جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « مکتب کپنهاگ » در نشریات گروه « علوم سیاسی »

Intrudaction:

Despite lawyers’ and political scientists’ efforts to define terrorism over the last century, a consensus has not been reached, and no universal agreement on a precise legal definition of terrorism exists to date. As long as politicians need to address terrorism in varying security contexts, disagreements among lawyers seem unavoidable due to the overdependence of criminal law on States’ politics. Considering terrorism a crime against national security, it can only be analyzed by perceiving these actions as national security threats. The law itself is not capable of resolving these disagreements on the definition of terrorism per se. Therefore, to make sense of the existing disagreements, terrorism must be regarded as a security issue that has evolved into a legal concept.Traditional security studies lack an extensive perspective on security, often focusing solely on strategic threats, making them unsuitable for clarifying the terrorism concept. For this reason, the Copenhagen School, which divides security issues into five categories, has been applied as the theoretical framework for this research to answer this fundamental question: What are the impacts of security factors on states’ views of the legal concept of terrorism? This paper hypothesizes that the specific security vulnerabilities of each state have particular effects on that state’s perception of terrorism threats. To assess this hypothesis, qualitative content analysis method was employed by studying the definitions of terrorism in the legal documents of different countries, revealing the relevance of the motivation element of terrorist crimes in relation to state vulnerabilities using Buzan’s framework of political security. It is worth noting that the countries selected by the authors exhibit different vulnerabilities according to Buzan’s framework, which categorizes states based on their weaknesses.

The Copenhagen School provides two important theories to analyze terrorism: “Securitization Theory” and “Categorization of Security.” According to securitization theory, a security matter begins with a securitizing actor and is completed with the acceptance of the target audience. Thus, terrorism, as a security threat, must be an intersubjective matter dependent on both actors and audiences. In such circumstances, if criminal law is to be used as a tool for securitization, it cannot be done effectively within its traditional framework due to the Nullum crimen sine lege principle. Therefore, within customary instruments, politicians are unable to react differently to security matters through criminal law and must instead emphasize the excessive element of “motivation,” which does not play a prominent role in ordinary crimes. Therefore, If an actor intends to securitize the motives attributed to a political group, the most effective approach is to emphasize these motives. Consequently, a common crime is transformed into a terrorist act based on this element.

Another important question, which remains open even after implementing securitization theory, is when or under which circumstances actors securitize the terrorism threat. Since terrorism endangers the sovereignty of states within their own realms, it must be analyzed as a political threat. Buzan’s analysis of political threats to national security asserts that states’ vulnerabilities in the political sphere are related to the weakness of two elements: “nation” and “political ideology.” Therefore, in weak states suffering from a lack of political cohesion and national unity, political security matters are often associated with separatist movements. In such states, the motivation element in terrorist crimes often plays a role in securitizing political motivations attributed to separatist groups. This situation can occur in weak states that manage to consolidate various nations through a pervasive and entrenched ideology. Consequently, failed states, which lack a unifying ideology, are unable to securitize terrorism and are thus unable to securitize a political ideology. As a result, terrorism definitions in these countries may not reflect terrorism securitization. Conversely, for strong states with a united or consolidated nation, terrorism threats are linked to ideologies in tension with the government’s recognized ideology. In these circumstances, securitizing actors often trigger emergency measures against contested ideologies. The reclassification of ordinary crimes with political motivations into terrorist crimes is one of the emergency measures necessitated by the securitization process.

Coclusions:

The provision of security requires a different and more stringent approach to terrorist offences. This issue is one of the reasons that has led to diversity in the definition of these crimes, as each government has a different understanding of security according to its social and political concerns and needs. Since security is a subjective concept, definitions of terrorism have also differed because of their dependence on this subjective concept. Thus, in order to understand the differences, one should try to understand the different bases that have caused a change in the definition due to security concerns. It is evident from different terrorism definitions that the motivation element plays a significant role in terrorist crimes. This subjective element is not considered fundamental to a crime in classical criminal law, as it relates more to the perpetrator than to the actus reus. As a result of emphasizing the motivation element, states, depending on their capacity for securitization, adjust their approach to dealing with criminals based on their motivations, provided they have successfully securitized their vulnerabilities.

Simultaneously with the victory of the Islamic Revolution of Iran in 1357 and the establishment of the Islamic Republic, world powers tried to neutralize and stop the Islamic Revolution with various methods from military war to economic sanctions.In this situation, the Islamic Republic of Iran, in order to maintain its security and life and to spread the discourse of the revolution, started the policy of forming resistance groups in the West Asian region.In this research, an attempt has been made to examine the regional policies of the Islamic Republic of Iran and the role of resistance groups in them, as well as the relationship between these policies and the Copenhagen security school.The main research question raised here is how to analyze the resistance strategy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the Middle East region with the influence of the Copenhagen school.? Also, the hypothesis is proposed that it seems that the strategy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the military, economic, political and environmental fields in the Middle East region was formed under the influence of the theory of the Copenhagen school and the ideas of Bari Bozan.

The group of people make up the nation, they founded the governments and formed the political organizations of power. National power includes all the physical and spiritual capabilities in the political and geographical realm. National power has many sources, one of these factors can be considered geographical and population effects. Therefore, geographical factors and above all population can be used and evaluated to measure the national power of countries. Having a sufficient population and having human capital is one of the most important national assets of any country, which directly interacts with moral, economic, political, and military issues and, as a result, with the country's national security. Population is important to political actors from a tool point of view and in relation to power, and by examining the problem of population, the effects of population on the distribution of power can be determined effectively. Therefore, the problem of this research is to know the importance of the population and its relationship with the country's national power, and to explain this problem, the opinions of Copenhagen school scientists such as Bari Bozan and Oli Weaver have been used. The Copenhagen school has inspired many studies and theoretical reflections on the various features of security construction and especially research in the field of demographic changes. The Copenhagen school serves as a reference for explaining and discussing the intertwining of security logics in the process of intersubjective construction, security as a component of national power and its ratio with the population of a country, because human capital as a security factor is a driving force for a country's national power. Is. The theoretical framework of the Copenhagen school has been used for two reasons: firstly, it provides a proper understanding of society and government, and secondly, it has a suitable application for understanding future theoretical developments. From the point of view of Bari Bozan, the increase and youth of the population should be considered as one of the security issues and in order to increase the national power factor, therefore, the population has a high and unique and irreplaceable position in the doctrine and calculation of the power of countries. Also, from the perspective of strategists interested in the Copenhagen school, national security in the third world requires special attention to demographic threats inside. But since the Copenhagen school has a materialistic attitude towards population and power, it was necessary to consider value issues and some abstract viewpoints, and therefore, because Islam and religious teachings value population and basically fertility benefits in a society. It has the ability to compensate for some of the weaknesses of the Copenhagen school. Several methods have been used to conduct this research, including the review of scientific documents and documents, such as books and authoritative university articles, which have been reviewed qualitatively with a contextual approach and analytical method. There are three main elements in this research: First, the importance of youth as a powerful arm of global security and authority. Second, focusing on the teachings of Islam as the driving engine of the Islamic system for a powerful presence in the system of active countries with independent plans and ideas. And the third is the relationship between Islam and the population as a main factor in long-term population planning until reaching the stable horizons of power, which is considered the main component in Shia doctrine as a universal idea. Religious beliefs and practices play an essential role in the lives of many people, and in Islam, it is believed that the population is an essential part of strengthening religious beliefs with a complex combination of cultural and historical factors. Therefore, in the orders of Islam and religious teachings, having children has a wide and comprehensive concept because on the one hand it leads to the emergence of divine power in the heart of the population and on the other hand it leads to Iran's national, regional and global authority in this turbulent and challenging world. What was said about population and power applies to Iran because the Islamic Republic of Iran has always tried to improve the conventional indicators of its power. Emphasis on population growth and besides paying attention to the empowerment of the middle-aged population as well as the preparation of upstream documents to improve the structure of the government and empower the military power, have all been in the direction of increasing Iran's power, and the main springboard towards the ideological ideal of the government is the layers of the population that are in difficult times. It is used and they represent the authority of the country against the enemies. It is also important to note that if the large population of a country is not proportionate to the anthropological infrastructure such as culture, art, literature, religion, entrepreneurship associations and facilities related to youth marriage, perhaps the blessing of the population will turn into a song and cause a reduction in generational talents. Therefore, there is a mutual and interactive relationship between human development and the increase of national power, and it should be considered in the macro policies of the country. These policies have played an important role in shaping various demographic trends in the Islamic Republic of Iran, considering the developments that have taken place after the Islamic Revolution of Iran. Since the system of the Islamic Republic of Iran is a system based on religion and religious values, the approach to the issue of population is largely related to this issue. Such a process, while considering the views of religious teachings, can reduce the security of the population issue and turn it into a crisis for national power. Key words: population, national power, Copenhagen school, Islamic Republic of Iran, religious teachings

The most important security challenge for governments in the 21st century, especially after the collapse of the Soviet Union, is dealing with new forms of existential threats that did not exist before. Climate change as an external threat outside of intergovernmental interactions has affected various aspects of the public life of states and nations. One of the most important uncertainties in international relations is the analysis of the effectiveness of international interactions in the face of these new but widespread threats . In this research, the effect of climate changes on international interaction patterns has been investigated based on the theoretical foundations of the Copenhagen school. To do this, the consequences of climate change have been evaluated and the impact of these consequences on the security sectors and the triple structure of the government have been studied according to the concepts of the Copenhagen school. The findings of this research are that climate change, changes the patterns of conflict and cooperation in international relations by weakening governments and creating a range of »weak states« (in the Copenhagen sense). It is noteworthy that this research has been compiled in the form of scientific-experimental approaches and based on explanatory goals and deductive strategy.

The initiator of the politicization of water in most of the previously mentioned and the most profound findings is that water has become one of the important and influential factors in a region. It has been a key factor contributing to tension and conflicts between countries in the past and present, and it will continue to impact grazing policies in the future.
One of the characteristics of arid and semi-arid regions is the problem of water, its fragile ecosystems. That is, the pressures caused by dam construction, along with factors such as climate change and global warming, have increased this fragility.
Previously, some experts in the field of geopolitics claimed that in the future, water will replace oil as a rare and expensive commodity and will be the main focus of disputes and compromises in the coming decade. This claim has now been demonstrated following the large-scale implementation of the Southeast Anatolia Project (GAP) in Turkey. We see this trend in the Middle East, especially in the countries that are along the path of the aforementioned water flow.
Today, the Middle East is witnessing a relative shift in the source of power from oil to water on one hand and mismanagement of its inter-basin governance on the other hand. This shift, coupled with the scarcity of this resource and global climate changes, has led Turkey to cede control over its water resources due to the implementation of the GAP megaproject. Turkey uses this as a bargaining chip to advance its developmental policies in the region, particularly in countries that rely on the waters of the Tigris and Euphrates, while simultaneously disregarding the repeated pleas of its neighbors (Iran, Syria, and Iraq) concerning water rights.
In addition, this plan has diminished the water resources flowing out of Turkey, resulting in detrimental consequences for the ecosystems of countries along the path of these water resources. It has led to environmental, economic, and social damages.
Therefore, according to the assertion of the Turkish government, which is grounded in the implementation of the GAP plan for sustainable economic development, this matter has been analyzed within the framework of the Copenhagen School of Security Studies. The conclusion is reached that while Turkey's hydraulic initiatives seem to offer water security across various sectors, the downside, from Copenhagen's perspective, is the creation of new security challenges for other stakeholders. The continued pursuit of Turkey's hydraulic strategy, regardless of the dimensions and the political, social, economic, and environmental impacts of this plan, is poised to have far-reaching and irreversible consequences.
And this vital resource has been turned into a means to gain political power and influence in Turkey. The reverse of the claim has been proven: the GAP project is in line with human-centered development and sustainable economic growth. However, it has been aimed at creating economic power, advancing political goals, and achieving blue hegemony. This process leads to multilateral damages with wide consequences in the countries affected by this project.
It is attempting to leverage its water resources against the oil resources of the Persian Gulf countries by defining and implementing numerous water projects through a hydraulic mission strategy. However, this approach disregards the environmental, social, economic, and political dimensions and consequences.
In such a way that the hydrological system of the two rivers, Tigris and Euphrates, which constitutes the vital artery of West Asia, has been disturbed. This process, from Copenhagen’s point of view, has created a potential basis and capacity for conflict and threats in the region. By reducing the amount of water input in the downstream section, it has caused environmental crises. Meanwhile, the effects of the environmental assessment reveal that the GAP project does not align with the internal governance of the countries and has extra-regional effects.
Therefore, on the one hand, making water security dependent on water resources outside the country effectively ties a part of national security to the region. The absence of management structures for joint exploitation and water governance has transformed it into a factor that contributes to crises between countries. In this context, it is possible to highlight the connection between the Turkish GAP project’s ideological understanding of politics and economy and the concept of security and sustainable development within the framework of the Copenhagen school.
In other words, considering that the ideological understanding of the principle of excellence and its reproduction prioritizes it over other factors. Elements such as the environment, economic growth, and social welfare, which define the concept of security and sustainable development in the Copenhagen school, become victims of this principle of project excellence. The GAP in Turkey, when security standards are reduced in various aspects, increases its structural ideological function in the public domain.
Concepts such as security, in all its aspects, undergo a fundamental transformation. This evolutionary change of the GAP project is related to the instability of the development space and the discourse of development and sustainable development worldwide. The GAP plan is largely a product of concepts, norms, and criteria borrowed from other places, without considering its compatibility with Turkey’s own internal conditions, sensitivities, concerns, and internal demands. As a result, many concepts, goals, and activities are in conflict with each other.
Using the descriptive-analytical method and library and media sources, this research seeks to answer the question: How will Turkey’s GAP project cause a crisis in the Middle East, especially in the downstream countries of this project? According to the Copenhagen school, the findings indicate that the implementation of the GAP project will result in the political dependence of downstream countries on Turkey. Additionally, it will lead to extensive damage and consequences in these countries, encompassing five security threats: environmental, social, economic, political, and military. These destructive consequences align with Turkey’s ideology, as it treats water as a source of power similar to oil.
In the meantime, Iran, together with the countries affected by the GAP plan, can form a regional confederation at two levels: "regional diplomacy" and "joint management of transboundary waters" to manage the environmental risks of the Turkish GAP plan. If regional diplomacy fails, Iran can pursue this issue legally through international organizations and The Hague Court.

Governments throughout history have been confronted with political and security problems related to diseases, as they are widespread and claim many lives. The virus COVID -19 became a global crisis in a short period of time due to its dynamic transmission and unknown nature. This situation challenged the economic structures of the world and created security problems at the level of relations between countries Therefore, using the descriptive and analytical method and based on the theory of the Copenhagen School and specifically the issue of security, this study attempts to answer the central question of what impact the Corona Crisis has had on the traditional concept of international security, and also to answer whether this will lead to a recognition of health issues as a non-traditional threat in the security priorities of countries and international organizations? And what will be the consequences of these changes? This study hypothesizes that the emergence of the recent crisis has accelerated the difference in the traditional conception of security, as the absence of military confrontation between national governments has led to a change in the role of health care issues in domestic and international security. On the other hand, the intertwining of health and security sectors during the outbreak of the Coronavirus has resulted in the mobilization of political will and the allocation of economic resources to address this issue. This can be seen as a positive step towards enhancing the overall level of health. Still, placing a strong emphasis on health security has adverse effects on internal democracy and international cooperation.After the recent experience of pandemics, there has been a strong emphasis on health and global health by theorists in this field. An article published 35 years ago (Thomas, 1989) addressed the issue of health and international relations by Carolyn Thomas. The article demonstrated how global health can play a pivotal role in this field. In addition, Susan Peterson, in her article titled "Pandemic Diseases and National Security," examines the economic, social, and political effects of pandemics on different countries and societies. She mentions that biological agents pose a serious threat to the security of countries (Peterson, 2002). Moreover, McInnis and Kelly Lee discussed the relationship between these three variables in their joint article titled "Health, Security, and Foreign Policy" while emphasizing health concerns. They believe that epidemic diseases pose a significant security threat because they can cross borders and weaken a nation's economy and internal stability. They should give more attention to national security policies.In this article, we aim to explore the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on the political, economic, and military domains of countries. Additionally, we aim to discuss the significance of reassessing the conventional notion of security and integrating health concerns into the framework of the Copenhagen school's security theory. Furthermore, we aim to address the potential consequences of securitizing health issues on international peace and security. Through an examination of the effects of the COVID-19 crisis, we aim to test the hypothesis that prioritizing security will foster political resolve and allocate economic resources to this sector.However, overdoing it brings countless ill effects and not only will not lead to progress in the field of health and health, but may also overshadow the process of internal democracy and international security.In this regard, dealing with the epidemic of Covid-19 under the title of a security issue can have two different consequences: firstly, by revising the traditional concepts of security, it will increase the importance of governments and international organizations to health affairs. In this way, the amount of attention of countries to their healthcare infrastructure as a security investment increases.Excessive measures in addressing the aforementioned matter can lead to numerous adverse consequences. It is important to note that such actions not only hinder advancements in the realm of healthcare but also have the potential to overshadow the development of internal democracy and international security. Consequently, treating the epidemic as a security concern can lead to two distinct outcomes. Firstly, reevaluating traditional concepts of security will enhance the importance of governments and international organizations in relation to health matters. Consequently, nations are increasingly recognizing the importance of allocating resources to enhance their healthcare infrastructure as a way to ensure security.

The Mediterranean Sea has a very important geopolitical position, which has made it enjoy a special place in the structure of the international system. The Mediterranean Sea is called the Mediterranean because it is located between Europe, Africa and Asia and has a very special and unique position. The Mediterranean is connected to the Atlantic Ocean from the west through Gibraltar, between two European and African countries, Spain and Morocco. On the northeast side, it is connected to Marmara and the Black Sea through Turkey and the Dardanelles, and at the bottom, that is, in the southeast, it passes through Egypt and connects to the Red Sea with the 192-kilometer Suez Canal, which is an important part of Egypt's foreign exchange income. Be related to the Mediterranean.Overall, the Mediterranean Sea is a densely populated region with a complex political history that includes many different ethnic groups. This has led to the creation of a complex and fragmented political map. Today, 21 countries with an area of 2 to 2.4 million square kilometers have coastlines in the Mediterranean Sea, including Albania, Algeria, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Cyprus, Egypt, France, Greece, Israel, Italy, Lebanon, Libya, Malta, Monaco, Montenegro, Morocco, Slovenia, Spain, Syria, Tunisia and Turkey. This sea has large energy reserves, which has caused regional and extra-regional powers to seek to increase their sphere of influence in the Mediterranean (El Rhazi, et.al, 2020: 1). This importance has doubled in the last few years.Since the early 2000s, a new big game has been formed among regional and extra-regional actors over access to fossil energy fields in the Mediterranean. Along with this capacity, discussions about exploration, production processes and resource transfer options have continued. Although the current situation in the region started 20 years ago, the historical process of offshore drilling in the Eastern Mediterranean dates back to the 1960s. During this time, Egypt and Israel have carried out various drilling operations. Also, each of the Mediterranean coastal governments have declared an exclusive and economic zone, 200 miles long, for the exploitation of energy resources in the seabed. Israel, Egypt, South Cyprus, Lebanon, Syria and Palestine are countries that have potential energy resources and natural gas discoveries are being made in the eastern Mediterranean. The most well-known discoveries in the eastern Mediterranean are the Tamar and Leviathan regions, which were discovered in 2009 and 2010; In total, there are 900 billion cubic meters of gas in these two regions. It is worth noting that 35 trillion cubic meters of natural gas have been discovered in the waters of Israel and Cyprus, and there is a possibility of finding another 85 trillion cubic meters of natural gas reservoirs on the coasts of Syria, Lebanon and Palestine (Demir, Tekir, 2017: 4). These two fields were the biggest deep gas discoveries in the world at that time. Later, the discovery of the Aphrodite field in 2011 and the Zohr gas field in 2015 changed the position of the Mediterranean Sea from regional to global. The proven reserves of hydrocarbons and new discoveries in the Eastern Mediterranean may not be comparable to the reserves of Saudi Arabia, Iran, Qatar, Russia and the UAE, which will turn the entire region or any of the countries that own it into a global energy player, but it can play an important role in the global market. especially in Europe; It can also be an important energy transfer pathway. According to the latest estimates, the oil and gas capacity of the Mediterranean region is approximately 5 billion barrels and more than 13.5 trillion cubic meters, respectively (Kavaz, 2021: 4). The discovery of a significant amount of extensive energy resources in the Eastern Mediterranean has turned this region into a multidimensional competitive environment. Europe plans to turn the Mediterranean into one of its main energy supply points, and so far it has taken great steps in this direction.In this research, considering the vastness of the Mediterranean Sea and the variety of commercial activities in it, we want to study the importance of the Mediterranean Sea for regional and extra-regional powers by emphasizing the energy field, and we are looking for an answer to the question that the importance of the Mediterranean Sea for regional powers and What is a metaregion from the perspective of energy? And what is the importance of the Mediterranean Sea in the evolution of the world energy market? And what role does the Mediterranean Sea play in transferring energy to other parts of the world? In this article, we are looking for answers to these questions by using documentary sources and analytical descriptive method. This research is important from the point of view that solving many current disputes or reaching future agreements in the Mediterranean is possible by understanding the importance of energy in the region, and it is possible to draw various regional models in this field, which can ultimately lead to regional cooperation and increasing peace and lead to stability. The necessity of the present research is that almost among scientific researches, the gap of comprehensive study of this issue is felt, which has caused many developments in the Mediterranean to remain unknown to the audience.The Mediterranean is always very important as a strategic area for regional countries and great powers. The Mediterranean is one of the main energy supply areas of Europe, which can reduce Europe's dependence on Russian gas. As a result, both Mediterranean basin countries are looking for European markets and West Asian countries are looking to transfer their gas to Europe through the Mediterranean. According to what has been said, in the past few years, the Mediterranean has become more important and many regional and extra-regional powers are seeking to increase their presence and influence in this area. Reducing dependence on Russian energy, guaranteeing investment contracts for American oil companies and ensuring European energy security are among the most important reasons for the importance of the Mediterranean Sea for extra-regional powers in the energy debate.  Also, for regional powers, becoming an energy hub, participating in energy corridors, concluding multilateral contracts in the field of energy and transferring liquefied natural gas are among the most important reasons for the importance of energy discoveries in the Mediterranean for the countries of the region. With the calming of the internal conditions and the establishment of political stability in Syria and Lebanon, these two countries can also play the role of transit and bring oil and gas from the Middle East to Europe. In the meantime, the Islamic Republic of Iran can play a prominent role in supplying energy to Europe, especially in the current war between Russia and Ukraine.

It's interesting to read about the scholarly research on the growing investment of Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates in artificial intelligence technologies and its potential impact on the security landscape of Mesopotamia, particularly Iraq. The study sheds light on the evolving landscape of artificial intelligence strategies in both countries and its implications on the security dynamics of the Mesopotamia region. It's noteworthy that both countries have invested significantly in the research, development, and implementation of artificial intelligence in different sectors, making them important players in the global landscape of artificial intelligence. The research is based on the theoretical framework of Copenhagen, and the method of descriptive analysis is used in response to the main question. The author also hypothesizes that the balance of power will change in the not-too-distant future with the movement of Middle Eastern countries towards new technologies of artificial intelligence, which will intensify the competition of regional powers in Mesopotamia as well as Iraq. It's clear that artificial intelligence policies will probably have significant effects on the nature of security in the Middle East, Mesopotamia, and Iraq

Inherent dynamism, the interaction of interests, multiplicity of actors, and universal adjustment in the security patterns of countries has brought about radical security changes in the west Asia region in the last decade. Among them, however, the security contradiction between Iran and Saudi Arabia has been amongst the most important ones that, due to Saudi’s part role in constructing Iran as a security threat among Arabs, added to the security intricacies of the region and in addition to the parties involved, affected some Arab countries to a greater extent. Despite that, the literature studying this issue is scarce and the thin bulk of research conducted around it suffers from some methodological and epistemological deficiencies. Thus, the present research has been an attempt to employ the theory of security construction in Copenhagen school and employ some methodological innovations in humanities, particularly exploratory and structural interpretation, and validating findings through appropriate software and experts’ judgment to identify main components and variables in this threat construction. It was revealed that Saudi’s construction of Iran as a threat had three main components of ontology (including 2 variables), epistemology (including 4 variables), and methodology (including 7 variables). Also, structural interpretation showed that these variables are distributed in a group of critical variables, target variables, risk variables, output variables and leverage variables. These findings were discussed from a variety of perspectives.

The purpose of the current research is to examine the positions of the Zionist parties, especially the positions of the Likud Party and its impact on the security of the Republic of Iran. The Copenhagen security school is used as a theoretical framework and a descriptive-analytical method and a library tool are used in this research. The key question in this article is what was the impact of the positions of the Likud party during the years 2003 to 2020 on the security of the Republic of Iran. The findings of the research show that the left-wing parties led by the Labor Party have a more cautious view of Iran's nuclear activities and the orientations of these parties have been in line with the actions of the international community, but the religious parties in alliance with the right-wing parties have a similar view to the Likud party. Iran's nuclear activities support and support military actions against Iran, Likud party by making Iran's nuclear activities secure and introducing Iran as an existential threat, has succeeded in persuading the US and other western powers to reduce security threats in the dimensions wide economic, political and military direction to Iran.

The Russian Federation in the post-Soviet era has faced with many security threats. This article has studied the approaches of the Russian Federation under Vladimir Putin seeks to answer the fundamental question, " Why has Russia put realistic pragmatism and foreign policy codes on its foreign policy agenda under Putin?" The paper's hypothesis is that "the geopolitical threats and consequently the fragility of the Russian Federation's national security in the post-Cold War space have been the most important driver of pragmatism in its foreign policy". security threats at both domestic and foreign levels seem to undermine Russian security at three levels: domestic, regional and systemic. This has prompted Putin whit comprehensive approach to concept of security, to turn to Realistic pragmatism foreign policy to counter these threats. Research findings show that behavioral codes such as selective engagement, Emphasis on the formation of a multipolar system in the international system and the strengthening of regionalization, the strategy of reviving its power as a global power, economization of foreign policy, Russian-oriented institutionalism in Eurasia, The policy of looking to the East and cooperating with independent governments from the West and counter-terrorism which all have been designed and implemented to safeguard Russia's interests and security and reduce the potential impact of these threats on Russian national security. In this paper, the research method is in the form of formative and analytical explanations and attempts to find the root of the relationship between the dependent and independent variables of the article.

The Middle East is a crisis-prone region in various political, military, social, cultural and, of course, economic dimensions. Naturally, many researches have been done on these crises and their explanations from different angles. The main goal of the current research is to analyze and investigate the economic and political characteristics of geopolitical crises in the Middle East from the point of view of political geography experts. The research question is, what are the most important political economic characteristics of geopolitical crises in the Middle East from the point of view of political geography experts? This research is applied in terms of purpose and exploratory in terms of nature, and in terms of results, it is developmental research. In order to identify the characteristics of geopolitical crises in the Middle East, the meta-analysis method will be used from the results of 13 researches identified in Iran. The meta-analysis results of these researches will lead to the identification of geopolitical crises in the Middle East.

The purpose of the present study is to review challenges and obstacles of formation of cooperative security models in the Middle East (2001-2020). The research relies on the hypothesis that cooperative security models have requirements such as negotiation-based models, least disagreement in different aspects, transparency and mutual respect, not letting the interference of foreign powers in regional affairs, and having democratic governments but many of them are ignored due to various disputes and conflicts among countries in the region. The present study deals with the cooperative security model and its compatibility with the condition of countries in the Middle east within the regional security framework of Copenhagen school and a descriptive-explanatory method. The results indicate that conflicts in terms of identity, religion, and territory as well as rivalry between great powers have led to ongoing paradox and tension, arms race, lack of transparency, security puzzle, and interference of super-regional powers in the Middle East. Therefore, the cooperative security Model faces numerous challenges which need to be solved.

The involvement of the Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia, the two most significant regional actors, in the Yemen crisis might be seen as a reflection of their ideological rivalry. Ideology plays a considerable part in this situation and paves the way for higher regional competition between these two countries. This study employs a comparative-analytical approach, and data are collected via desk research, books, academic journals, and databases. The subject was discussed using the comparative framework of Barry Buzan's "Regional Security Complex Theory" (RSCT). This study addresses the following question: "How can the rivalry between Iran and Saudi Arabia in the Yemen crisis be explored? “According to the theoretical framework of this study, the rivalry between Iran and Saudi Arabia may be analyzed in four criteria: roles, objectives, level, and strategies. In fact, these nations vary in these four criteria, which will be discussed in the paper. Iran and Saudi Arabia have been rivals for several years. Focusing on this issue and gaining knowledge of the Islamic Republic of Iran by analyzing Saudi Arabia's foreign policy in the region, the present research lays the groundwork for a logical and acceptable strategy to protect Iran's regional status and maintain the power balance.

The findings of the research shows that the United Nations, during its 75-year lifespan, has been able to play an effective role in the performance of governments around the provision of security for the people of the world, especially their Societal security, while laying the groundwork and facilitating the platform for providing services to achieve Societal security., encourage or oblige them to comply with related matters.

Despite the unprecedented ups and downs experienced by Iran and Syria in recent years, the strategic relations between Iran and Syria are considered to be a perfect example of the most unbreakable bilateral relations in the security environment of West Asia, which in the post-crisis environment requires more special role-playing, management and engineering than before in order to consolidate the achievements. . The current research aims to investigate and analyze the foreign policy of the Republic of Iran in Syria in the post-ISIS era, and has raised the question, "How are Iran's behavioral requirements for the post-crisis management of Syria evaluated?" Using the method of descriptive and library study and as a possible answer, the present research proposes the hypothesis that despite the success of the Islamic Republic of Iran in preventing the fall of the political system under the guidance of " Bashar Assad", the continuation of the obtained political-military achievements requires a comprehensive strategy based on the internal considerations of the Syrian society based on common cultural, religious and geopolitical interests and characteristics.

Observing the spread of crises caused by climate change and the ineffectiveness of international efforts, including governments and environmental institutions affiliated to the United Nations and other environmental groups, in attracting the cooperation of governments to deal with climate change and environmental crises over several decades and current challenges of governments with lack of water, drought, flood, change of precipitation and biological patterns have caused the formation of an important issue that questions the reasons for the ineffectiveness of numerous international treaties on climate change. In this regard, in the present study, while addressing this issue, we have tried to answer the question, "How will the international efforts to shape international treaties and get the cooperation of governments to manage climate and weather changes be fruitful?" In this research, while accepting the experimental scientific method, explanatory and prescriptive goals are used, and our research strategy is deductive. The results of this research show that by correcting the scientific agenda and overcoming the limitations of the issue of power and paying attention to the cooperation rate offered in the international structure in accordance with the components defined in the Copenhagen security theory, international actions to deal with climate change will be effective.

Climate Change is an Objective, Global, Actor-Less and non-Governmental Security Threat that is Fundamentally Different from Past Threats. The Main Research Question was what are the Effects of Climate Change on International Security? Our Hypothesis was that Climate Change has Transformed the Concept of Security, Created More and Bigger Security Risks and Threats, and with the Increase of its Consequences, Security at the Global Level and in Different Dimensions of Political, Social, Economic and Human Security is more than ever. Based on the Findings, It should be Said that due to Climate Change, there is no Safe Place in the World Today, and Various Forms of Security at the Individual, National and International Levels are Facing Challenges and Threats. Climate Changes Intensify Existing Security Threats and Make them more Dangerous, and New Aspects of Insecurity, such as Food or Environmental Insecurity, Threaten more People. Consequently, no Limited Legal Agreement or Climate Action of One or Few Countries can Eliminate its Effects, and Global Governmental and Public Cooperation is Essential. The Current Research is Written in an Explanatory Way, Using the Security Theory of the Copenhagen School, Especially the Opinions of Barry Buzan.

The following article seeks to answer the main question: What security approach has the moderate government of Hassan Rouhani put in its agenda during the first term of its presidency (2013-2016)? And more clearly; what are the dimensions, components, and reference, purpose and security strategies in this security approach? The research hypothesis is that the security approach of Hassan Rouhani's government, influenced by the requirements of social fields, had a McNamara approach; In a way, the link between security and development, and especially economic, social and political development, has been a priority. The findings show that the Eleventh Government considers national power to be the result of a broader definition of security and considers it a strategic mistake to limit this concept to military power and the use of harsh tools. It has maximized the issue of security and has tried to improve the national security situation by relying on development policies in the fields of economy, society and politics. Qualitative research method of causal explanation and conceptual and theoretical tools for subject analysis, using the security theory of Barry Buzan and Weaver is one of the leading experts of the Copenhagen school. The method of data collection is also library and also the use of scientific resources of cyberspace.

The Islamic Republics of Iran and Pakistan are two neighboring countries that have many commonalities and are, algebraically, side by side with a relatively common regional destiny. In this regard, in this article, using a descriptive-analytical method and using the theoretical framework of the Copenhagen School, we seek to answer the question that what role does Pakistan play in ensuring Iran's national security? The hypothesis put forward is that Pakistan plays an important role in supporting Taliban terrorism, developing the port of Gwadar versus the port of Chabahar, supporting NATO and US presence in the region, separatists in Balochistan, Pakistan, and drug trafficking. Iran's national security and in this regard, Iran's support for Kabul during the Kabul-Islamabad dispute has weakened Iran's national security on the part of Pakistan. The findings of this study show that therefore the conflicting interests of the Pakistani government with Iran, facilitate The presence of US and NATO troops in the region has been and the threats posed by drug trafficking and transit and the issue of Afghanistan have been the result of cooperation between the government and the Pakistani community against Iran's national security.