جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « لیبرالیسم » در نشریات گروه « علوم سیاسی »

Artificial intelligence is one of the sciences that will have the greatest impact on the world future. In the field of politics and international relations, the effects of AI are not limited to practical matters and will greatly affect the field of theorizing in the future. Among the theories of international relations, the mainstream theories will definitely have the most influence. The main question of this article is how AI has affected the main concepts and concerns of these two macro approaches of international relations theories? The hypothesis of the article is that AI has questioned some of the main propositions of these two theories. A qualitative method with an analytical-explanatory approach was applied for research. The findings show that the theory of realism needs a revision in the definition of the concepts of power, threat, security, balance of power and actors of international relations in the light of AI and new developments. Also, the claims of the theory of liberalism regarding world peace, based on two economic and political dimensions, have faced a serious challenge. In such a way, the validity of the main propositions of the theory of economic liberalism, interdependence and democratic peace has been doubted.

Freedom has been one of the main slogans and demands of the people in Iran's Islamic Revolution, but its meaning as an abstract concept has always been controversial. In the years after the Islamic revolution, various political currents have sought to give meaning to the signs of the Islamic revolution, including the sign of freedom, based on the intellectual foundations of their discourse. Ayatollah Misbah Yazdi is one of the thinkers who has always tried to correct and clarify the religious view of the values of the Islamic Revolution during these years. This article seeks to understand his view on the category of freedom, and its main question is, what does freedom mean in Ayatollah Misbah Yazdi's thought? The result of this research shows that the concept of freedom from his point of view is: "Freedom from sensual desires and desires". In this article, a library method has been used to collect information, and to understand the concept of freedom in Ayatollah Misbah Yazdi's thought, Fairclough's critical discourse analysis method has been used.

The main aim of this paper is to investigate Liberalism, Totalitarianism, and security as discourses that related to Bio-Politics. The goal of discourse is making subject that is identified by his/her norms and controls in daily life. In this current text we want to reveal relation of mentioned discourses to bio-politics and body-politics. Relation of discourses to body- politics have been developing in twenty century in theories and multiple texts. On the considering this texts, legislations and actions that tending to classification of bodies and population is one of main preoccupation of discourses in recent century. Norms of economical body or body which should be a productive body of capital, other body and security comes of mentioned discourses. Part of often researches have used to Michael Foucault though, therefore in recent text we used genealogy. So, our hypothesis is the Liberalism, Totalitarianism, and security are strongly to bio-politics, and originally they comes of elements of bio-politics. Consequently, current systems has been founded as bio-political discourses, due to accruing global/ local subjects.

AbstractIran-Taliban relations can be divided into three periods. The first period includes from the early 1370s to the end of this decade. Relations between Iran and the Taliban were competitive during this period. The second period includes the early 1380s to 1400s. In this period, despite the initial divergence, Iran and the Taliban moved towards cooperation. The third period includes from 1400 onwards. In this period, the cooperation between Iran and the Taliban in the previous period has given way to competition. The question of this article is, what are the reasons that made the relations between Iran and the Taliban more competitive in this period? The hypothesis of the article, which has been investigated in a descriptive-analytical way, is that the disappearance of the common threat and the formation of incompatible interests have made the relations between Iran and the Taliban more competitive. The findings of the article showed that the cooperation between Iran and the Taliban in the past period was due to the existence of a common enemy called America, as well as the compatibility preferences that were created in the decision-making apparatus of Iran and the Taliban. Now, with the disappearance of the common threat and the return of incompatible preferences that existed in the first period of Iran-Taliban relations, the relations between the two sides have become competitive.

The Historical roots of liberal international order goes back to after the Second World War. Nowadays, it is faced with the problem of decline. While this issue is a multi-layered debate in terms of content, it is also a controversial and controversial issue among thinkers and theoreticians in the field of international relations. Based on this, the current research seeks to answer the main question, why is the international liberal order declining? This research using the theoretical approaches of liberalism in international relations, including the theories of democratic peace,  economic interdependence as well as neoliberal institutionalism as a theoretical research framework is based on the hypothesis that the weakening and degeneration of the triple pillars of the liberal order, including liberal democracy, global free trade, and various international institutions and regimes, have caused the decline of the liberal international order. So that the weakening of the three pillars of the liberal international order has caused the foundation based on political and economic liberalism of this order to be destroyed from within, and as a result, the unique components of the liberal international order will face a serious challenge. Based on historical evidence, this argument can be made. In the meantime, the United States of America has played an important role in the decline of the pillars and components of the liberal order over many years and decades, contrary to some common inferences and stereotypes.

This paper examines ethics and politics. The authors have focused their research on the concept of "autonomy." Regarding philosophical or political approaches to liberalism, any discussion of ethics, politics, or justice is inextricably linked to autonomy. This article studies liberal narratives of autonomy alongside counter-approaches that have challenged liberal claims regarding the concept's political and philosophical applications. The authors conclude that the liberal conception of the autonomous individual as a metaphysical principle is the source of morality. During this investigation, it was determined that this metaphysical principle, in its border sense, produces a moral paradox in liberalism. The significance of autonomy in liberal ethics is the central question of this paper. As a working hypothesis, we examine the relationship between liberal ethics and autonomy in our search for the appropriate response. Textualism was used as a method in this paper. Unlike discourse analysis or hermeneutic methodologies, textualism focuses on the literal meaning of concepts and phrases. In other words, concepts are interpreted according to their meaning, not their authors' intentions, historical contexts, or discourse relationships. It is to interpret a concept in light of the organization of power in a society and its specific meaning in the text as it initially comes to mind. Due to this methodological requirement, the authors have attempted to provide evidence for their claims and hypotheses.

One of the effective factors in the formation and continuation of political currents in a country is the existence of a necessary intellectual framework based on which different dimensions of social life are defined and drawn by that current. In other words, issues such as how to better manage human society, important priorities of social life that should be considered in planning, the characteristics of senior managers of society, the basis of decisions and general orientations of the political system and individuals in such a group, put a person in a special current. This phrase means that there is a close connection between the current of thought and political currents.Every political current is based on an idea and ideology that is presented by its activists and leaders, and the followers of these currents also obey it and provide the necessary ground for its expansion. In a way, sometimes the combination of these three things - ideology, leaders and followers - leads to the formation of a social movement. The basis of any movement depends on the beliefs of its followers and leaders, and ideology acts as the basis for the cohesion of movements and defines their goals.In the history of Iran from the Constitutional Revolution to the Islamic Revolution, various political currents have emerged, which this article refers to the intellectual framework of each of these currents using a descriptive-analytical method.

The purpose of the present research is to study liberal political system in the ideas of Leo Strauss. The research method is descriptive-analytic and the results showed that Leo Strauss emphasizes on natural rights and classic political philosophy and that he criticizes liberal democracy. In his view, liberalism would lead to the omission of religion and emergence of secularism. Leo Strauss recognizes a secular society as the worst form of community because it leads to individualism, relativism, nihilism, and lack of meaning.

Liberalism, as a term of political thought, has many meanings. The main reason for this research was that what is the relationship between the concept of tolerance in the school of liberalism and tolerance among religious intellectuals in Iran? In this regard, it was assumed that the framework and intellectual characteristics of Iranian religious modernists have profound differences in the field of values and moral education with liberal ideas. This research is applied in terms of purpose and descriptive research in terms of correlational research, which has studied the subject by relying on the library function. Studies have shown that this value has the same meaning in the two schools. But there is also a subtle difference in this value. If tolerance is used as a moral attribute meaning easy-going, tolerance, chivalry, foresight and freedom, it is approved by Islam. But tolerance means complete indifference to the moral beliefs and behaviors of individuals and groups leading to moral relativity. Accordingly, anyone can have any kind of moral beliefs and behavior.

The main purpose of this article is to explain the place of freedom in the political philosophy of Isaiah Berlin. The main question of the article is what is the place of freedom in the political philosophy of Isaiah Berlin? In response to this hypothesis, it has been suggested that in Isaiah Berlin's political philosophy, freedom is the most important component in countering tyranny. The results of the present article show that due to the existence of tyranny in different societies, especially in the third world, different masses must use different tools to achieve freedom in order to eliminate tyranny. In fact, from Berlin's point of view, freedom is the main obstacle to tyranny. The type of research method in this article is fundamental in terms of purpose and analytical in nature and based on library studies.

The present article compares the ideas of Imam Khomeini and Herbert Marcuse regarding liberal tolerance with the aim of showing how two thinkers with completely different and even conflicting principles may reach the same conclusion. The present article discusses the question of what Imam Khomeini and Marcuse's views on liberal tolerance have in common, and tests the hypothesis that they both believe that the concept of tolerance in liberalism prevents the emergence and continuation of revolutionary ideology. The method of the descriptive article is comparative and the approach of the article is philosophical-political, and in terms of subject matter, it is new and has no study history with this kind of attitude. The innovative aspect of the article is the comparison of the ideas of two thinkers who seem incomparable. The conclusion of the article is that when studying non-Islamic theories, in addition to reviewing and criticizing, one should look for lessons from that theory that can be used to enrich theorizing in the second step of the revolution. According to the authors, this kind of attitude will pave the way for learning between Islamic and secular views.

Modern Democracy has been facing various crises historically. The current crisis is rooted in a dual origin. On the one hand, orientation to shape a hidden quasi-oligarchic state and, on the other hand, the eternal specter of populism. Where this dilemma originates from and what effects do both have on democratic order? to respond to this central question, the paper hypothesizes that the origin of the dilemma traces back to reductionist conceptions on two dimensions of modern democracy; that is, on the one side, an elitism inherent to liberal-capitalist (more especially, neo-liberal) structures that makes democratic policy-making dependent on the requirements of the capitalist system. On the other side, an implicit populist potentiality of democratic structure weakens the rule of law due to resorting to ‘ordinary people’. To justify the hypothesis, the paper takes advantage of comparative analysis, as a theoretical framework, of approaches to defining democratic legitimacy; i.e. philosophical (normative) and sociological (descriptive). The research is conducted in an analytical–descriptive method and library-based data gathering. In conclusion, overcoming the crisis of modern democracy entails strengthening the participatory quality of democracy to make an equilibrium between the majority and the minority. Participatory democracy seems the structure in which normative and descriptive conceptions of legitimacy can overlap.

After the collapse of the Soviet Union, the United States introduced itself as the first power of the world (hegemony hegemony)and gained considerable political status in the international arena, but it is now visible signs of its political decline. In fact, studies have shown that America is politically active (democracy, human rights, foreign policy, soft power and …)distance from other competitors and is backward in some cases. the main question of this study is; what are the political factors of the U.S. decline? For this purpose, the data needed in the library method is collected and analyzed based on descriptive - analytical method. Findings from the study showed that several elements such as the type of government, unilateralism, liberalism ideology, decrease of power penetration in the Third World countries, the decline of American policy influence over its allies, the deterioration of American foreign policy and …, is the most important determinant of the political decline that can be imagined for the United States.

The causes and consequences of cooperation and conflict in West Asia have been extensively discussed by international relations sholars using different approaches. The main objective of the authors is to find answers to the following research questions: 1. How have cooperation and conflict in West Asia been analyzed and explained in different theoretical perspectives in international relations? 2. Which of these approches provide a better explanation of the region’s conflict and cooperation in the last decade? Three dominant approaches of realism, liberalism, and a form of idealism (i.e., constructivism) are comparatively examined to reveal the strengths and weaknesses of their explanations of regional developments over time. It was demonstrated that realism explains conflict and cooperation in the region on the basis of international order, military considerations, and the politics of power, ideology and general analysis of normative power. Liberalism’s explanation is based mostly on democracy, type of political system and cognitive cohesion. The explanation of the sholars using the approach of constructivism is based on identity factors, ethnicity, sectarianism and security discourses of states. Realists tend to believe that subjective factors are important in the analyses of foreign policy and international relations issues. Ontological dimension of realism is not devoid of subjective elements, but realists have overlooked the process and the mechanism through which all subjective-objective elements influence the decisions and behaviors of governments. From the perspective of liberalism, many political factors (e.g., regional hegemony, balance of power, sectarianism, nationalism, type of regime and political ideology) are important in shaping a state’s foreign policy bahaviors, which evidently need to be understood in their own historical context. On the other hand, it is not clear how these factors make sense to key decisionmakers within governments and lead them to choose the path of cooperation or conflict. Perceptions and misperceptions influence how leaders decide to develop constructive or conflictive relations with other countries with which they are involved in a dispute. How the key decision-makers perceive a threat to their national security is particularly important becasue conflicts can develop and escalate between regional rivals in conflict situations. Indeed, there is a need to incorporate the context as a factor along with the perceptual and conceptual factors in the analysis of complex issues such as cooperation and conflict in West Asia. International relations theorists have tried to illustrate cooperation and conflict based on the impact of ideas. Even though they accept that ideas are a bridge between actors and reality, two problems remain in understanding cooperation and conflict in this region. First, there is no precise criterion for identifying ideas and identities that are active in constructing cooperation and conflict. Second, there is some confusion in the meaning of ideas and their fluidity and how they work, and this problem has led to overgeneralization in their analyses. The overgeneralization, excessively vague and general statements have resulted in misunderstanding. The third category of constructivist studies (i.e., discourse analysis) considers cooperation and conflict between governments as constructing the discourse order of actors. Indeed, events, behaviors, practices and decisions can be understood in the context of discourses. Despite the limitations of discourse analysis, including the lack of consensus and even contradictory explanations of the causes of regional conflicts, there is a more clear basis for judging topics and their results because of the use of a more precise methodology. In general, language in the forms of metaphors, assimilations, attributions can be an explanatory factor. Moreover, discourse analysis as a method and theoretical framework could be inventive in topic selection, delineation and results. This type of research does not have a consistent position on actors, dominant policies, and levels of analysis, since it considers everything that happens in reality. Meaning of reality and interpretation of it is central to discourse analysis. Thus, it is clear that the three approaches reveal certain dimensions of the existing challenges in the region. However, we argue that neither realism nor liberalism can provide a comprehensive explanation of the potential impacts of regional challenges such as instability, climate change, demographic change, soci-economic risks of regional disparities and so forth. Most international relations scholars have had to fundamentally revise their theoretical perspectives and incorporate some elements of constructivism in their analysis especially for the studies of the post-Cold War period. As a result of the emerging changes in the international and regional security environment and the inadequacy of different theories, the scholars within all three approaches have turned to the incorporation of new factors (e.g., cognitive-perceptual factors, identity, norms, beliefs and ideas) in their analyses, but they have failed to fulfill all methodological requirements of robust explanations.

The aim of the present study is a comparative study of government in Naini and Motahhari political thought. The main question is how to explain the commonalities and differences between Naini and Motahhari political thought about government by referring to the conditions prevailing during the constitutional period and the Islamic Revolution? For this reason, with Skinner's contextual hermeneutic method, it was shown that there is no difference of opinion between the two thinkers. Both believe in the divine and popular legitimacy of the jurist during the absence of the Infallible Imam, and his role in society is the role of an ideologist and his duty is to monitor the correct implementation of ideology in Islamic society. Naini, because of his presence in the reformist atmosphere, with a positive and interactive view and using the hidden capacities in Shiite jurisprudence, wanted to reform the process of governing and not to dismantle it; But Motahhari, because of his position in the revolutionary atmosphere created by Marxism, sought to form an Islamic government with his own views by using the Shiite intellectual capacities and looking negatively and critically at its components, by ideologizing religion.

Although violence based on religious teachings, which is typically based on mere words, is not entirely new and has a long history in religions, but what we see today as violent fundamentalism with all its features is new, is less unprecedented in the history of religions and sects. Thus, Islamic fundamentalism in this article is a reading of Islam that has not existed in any of the past historical periods except the present age; and its hallmark is violence. Islamic fundamentalism is a reading of Islam that has not existed in any of the past historical periods except the present age. Therefore, finding a way out of this religious reading requires that we first understand the logic of its emergence and reproduction. Therefore, in this article, we sought the logic of the emergence and reproduction of Islamic fundamentalism and finding a way out of it. Achieving it also requires mastering how it emerges and reproduces. In this regard, in the present descriptive-analytical article, we used the ideas of Alireza Shojaeezand, Mostafa Malekian and Sara Shariati in this field. On this basis, we found the emergence of Islamic fundamentalism in the contemporary tension between Islamic collectivist ideology and individualistic and globalized liberal ideology. Also, the adoption of a populist mechanism is the basis of its reproduction. Therefore, we believe that strengthening civil society is a sufficient condition for overcoming Islamic Fundamentalism.

Despite its historical background in Islamic identity, Tunisia is a manifestation of Western ideologies and ideas due to its proximity to Europe and France in particular. The people of this country, although they have preserved Islam as a source of identity, have also been strongly influenced by Western thought. This is especially evident among the country's elites and decision-makers, who have been under French rule for years. The growth of scholarly thinking in this country is also one of the aspects of this issue. If we do not consider the transformed Ennahda party to be a secularist, which has traditionally been known as an Islamist current, The secular Front in Tunisia is divided into four factions. One: The right current, which includes the liberal and francophone spectrums. Second: The left current, which includes the Maoist to the Muscovite left, and Chinese left. Third: Nationalism, which includes patriotic and local nationalism, and fourth: Arabism, which has two sub-branches, Nasserite and Ba'athist. These four currents hold most of the country's political positions and play a role in the country's decision-making. In this article, while examining the role and weight of each of these currents, we analyze their relationship and proximity to the idea of resistance.