore the performance and quality of the army. As a result, it was found that cheaper weapons compatible with Iran's conditions were selected and accessories produced inside the country.In addition, military reforms were very successful in maintaining internal stability.

This article is dedicated to examining the evolution of nationalist discourse in the Qashqa’i tribe. The importance of the issue is that in the pan-Turkism atmosphere that is propagated today by some countries in the region, the Qashqa’i tribe, as the largest Turkic-speaking tribal union in the south of the country, will inevitably be exposed to this atmosphere in order to identify vulnerabilities of the Qashqa’i tribe. In this regard, it is necessary to study the historical background of Iranian nationalism in this tribe and therefore the present article addresses the question of how the evolution of nationalist discourse in the Qashqa’i tribe was from the Mashroteh to the Islamic Revolution. And this hypothesis has been tested that in the period under study, the main structure of the discourse of nationalism in this tribe is still preserved and in some cases strengthened, although elements of divergence remain in their culture. The approach of the article is political sociology and the method of collecting information, reviewing historical texts and interviewing Qashqa’i informants and the research model of discourse theory of Turkish scholar Umut Ozkirimli. The result of the research shows that the discourse of Qashqa’i drill nationalism has deep and historical roots and there is not much concern about its vulnerability at the macro level, although some vulnerabilities can be seen and steps must be taken to address them.

The ideal model of the Shiites is the rule of the Infallible Imam or the appointed deputy of the Imam. However, with the beginning of the period of the absence of the twelfth Shiite Imam, the dual power model of Sultan-Faqih gradually became popular among Shiite jurists and was implemented in the Safavid period. Although this model was ignored by the government during the Afshar and Zand periods, it was considered again with the rise to power of Fath Ali Shah Qajar. Accordingly, in this article, by examining historical and jurisprudential books, the effective factors in the continuation of the dual power model in the period of Fath Ali Shah are studied. The main question of the article is what factors caused the reproduction of the pattern of dual power of Sultan-Faqih in the period of Fath Ali Shah? The hypothesis of the article is that the model of dual power of Sultan-Faqih in the period of Fath Ali Shah has been used according to the mutual needs of the government and scholars and based on the principle of Imamate and pragmatic attitude of some Shiite jurists. The results of this study indicate that the model of dual power in the period of Fath Ali Shah due to the occurrence of Iran-Russia wars, and the mutual needs of the government and scholars was considered and had important consequences.

In fact, the social stratification of Iran from the third century AH to the thirteenth century AH was almost the same and similar, and in fact the texture, structure and political composition of Iran in the early Qajar era was not much different from previous eras. Because society was divided into two distinct groups, regardless of normal stratification. 1. The privileged and ruling class was at the top. 2- There was also a lower and non-ruling class. What was really going on in the Iranian society in the mentioned fields was very different from the Persian version and model, and questions about all these differences are automatically raised. Today, it is argued that the roots of today's political dilemmas go back to the recent past. In this study, the fundamental question is the political structure of Qajar Iran (a society transitioning from past traditions to modern life and Modern) is studied in order to be able to explain, analyze and describe the roots of the disorders of that era by examining the political structure of the Qajar era in European travelogues. In this research, descriptive-analytical method has been used with the help of referring to library resources.

Simultaneously with the beginning of the reign of Nasser al-Din Shah Qajar in Iran, the institution of Shiite authority appeared in the structure of the Shiite clergy and gained the same credibility as the founding of the monarchy in the realm of Sharia. The method of research is descriptive-analytical and based on the sources of that era and contemporary research has been done and shows that after the fall of Safavid rule and the departure of the religion from the domination of the government, a suitable platform was provided for the activities of more dynamic Shiite currents. The emergence of new phenomena in the structure of religion was realized. Then the intensification of competition for publicity among fundamentalist scholars, conflicts with the emerging sects of Sheikh and Babi and the need to deal effectively with environmental threats, respectively, led to the evolution of the idea of ​​authority, the unity of the clergy and consensus on the first general authority. He succeeded Sheikh Morteza Ansari. After a period of hardship following the death of Sheikh Ansari and the re-establishment of the competition, Mirza Mohammad Hassan Shirazi gained general acceptance and authority by playing the leading role in the tobacco movement.

Citizenship rights is the most important contemporary legal issue and an emerging concept that has found a special place in social and political theories. Above all, citizenship rights discuss the rights, such as residence, education, and health, that everyone gets as a citizen of a state. Citizenship rights are realized when all members of the society achieve all civil and political rights and the citizen has responsibility as a member of the society along with the better management of the society and establishing social order and recognizing these interactive rights have an effective role in promoting citizenship rights and creating a society based on social order and justice. The present article, relying on the historical sociology approach based on Bryan.S.turner's theory, has tried to understand citizenship and citizenship rights in the constitutional era, by using library documents and resources and descriptive-analytical method by examining the obstacles to the realization . In this article, it is trying to answer the question that what were the factors and obstacles to the realization of citizenship rights in the constitutional era? The hypothesis of this research is that in the context of the weak central government, the weakness of the political culture of the mass of the people, the political elites did not ultimately lead to the formation of citizenship rights.

The importance of the issue of oversight of political power in the contemporary world has led to the critique and oversight of established political power as a necessity and value for political systems, and its absence makes it possible for all kinds of crises to occur. The question is what is the place of criticism and monitoring of political power in Shiite political thought and how has this thought gone? In this article, we try to explain the evolution of political power control in the minds of Qajar scholars from a genealogical point of view and show how the ruling dynasty of the first Qajar era created its own literature, criticism and supervision, and then by banning tobacco. Mirzai Shirazi should prepare the ground for breaking with this order and theoretical preparation for criticizing and denying tyranny, and finally the capacity of Shiite ijtihad in criticizing and monitoring power should be revealed in the thought of Allameh Naeini. The idea that it should be considered a descendant of the present-day republican order and the applications of the control of political power.

The formation of dual and eclectic cultural patterns consisting of indigenous and Western elements was the consequence of Qajar and Meiji societies’ confrontation with Western civilization in the nineteenth century. Based on their perception of the modern individual’s characteristics, the elite of these societies tried to present civilized behavior in the public sphere by displaying the symbols of the new civilization in everyday life. The dominance of self-control in the public sphere with the formation of absolute states in the West and the enclosure of natural and emotional behaviors in private sphere was what Elias meant by individual rationalization in contemporary Western societies. Regarding the importance of historical experiences, it is tried here to answer the question what was the elite’s solution of the conflict between the inseparable rational and emotional aspects of the individual in these societies? It is a question along an old and important question of the causes of failure and success of Iran and Japan in the modernization process. It was attempted to analyze the historical data and measurement indexes such as clothing, housing and etiquette in the elite life by applying Elias’s theory and comparative-historical method to explain their seeking refuge in the private sphere as a possible solution to relieve pressures.

Using "normalization" tools and institutions was considered because of an awareness of new methods of politics in the Qajar period. Centered on the Shah in politics; It was the king's power, the king's view, and the king's interpretation of things that ruled over all forces, relying on a kind of "religious power". To form a modern state in the first Pahlavi era, the rule of subjects began with the creation of special techniques based on "disciplinary power". In this transformation, the notion of "body" as one of the major components of the functioning of power relations is important because they apply all these actions to the subject's body. the question of this article is: How is the suffering inflicted on the bodies of the subjects, has it become a political tool, and through it, has political technology governed politics? In response to the research question, this hypothesis is raised: During the rule of Qajar and the first Pahlavi, In the process of the mechanisms of religious power and its evolution, the subject, and her body are transformed into disciplinary power and become obedient and sublime objects. This research has been done by using the method of genealogical research of tourists' memoirs and reports, government orders and stakeholders and historical narrations in governance in this period, and tries to call the approaches of the Qajar and Pahlavi governments by emphasizing "politicization of suffering" to deal with this subject. Ultimately, it explains how the "subject" becomes obedient and sublime objects.

The Qajar era was the beginning of extensive changes in all dimensions in the face of Western civilization. In the years of European progress; Iranian society was experiencing an unfavorable situation due to various internal and external factors. In such circumstances, in order to compensate for this backwardness, the West was modeled in many areas, and architecture was no exception. During this period, there was a sharp break in the process of Iranian architecture and the imitation of Western architecture in Iranian architecture began, which one of these aspects of influence appeared in architectural decorations. The present article has studied the political history of the Qajar era with an analytical-historical approach and has answered the question of the role of Qajar politics on the influence of architectural decorations from the west through the data method of the foundation. After coding the events and analyzing the data ؛ها ;Weakness in the four indicators of knowledge of the interests of society, creating welfare and security, management and care of internal affairs, program and method of action as the central codes affecting the government's orientation to the West was obtained in direct connection with the arrival of Western architectural ornaments in Iran Is.

With the idea of reform in Qajar Iran following the confrontation with modernity, many intellectuals in their works theorized about the need for change in the principles of government. By observing the principles and foundations of Western government and comparing it with Iran, they tried to evaluate the structure and context of modern government and implement it in Iran. One of the intellectuals of the Qajar era is Talibov Tabrizi, who, observing the Western regime, thought of following its example for Iran. In his works, he refers to the foundations of modern Western government and the reasons for Iran's backwardness and the way out of it. Relying on Foucault's theory of Governmentality and using the analysis of the original text of Talibov's works, this study seeks to answer the question of what is the basis and context of modern Governmentality in Talibov's thought. The conclusion of the present article is that Talibov considered the reasons for Iran's backwardness in the inefficiency of the government, so he sought to acquire Western civilization by preserving Islamic tradition and law in the form of the idea of a modern state.

Iran´s judicial system during the reign of the Qajar kings up to the constitution based on remnants of the Safavid era based on the separation of religions and customary jurisdictions¸ prior to the constitution.A study of how these structures and the interaction of religious rulers and practitioners to examine causes and factors of the great constitutional movement and finally issuing commands for establishing fair justice and consulting the home is useful but also essential.Studying the numerous evidences and examples available along with other considerations shows the shortcomings of the Qajar era judicial system has been the main factors of the constitutional revolution and no doubt the constitutional revolution has had a profound effect on the Iranian legal system.Adoption of mother law and an important one such as the Procedure Code Act 1290,life penalty 1304 and the adoption of the maternal lawpassed in 1307 has been one of the improvements in Iranian Law. Numerous and periodic reforms in the Qajar era of Abbas Mirza until the victory of the Nasser-e-Din Shah by AmirKabir Sepahsalar in the field of strengthening the institution of Customary Justice and reorganization body and Procedure of the Grand Court came but it didn´t have much impact on judicial justice nationwide immediately after the victory of the Iranian Constitutional Revolution and legal justice was established and Haji Mokhber-al-Saltanah was the minister.

The purpose of this qualitative research, which has been prepared by the method of comparative-secondary analysis, is to answer the question of what has been the role of education in Iranian political culture? The research findings show that the school was a creature of the Enlightenment, so during this period literacy became common through schools in European societies. While the effort for public literacy in Iranian society began in the Qajar period, but due to internal authoritarianism and foreign failures, these efforts met with opposition: so Iranian society was deprived of public literacy: because its rate , Was five percent during this period:Thus, the role of education in the development of political culture was limited to the local-Illyrian level; But during the first Pahlavi era, although the general literacy rate increased to fifteen percent, but due to the Shah's unilateral actions, such as dissolving all parties, turning education into a model of integration, in organizations such as the Scout Organization of Iran and the Organization of Thought Development In general, political culture changed to a closed-ended phase. But in the second Pahlavi era, the general literacy rate rose from fifteen percent to thirty percent. But due to the one-party system, security interference, and a ninety-five percent rate of political alienation, political culture as in the past remained passive-functional. In general, education can play a role in political culture through functions such as political education, political action, political agent and political unity.But in the second Pahlavi era, the general literacy rate rose from fifteen percent to thirty percent. But due to the one-party system, security interference, and a ninety-five percent rate of political alienation, political culture as in the past remained passive-functional. In general, education can play a role in political culture through functions such as political education, political action, political agent and political unity.But in the second Pahlavi era, the general literacy rate rose from fifteen percent to thirty percent. But due to the one-party system, security interference, and a ninety-five percent rate of political alienation, political culture as in the past remained passive-functional. In general, education can play a role in political culture through functions such as political education, political action, political agent and political unity.

In this article, by using the descriptive-analytical method and the method of collecting documents, an attempt is made to answer the basic question of how the underdevelopment of Iran during the reign of Nasreddin Shah Qajar, according to the indicators of soft government from the perspective of the Qajar period. Mirdal can be explained? The findings indicate that the Iranian society in the era of Nasser al-Din Shah, which coincided with industrial development in the West, was increasingly facing the outside and the mentioned developments, and at the same time, had many problems inside, the most important of which We can mention the lack of social discipline, the lack of law enforcement in the country, the disobedience of powerful groups in society, including the Qajar dynasty, landed aristocrats, khans and tribal chiefs, and the merchant class from laws and regulations, as well as widespread corruption. Due to the fact that the government in the years 1227 to 1275 A.H. was not able to enact the same law, control the internal situation and compel powerful groups to implement official laws and regulations, as well as take serious action to eliminate corruption, and therefore could not develop In Iran like Western countries.

The subject of this article is the study of the process of government transformation in contemporary Iran from the Constitution to the first Pahlavi. The formation of the modern state in contemporary Iran began with the formation of the constitution and new institutions, but with the change in some of its foundations in the first Pahlavi government, it found its final form to a large extent, although not as consistent as its original concept, the Western text. This study, according to the nine characteristics of the modern government, namely 1. Monopoly control over the means of violence; 2. Being territorial; 3. Sovereignty; 4. Government based on the Constitution; 5. Impersonal power; 6. General bureaucracy; 7. authority / legitimacy; 8. Citizenship; 9. The tax collector has tried to answer the question of how "modern" the evolution of the government from the constitution to the first Pahlavi government has been? The hypothesis of the article is that in the evolution of the government from the constitution to the first Pahlavi, some elements of the modern government that existed before in the Qajar and constitutional governments continued, some were formed in the first Pahlavi era and some remained incomplete. The results of the research show that in the evolution of the government from the constitution, in which some of the most important institutions and structures of the modern government were formed to the modern Pahlavi government, this government monopolized the control of violence, sovereignty, public bureaucracy and taxation. It pursued the modern state, but in cases such as constitutional government, impersonal power, authority / legitimacy, and citizenship, it could not accurately represent the modern state. The research method in this article is qualitative descriptive-analytical and the data is collected in the form of a library and through phishing.

The month of Bam has a strong geographical, strategic, political, security, administrative and commercial positions in the old days, the resource of orientation of Murkhan, the geography of Danan, two travelers, internal and external tourists, pastanasan and پاگری پوچکronا Boudeh Tabareh and Ghezhar Ghazal articles. And this is a ridiculous note, as most of it has historical-political incidents, and I will choose Kalabadi, my year, when the month of Arg and the castle of Bardakhta is very strong. Duran Bastan ta Asr Qajarshahr Bam Ba historical transformations - Kalbady, Dar Bakhsh old, and Basyari az sites with pictures of the parts of Roya Rushid. The era of Muhammed Shah Qajar and the name of Sarkoubi Agha Khan Mahallai in the gradation of Mardam, where is the month of Dar Bakhsh Biruni and the new name of the housing of Yaftandaka, where is the era of Nasir al-Din Shah Shadat Yafat, where is the presence of an old Bakhsh, complete, and az? Darbara had left the castle and old Bakhsh as well as the people of the Qajar era, despite the codification of پuhsh hi multi, ta kanun پاپesh Dorkhori Daddah, a visit with the effects of his Madinah and the history of the University of Iran as it was established in the direction of the city of Shahr. We sing.