جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه "inequality" در نشریات گروه "علوم سیاسی"

Examining the relationship between income distribution and wealth distribution in Iran is very important in terms of economic and social consequences. Therefore, examining the Short-term and long-term inequality of income distribution and wealth distribution in Iran can provide some answers to the questions of policymakers and economic analysts. Focusing on Iran, this research has been conducted based on Piketty's dynamic model of wealth inequality in the time period of 2002-2019. The results showed that in the short term, different assets grow at different rates, and since the ability to earn and save income of the upper deciles is more than the lower deciles, it is expected that the distribution of income will become more unequal and lead to the inequality of wealth distribution. It is also predicted that in the long term, in a stable state, if the return on capital is zero, the advantage of the assets will be lost and will grow with the inflation rate. But what is happening in reality is that the process of distribution of income and share of wealth is in favor of the top 10% of the income decile and the distribution of wealth has become more unequal.

The United States of America has been struggling with the problem of separatism since its founding. For example, the American Civil War (1861 to 1865) was the result of the secession of 11 southern states of America, which did not end with the defeat of the southern states by the northern states. With the defeat of the southern states in the civil war, the secessionist tendencies did not end and there are still strong secessionist tendencies and numerous secessionist movements are active. Considering the importance of separatism in America and the national and international effects of this phenomenon, this article has determined its research goal to investigate the origins and consequences of separatism in America. In order to achieve this goal, the data collected using library resources have been examined and analyzed using the descriptive-analytical method. The results of the article show that inequality, discrimination, harassment, feeling of deprivation and exploitation of resources are the biggest drivers of separatist movements in America. Although the existing trends and conditions show that the separation of a state from the Union is far from reach, but in the case of the separation of important states such as California or Texas or the division of the United States into several countries, important challenges and issues such as how to determine the fate of strategic military bases, equipment and weapons Like nuclear weapons, the end of America's superpower and the fundamental change of the international order will emerge.

One of the most significant political philosophers who devoted his works to the problem of inequality is the French Rousseau. In his famous article "A Discourse on Inequality", he claims that the first historical cause of inequality is private property. Therefore, this research with the theoretical framework of radical democracy, Moff, tried to answer the question of what theoretical basis is based on Russober's hypothesis. What is Rousseau's solution to get out of the crisis of inequality? The result of this research shows that Rousseau's assumption is in line with the criticism of the teachings of the Catholic Church, Locke, especially in the theoretical criticism of Hobbes in Leviathan. There are three main axes: criticism of the natural state/natural law, strong opposition and weak and the nature of sovereignty is stable, and Rousseau's solution to the crisis of contract relies on freedom, which will lead to the unity of contract.

Analyzing the roots of inequality and its relationship with socioeconomic development has become one of the longest-running controversies in the history of economics in theoretical and practical policymaking fields. The study of the evolution of inequality at both domestic and international levels, in addition to exhibiting augmented sensitivity to it and requiring serious attention, reveals many complexities in the fields of social, political, and cultural sciences, especially in developing countries. The study of the opinions of the pioneers and examining the competing theories in a way that includes the experiences of successful and unsuccessful countries in achieving equality and development can play an enlightening and improving role in providing a way for decision-makers and those concerned about the country's development.In the present study, with an analytical-descriptive approach, a theoretical explanation of the relationship between inequality and growth has been conducted, focusing on the channels of positive and negative effects of inequality on growth, the most important of them along with the mechanism of influence have been outlined. In conclusion, while providing statistical evidence, the implications of the issue for the economy of Iran have been discussed. The results indicated that the anti-development consequences of inequality in the economy of Iran can be examined through two important channels: rent-seeking and altering consumption patterns, and creating dependence.

Afghanistan is a multinational and multicultural country that has been plagued by war and insecurity for over 14 decades. One of the main reasons for the continuation of war and insecurity is the lack of attention given to the socio-cultural contexts and dimensions of insecurity. The main goal of this article is to understand the contexts and socio-cultural foundations of order and security in Afghanistan. The research method used is qualitative with a grounded theory approach. The statistical population of this research is the social and cultural affairs experts of Afghanistan, and the samples were selected using the purposeful sampling method. Qualitative interviews were conducted with 18 people until theoretical saturation was reached. The data was analyzed using open, axial, and selective coding.
The findings of the research have been deduced in the form of six main categories: lack of symbolic understanding and cultural disorder, weak and tense interactions between ethnic groups, inequalities and discrimination in the distribution of national resources, militant cultural capital, social capital focused on the tribe and tribe, and lack of formation of the public arena. The central phenomenon of this research is the imprinting of order and security in the social and cultural contexts of Afghan society. It is concluded that the basic solution to ensure order and security in this country is to dismantle the cultural and social foundations of war and insecurity.
Destructive and ruinous wars started with the invasion of Afghanistan by the former Soviet army, and these wars continue under different names and forms. After the withdrawal of the Soviet army from Afghanistan, the government supported by them did not last, and jihadist groups supported by neighboring countries and western countries came to power. These ethnic groups and parties, who did not have the necessary experience, expertise, and governance methods, got involved after about a year. The wars of Jihadi parties and ethnic armed groups also destroyed the city of Kabul and some remaining facilities from the wars of these groups with the Soviet army, and millions of people were forced to migrate (domestic-foreign). This miserable situation led to the emergence of the Taliban group. The Taliban easily removed the Mojahedin groups from power and ruled over 95% of Afghanistan for about five years. Of course, during this period, scattered wars continued in the fronts of Panjshir, Dareh Souf-Samangan, parts of Bamyan, and in Balkhab-Sarpol. With Al-Qaeda's attack on the Twin Towers of New York, the equation was changed, and after obtaining permission from the United Nations Security Council, the United States invaded the Taliban government and overthrew it in about a month. The attack of the United States of America and NATO has been one of the most important military attacks in Afghanistan. The fall of the Taliban opened a new window to war and insecurity, and the face of war changed. After 20 years, the Taliban returned to power, and this time, ISIS, the National Resistance Front, the United National Council Front, and several other fronts have promised to challenge the Taliban's rule. However, the ongoing wars and violence in this country have cultural, social, economic, and structural foundations that have been neglected in most analyses and discourses of war and insecurity. If in the past, a plan and a decision were made to end the war, it was only looked at as a problem, and the dimensions and hidden layers and flames under the ashes of the war were ignored. Therefore, it is essential to investigate the software dimensions of war, that is the cultural and social dimensions of continuous wars in Afghanistan, as this issue has not received enough attention. The main goal of this research is to analyze the software aspects of war and insecurity in Afghanistan.
The main research question is: What are the social and cultural foundations of order and security in Afghanistan? The sub-questions of this research are: What are the cultural roots of insecurity in Afghanistan? Why is the cultural and social capital of the Afghan people strengthened by disorder and insecurity? What direction do competitions and interactions of ethnic groups put the security of Afghanistan in? How do social inequalities and discrimination threaten the security of this country?

The concept of inclusive development focuses on the relationship between equality and development to refer to the inclusion of various dimensions of development, especially its social and political dimensions. Moreover, inclusive development highlights how well-being is distributed among different sections of society, especially marginalized groups and social minorities. In the present study, a multi-dimensional index of inclusive development in the form of 5 dimensions, 11 components, and 33 variables was used to examine the inclusiveness of development in the implementation period of the first to fifth development programs. The results showed that despite the improvement of inclusive development during the implementation of development programs, firstly, the quantitative achievements of growth were weakly correlated with the qualitative achievements of development. Secondly, there was a significant correlation between the political aspect of inclusive development (governance) and development achievements. Thirdly, the country’s inclusive development process was considered reversible, which means that the improvement of inclusive development stopped during the fourth and fifth development plans. Furthermore, this study indicated that out of the 11 components of the studied index, only in the second and third development plans most of the components were improved. Thus, when this result was combined with the six-year implementation period of the first, fourth, and fifth five-year development plans, it indicated that the Inclusive Development Index was a good criterion for evaluating the development performance of these plans. Overall, it is suggested that the planners consider inclusive development at the heart of the Seventh Development Plan.

The planning of future cities is one of the researchers' interests that has led to concepts such as smart cities and livable cities. On the other hand, the growth of inequality is one of the major concerns. This study presents an approach to reduce inequality in urban transportation by educating desirable behaviors to citizens.

This article uses documentary studies to identify the dimensions of inequality, new technologies in the future smart cities, and developing a gamification system. Also, essential technologies in smart future cities the identified by the Delphi method.

Experts identified the Internet of Things (IoT), big data, and cloud computing as essential topics of new technologies. Then proposed an approach that citizens use active and public transportation systems more to reduce inequality.

A framework designed to use the new technologies for planning and managing smart future cities and utilizing the concept of gamification to reduce the costs of infrastructures, collecting and analyzing data. It also habituates citizens' proper transportation behaviors to reduce inequality in future cities by using active and public transportation.

Having the support and continued satisfaction of the people of the society towards domestic and foreign policies is one of the signs of an efficient political system. As the largest population group, young people have a special role and importance for the political stability of a society and its dynamism and vitality in terms of special characteristics of youth. One of the factors affecting youth satisfaction that has been proposed in various theories, including the theory of relative deprivation of the educator, is the degree of relative deprivation in the youth of a society. The purpose of writing this article is to investigate the effect of relative deprivation on the political satisfaction of the youth of Isfahan. This study was conducted by descriptive survey and the sample included 395 young people aged 18 to 35 years old in Isfahan who were selected by cluster sampling. To collect information, a questionnaire method was used, the validity of which was measured by form-content method and its reliability was measured by Cronbach's alpha. Data analysis was performed using SPSS software. The main hypothesis is that the feeling of relative deprivation among young people is related to their level of political satisfaction. Experimental findings show that the main hypothesis of the research is verifiable in the statistical community and the feeling of relative deprivation is inversely and relatively strongly correlated with political satisfaction.

Just as it is natural for powers to rise and fall on the world stage, so it is natural for them to decline and fall. There are several factors involved in this rise and fall, depending on the strength of the advantage; War, economics, the costs of being a superpower, global politics, the decline of ideologies, and the like are among the most important reasons for this decline. The United States, which began its rise on the world stage in the 19th century, became an international hegemonic power after the end of the Cold War and the collapse of the Soviet Union. However, from that time on, there were signs of a decline in this power. Studies have shown that the United States in terms of political indicators such as democracy, human rights, soft power (education, graduate education and the number of foreign students, assistance to less privileged countries, etc.), military power (military budget and military spending of rival powers) , Economic power and other indicators of hegemonic superiority, its distance from other global competitors is narrowing. The present article seeks to examine the political-economic factors of this country that lead to economic decline. Our main question is what are the effective political-economic factors of the decline of American hegemony? The method of this article is qualitative of descriptive-analytical type that uses documentary and library sources to answer the main question.

Any planning for the establishment of social justice requires monitoring the status quo as well as presenting an evaluative image of the current situation. One of the common tools in this area is to design “composite indicators”. After 2008 financial crisis, distributive dimension in social justice due to the injustice dissatisfaction has been more addressed. Concerning social justice, extensive efforts have been made in Iran and the world (in particular, in the Europe) to design a composite index of social justice in order to estimate the status of social justice in EU member states. According to the Islamic theoretical foundations of social justice, serious efforts have been made to design an appropriate composite index for the Islamic Republic of Iran. Accordingly, the areas, sections and measures related to each section were identified based on the deductive-inductive research approach by group of experts. Finally, the estimation as well as measurement of the Iranian justice status from 2006 to 2016 have been conducted. According to the results, compromise index of social justice has not been desirable (the total score out of 10 points has been always approximately or below 5), in three economic, social and governance (ESG) criteria (including 134 measurements in 17 sectors). Also, this indicator has been on a slight downward trend. Social justice indicator was the most undesirable sub-indicator among two other fields (economic and governance indicators) over the past decade.

Since there are different political systems in addition to oil as an influential tool in the economics, analysis of macroeconomic issues of Middle Eastern countries is not an easy task. Although Israel’s economy is Europeanized and differ from other ME’ economic systems, but still has pores. This paper reviews the economic situation and its weaknesses, obstacles and constraints of the Zionist regime. Additionally, the paper attempts to identify important features of Israel’s economic vulnerabilities.

The existence of inequality and its various dimensions is one of the important signs of development, because in fact the countries that today are known as developed countries, while they have high economic and social indicators, the distribution of revenues and facilities is fairly fair. The present study is aimed at leveling 31 provinces of the country according to 93 indicators of development. The type of applied research and its method is analytical-comparative. For analysis of the indicators, the method of VICOR has been used. Findings in the health indicators section show that Tehran provinces with the lowest viyomites (Qi = 0) are in the first place and Zanjan province with the highest score (Qi =1). Thus, in the Northern Khorasan province, with a score of 0 (Qi = 0.48) and Kohkiluyeh and Boyerahmad with Emitas (Qi = 997) in the Cultural Index of Khorasan Razavi with a score of (Qi =0) and Kohkilah and Boyer Ahmed with a score of (Qi =1) In physical indicators of Alborz province with a score of (Qi =0) and Ilam with a score of (Qi =1) in the social sector of Alborz province with a score of (Qi=0) and border of Ilam province with a score of(Qi =0.997) In the economic sector, the province of Tehran with points (Qi = 0) and Gilan with the score (Qi = 0.00017), in the migration section of Alborz province with points (Qi = 0) and Semnan with a score of (Qi =1), finally in the education sector of the province Chaharmahal Bakhtiari with points (Qi =0) and Fars province with a score Q (Qi =1) are placed in the first and last positions respectively. Finally, there are suggestions for improving the status of the provinces and maintaining the balance of the provinces.

According to human rights organizations, inspite of active human rights organizations efforts in the United States, the US government breaches the rights of many American and non- American citizens throughout the world. This article tries to show that the breach of human rights is breach of domination of neo-conservatism in the western capitalist countries in the past few decades which believes in inequality of human being in the social, economic and political spheres. While principles of human rights believe in equality of man in all spheres of life. It should be noted that neo-conservatism here means a political, social and economic line of thought in reaction to welfare states programs of the western countries after the world war II, which has a different meaning from neo-conservatism in the usual sense.
This made of thinking believes in inequality of human races, trade free from any government interference, reducing taxes, anti- feminism, exerting control over different aspects of human line including interception of cyber space and people’s communication.

Assessment of ups and downs of justice or the impact of policies on improvement or deterioration of justice depends on introduction of an index for justice. Due to insufficiency of distributive justice indices (poverty and inequality) to represent the dimensions of economic justice in Islam, this paper aims to introduce a new composite index, which can help to monitor the strategic objectives of the Islamic Republic, for economic justice. For this reason, the theoretical basis of economic justice firstly and then the combined index methodology are introduced. Afterwards, based on an elite two-staged Delphi, weighting dimensions of index is identified, and for the first time combined index of economic justice is calculated during 2000 first decade, and validity of that is confirmed by W. Candle Test. The results show that the all index trend has declined with slight slope. In the final years of the mentioned period, the components of supporting property rights and adherence to the agreements and transactions declined. During the entire period, the components of the optimal utilization of resources and the right of future generations of natural resources have had an inconvenient situation.

Assessment of ups and downs of justice or the impact of policies on improvement or deterioration of justice depends on introduction of an index for justice. Due to insufficiency of distributive justice indices (poverty and inequality) to represent the dimensions of economic justice in Islam, this paper aims to introduce a new composite index, which can help to monitor the strategic objectives of the Islamic Republic, for economic justice. For this reason, the theoretical basis of economic justice firstly and then the combined index methodology are introduced. Afterwards, based on an elite two-staged Delphi, weighting dimensions of index is identified, and for the first time combined index of economic justice is calculated during 2000 first decade, and validity of that is confirmed by W. Candle Test. The results show that the all index trend has declined with slight slope. In the final years of the mentioned period, the components of supporting property rights and adherence to the agreements and transactions declined. During the entire period, the components of the optimal utilization of resources and the right of future generations of natural resources have had an inconvenient situation.

Inequality in the allocation of opportunities has always been one of the main sources of economic concern on national and global scale. At national level, income mobility is a criterion that measures the degree of equality and inequality of opportunities in a society. In this paper, a type of pattern data building pseudo-panel is designed in order to examine the effects of income mobility on consuming welfare of urban male heads of household in Iran. The pattern is designed by combining cross-sectional data of household budget of generations of families that are in the years 1988 to 2011 on track. The results indicate that the middle age generation has higher income mobility and lower opportunity inequality compared to young generation. The more the opportunity inequality is, the larger the consuming gap will become between individuals. Therefore, by reduction of inequality of opportunities, the increase of consuming welfare can be seen.

The present study analyses the fundamental hypotheses and variables of the two important paradigms in social sciences, economics and politics, and the route of historical development through recognizing the mindset of specialists in the two sciences and also in the paradigm shift of sociology and psychology of Thomas Kuhn and its impact on the homeland security. The hypotheses of the two paradigms are set in 39 propositions of Q and in 9 pivots (inequality and poverty, politico-economic instability, economic growth, distribution of revenue and resources, inflation, joblessness, personal and collective interest, socio- economic anomia, government and economic paradigms); the sample is set in four categories upon Q Methodology, and the data analysis, variance and Pearson Correlation was conducted with SPSS. The outcome of the study suggests that the propositions of political economy bear a positive meaningful relation from the perspective of politics in homeland security; however, from economic perspective, the propositions bear no meaningful relation with homeland security. The two pivots including government and economic paradigms-growth are of the utmost difference (19/210 to 19/509) in the two groups and in other groups, the difference hits 5/019 to 13/240. Accordingly, it is inferred that the groups of economics and politics possess different mindsets in pure economic or politico-economic models.

Islamic countries، with about 1. 5 billion people، allocated nearly a quarter of the world''s population. International organizations statistics including the United Nations Human Development Report shows that despite Islam emphasis on justice and reduce inequality between communities and benefit everyone of a good and healthy life، there is much inequality and differences in economic، social and… indexes field. The population used in this study، are member countries of Islamic Conference Organization. The aim of this study is evaluation the deprivation level and access level of the Islamic countries economical - social indexes and compares them to each other. Research methods are mainly library and using data and statistics from the international communities، including the annually United Nations Human Development Report)HDR). In this research have tried، are discussed for achieving the transformation of the Islamic countries economical - social indexes the time series (1990-2010) based on models and trends، Including the Morris method، indexing method and variance coefficient method or (cv). Studies show there is much inequality among Islamic countries، and many of differences are in terms of per capita income. Despite these inequalities، these countries will not be able to play their role in entire world and various aspects. So in the end، we try to provide solutions to the current situation.

The main question of this article is that “while there is spreading economic critics of egalitarianism economic justice policies, why numerous governments follow this policy? “The hypothesis argues that national security concerns are determined factors in pursuit of these economic policies by governments. Since discrimination and relative deprivation are negative factors in national security states value economic justice. The more discrimination will form the more challenges against political regime and national integration. Nevertheless, discrimination feeling is not confined to deprived people, but affluent class also can feel discriminated and challenge national security.

Slum and informal settlements provide the low-cost and only affordable housing, and lowincome employees for the urban poor, therefore is seen as a solution. But they holder of the problems that are threatening the sustainability of cities. Urban security has a strong linkage with the issue of informal settlements. In this paper with descriptive method, reviews literature and statistics and information, has investigated various aspects of connection between slums and urban security. Security of tenure, poverty, natural and human disaster, urban violence and riots are important problems that have relation with security and slums. Second and third generations live now in the slums that have different aspirations and needs of their fathers. In these conditions, absence of proper supply and Lack of attention to the social justice will create problems for the city and urban security. This paper has emphasized that As long as there is poverty, relative deprivation and ethnic disparities, insecurity in both, the slums and the city will ever wider.