جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « Political Structure » در نشریات گروه « علوم سیاسی »

Power naturally has a desire for corruption, and reducing corruption requires curbing political power; Controlling political power also requires its institutionalization; Institutionalization of power means legality and depersonalization of political power; Based on this assumption, the question of this article is, "How can the institutional challenges of exercising political power in the period of the Islamic Republic of Iran be explained?" In response to the research question, this hypothesis is proposed that "the institutional challenges of the exercise of political power during the period of the Islamic Republic of Iran are rooted in the unequal distribution of political power in the ruling political structure, which is in the form of political rules and by rule-making actors in the institutional framework of the early Islamic Revolution 1979, It has been established". To answer the research question, the process tracking research method has been used, and for the theoretical explanation of the research problem, the theoretical framework of political institutionalism has been used. The results of the research show that in the early years of the 1979 Islamic Revolution, Islamic political forces, due to their extensive social power, had a superior and exclusive role in determining and compiling the rules and procedures for the implementation of political power, and this led to an unequal distribution of political power in the structure. ruling politics and as a result, weakening the institutionalization of the exercise of political power and intensifying political corruption.

Looking at the history of science in contemporary Iran, it becomes clear that the entry of new sciences in Iran has not been balanced. In the beginning, technical and medical sciences entered Iran. Over time, but more slowly, new thoughts and ideas that showed themselves in the form of political and social concepts such as constitutionalism, parliament, constitution, etc. were introduced and introduced to the people of this land under humanities. With the passage of time and the feeling of the need to modernize the country, especially during the first Pahlavi period, the academic system or university system was established in the country and parallel to that, the new human sciences gradually expanded.Due to its intellectual nature and its connection with the concepts, ideas and thoughts of individuals and social groups, humanities includes its own approaches, terms and values. One of the most important points that are discussed in our society, but in practice it is forgotten, is to pay attention to the key point that the basis of the transformation of Western societies since the Renaissance period is the transformation in the field of humanities. The main issue of this article is to examine the challenges of humanities in Iran. For this purpose, by using the theory of institutionalism and the emphasis that this point of view has on institutions such as political structure, cultural structure, intellectual structure and common traditions of society, the challenges of humanities in Iran are investigated.

Afghanistan is one of the countries that has a heterogeneous and multi-ethnic structure, and the problem of ethnicity and ethnicity is one of the great harms of unity and the source of differences on the social structure of the Afghan society, and it has been one of the serious obstacles to national cohesion, convergence and political development. has been in this country. Of course, in Afghanistan since its establishment as an independent country (1747 AD), attention has been paid to this phenomenon, and in order to curb it in different periods and governments, considering the diversity and characteristics of Afghan ethnicities, on the one hand, and on the other hand, looking at the conditions governing the region and interests The national and political systems of this country have engaged in ethnic politics. The political structure in Afghanistan is based on ethnic politics. The structure of this country has always depended on ethnic politics. The main goal of this research is to analyze and evaluate the mono-ethnic policy in the political structure, while this country has ethnic diversity.Research background Various researches and articles have been written about ethnic politics, political structure and cultural and social diversity in Afghanistan, which can generally be examined in the following categories.The phenomenon of ethnocentrism is a negative phenomenon which was examined on the axis of Afghanism (Pashtunism) and the ethnic policies of Afghanistan's rulers were formed "unsuccessfully and based on nervousness", which can be seen in the article "Political Development of Afghanistan and the Inhibiting Role of Ethnicism" In its formation", written by Mohammad Ali Mir Ali and Mohammad Mohsani, he pointed out.Due to the severity of religious, linguistic and especially ethnic differences between "all the ethnic groups of Afghanistan", he considers that the talk of the ethnic politics of Afghanistan's rulers was mostly the result of "foreign element's intervention". In this regard, the thesis of Hafizullah Hafiz is entitled "Comparative study of the role of Iran and Saudi Arabia in the management of the conflict in Afghanistan (2001-2017).Regarding the political structure of Afghanistan position, we can refer to the article "The position of ethnic groups in the formation of the political structure of Afghanistan's governance after 2001 AD", written by Kyomarth Yazdan-Panah and Seyed Jalal Ahmadi, which mostly deals with the position of ethnic groups in the republic period. While ethnic politics in the form of unity in plurality existed in a weak and intense form during this period.Regarding the solution to Afghanistan's crises, the research entitled "The path to ethnic problems in Afghanistan" by Barfield is of the opinion that the existing solution is to transition from the crisis and decentralize the power structure and give more powers to local governments. While one of the main factors in crises is the monopoly of the political structure by governments.This research is looking for accurate and useful reports about the role of ethnic politics in the political structure, and on the other hand, it aims to focus more on ethnic politics in the field of ethnic politics in the contemporary period.The basic question raised in this article. It is: How is the role of ethnic politics in the political structure of Afghanistan analyzed?Sub questionsIn what period of Afghanistan's rulers was the ethnic identification model implemented?The model of ethnic pluralism was carried out during which period of Afghanistan's rulers?The model of unity in ethnic plurality, during which period of Afghanistan's rulers, has continued to happen?The declarative and practical policies of dealing with ethnicity in Afghanistan in the contemporary period and different governments have similar and different characteristics and approaches, and in addition, the shortcomings of the ruling governments, sometimes with the resistance of the traditional society and tribe. They faced Afghanistan.From the period of Abdali, Abdul Rahman, Habibullah, Nader, Hashim, Dawood and the Taliban in order to lead and control it, they used the approach of ethnic identification models and models based on Afghanism (Pashto) and even though they institutionalized Afghan nationalism.From the era of Amanullah, Shah Mahmoud, Zahir Shah, Nur Mohammad Taraki, Hafizullah Amin, Birak Karmel and Najibullah, in this regard, according to the models and models of pluralism that led to the equality of ethnic groups. they moved. Although they had significant achievements, traditional values prevented it and finally left the playing field for the other party.Finally, the Daud Khan Republic and the government of Hamed Karzai and Mohammad Ashraf Ghani emphasized on the model and models of unity at the same time as plurality. But none of these rulers were successful in this move.This research is among developmental and applied research. According to the type and topic of the research, the collection of research data is based on documentary and library methods.The findings of this research show that the political structure in Afghanistan has always been based on ethnic policies and the ruling Afghan (Pashto) people. In other human societies, people have power from governments. But in the society of Afghanistan, which is a very traditional society, which has power based on religion, religion, ethnicity, and even tribe. In this country, all interactions, relations, political and social affairs are formed based on religion, ethnicity, and the continuity of governments is in the shadow of ethnicity and religion. On the other hand, the rulers of statesmen; They have also tried in many ways to reduce the influence of ethnicity and religion and to change the bilateral relations between ethnic groups, tribes and governments and bring them to the benefit of the central government.

The proposed article is a quantitative research that was conducted with a combined paradigm-survey method. In this article, based on Friedman's test, the priority and rank of paradigms of cultural structure, political structure and legal structure were determined in the degree of underdevelopment of Iranian society. It was also tried to measure the average underdevelopment between men and women and the average underdevelopment between single and married people based on independent t-test and Mann-Whitney test. The result indicates that the comparison of the average ranks shows that among the three paradigms of cultural structure, political structure and legal structure, the most important paradigm of underdevelopment is cultural structure 3.00, legal structure 1.78 and political structure 1.22 respectively It also shows the relationship between men and women and the degree of underdevelopment; Because the value of the significance level of the independent t-test is reported as 515%, and this estimate is above 05%, at the 5% error level, it can be concluded that the average underdevelopment of men of the same weight is the same; Therefore, the research hypothesis is confirmed. On the other hand, since the Man-Whitney test's significance level value is reported as 297%, and this value is above 05% level at the 5% error level, it can be concluded that the level of underdevelopment of single and married people is the same; Therefore, the research hypothesis is confirmed.

was tried to determine the priority and rank of the paradigms of geographical structure, social structure and economic structure in the level of underdevelopment of Iranian society based on Friedman's test. Also, an attempt was made to determine the relationship between age, academic rank with the level of underdevelopment of Iranian society from the point of view of the scientific middle class, based on Spearman's correlation coefficient. The result indicates that the comparison of the average ranks shows that among the three paradigms of geographic structure, social structure and economic structure, the most important paradigm of underdevelopment is 2/99 social structure, 1/55 geographical structure and 1/46 economic structure respectively. Also, the relationship between the value of age and the degree of underdevelopment shows that because the value of the significance level of Spearman's test is reported as 690% and because this value is more than 05% at the error level of 5%, it can be said that there is a significant relationship between the value of age and the degree of underdevelopment. does not have. Therefore, our hypothesis is rejected. The relationship between the amount of scientific rank and the level of underdevelopment also showed that because the value of the significance level of the Spearman test was reported as 681% and because this value is more than 05% at the error level of 5%, it can be said that there is a significant relationship between the amount of scientific rank and the level of underdevelopment. Does not exist. Therefore, the proposed hypothesis is rejected and not confirmed. 

The purpose of the present study is to review the causes of the Seljuk kings’ need for religious and political legitimacy in the state structure and the policy of interaction between the Seljukids and Abbasids. In this regard and using a descriptive-analytic method, this question was answered: what policies and methods were undertaken by the Seljuk government to establish a powerful kingdom and acquire legitimacy from Abbasid caliphs? The results showed that the Turk Seljuks who reached power in Iran at early 5th century, like religious rulers, under the rubric of Islam ruled over Iran and made the highest use of the institution of Abbasid caliphate to justify their religious and political legitimacy and attempted to show their governance in front of people as justified, legitimate, and acceptable. This policy adopted by them had an impact on the state structure and gave direction to that.

AbstractChina and India's rapid growth and development in recent years, with two different political structures, have made them an attractive phenomenon in development issues. In so far as that, the two countries have become models for other developing societies which seek to understand the relationship between political structure and development. India is a country with a democratic infrastructure, but China has an authoritarian and centralized system. The present paper seeks to examine the relationship between political structure and economic development in India and China based on the model of the developmental state of Adrian Leftwich. Therefore, the current article investigates the relationship between political structure and economic development in these two countries. We hypothesize that the existence of developmental state indicators in these two countries has led to the economic development of India and China. The level of democratic freedom does not necessarily determine development. This study shows that the existence of the characteristics of a developmental state, including developmental elites, the relative independence of the state, strong bureaucracy, and weak civil society, has provided the necessary grounds for development in China and India. This paper is based on data and documentary-library

The present study focuses on the issue of "What is the framework for the construction and nature of the native governments of the Iranian plateau in terms of power and the influence of its social foundations on the power structure and what is its relationship with Mesopotamian governments?" The aim is to describe the structure of political power and its relationship to social groups in pre-Aryan and Mesopotamian civilizations. The framework of analysis is based on two types of unilateral (vertical) power structure and bilateral (horizontal) power structure. The research method is a comparative type that compares macro social units to discover differences and similarities between communities, and first and second hand documentary methods have been used to collect data. The results show that all the indigenous civilizations of the Iranian plateau had a horizontal political structure, and it is only in Jiroft that the possibility of a centralized state can be stated. In the Mesopotamian realm, the Akkadian and Assyrian civilizations had a vertical political structure, and the Sumerian and Babylonian civilizations had a horizontal structure in the first period, which changed the nature of the vertical structure in the second period. The result of the research is that we can talk about the existence of two different political traditions in the two civilizations of the Iranian plateau and Mesopotamia, the first of which was based on the division of power and the second based on the concentration of power.

The Middle East is a strategic area of crisis areas, due to its particular political geography and the national interests of big powers, has always been a challenge and tension. Since Iran is in this region and national security is the most important demand of a state-country with an important data selection, we can predict the crisis in this region. Information and data is the most important tool of analysis, which can analyze some events and crises in this article, better to the data that helps us to predict crisis in the region, which include the movement's position. Political in the Middle East and its dependence on one of the great powers, political geography, national interests of the powers and the position of these big powers in the current international relations such as the data are striking, as well as the political and legal structure and some theories of international relations and conventions between International is among the data that is effective in predicting crisis in the region, we have used this important data from international law and other knowledge related to political science.

Indonesia is one of the Muslim countries in Southeast Asia, making significant economic and political progress in recent decades. Today, this progress in the political arena is seen as the activities of various groups in the form of political parties and factions in this country's decision-making process. The main question here is, "Why have Indonesian Shiites failed to change their socio-political position and failed to find a suitable political role and position in the country?" To answer the question, based on the combination of the two theories of political mobilization and the structure of political opportunity, it can be stated that "The five components of a dispersed population, along with the weak economic strength of the Shiite people, fragmented and non-political leaders, the prevailing ideology and obstruction of the political system, the dysfunctional organization and the lack of access to influential allies and the political non-use of media opportunities had played an essential role in this situation. The findings also show that Indonesia's Shiite population does not have the necessary geographical cohesion, organizations with a synergistic and mobilizing approach, dynamic and practical ideology, and leaders with socio-political concerns. Therefore, the Shiites of this country have been deprived of the process of participation in power. In this paper, the descriptive-analytical method and library method have been used to collect and analyze data.

One of the most important issues in a country is the role of political structure in cultural policy making. State policy is the setting, formulation and presentation of rules and standards that meet the general requirements of the state for the actions and collective interests of the nation. What has been examined in this research is the role of Iran's political structure in cultural policy-making. In this study, the sociological libraries of secondary education in education were examined. In order to enter into the discussion, first the sources of studies such as books, articles, internet resources, etc. The subject of the research was studied and explained and after reviewing the sociological books of secondary school, the research indicators and variables were extracted and based on it A model was proposed and questionnaires were extracted. To prove the proposed model from Delphi method and LISREL and SPSS softwares. Used. The results show that the legislature, executive and judiciary are involved, respectively. Among the methods of cultural policy making, cultural goal-making (goal-oriented policy-making) is the highest ranked, followed by policy-making to tackle cultural problems and, ultimately, futuristic policy-making. Influential. Structural equation model testing of research hypotheses in standard estimation mode and significant coefficients proved significant and positive relationship of all sub-components with related components and political structure of Iran.

In designing the political system and its content, three areas of discussion are of interest to scholars. a. Description of the existing structure and its content b. Structural analysis and desirable ideas c. The method of transition from the present to the desired state. The present paper seeks to study the optimal political structure and its notions from the perspective of Motahhari. The main focus of the Shari'a and the teachings of Islam on the progress and excellence of man and society are the main content element, and the realization of religious populism is the most important issue in the field of political structure. The present study was prepared by descriptive-analytical and inferential method

Although some studies have been conducted on Iran’s political stability after the Revolution, the present article compares political stability and instability in the four decades after the French Revolution and the Revolution of Iran in order to provide a deeper understanding of the Islamic Revolution. Therefore, the research question is: How was the status of political stability in France after the Revolution (1789 A.D./ 1167 A. SH.) in comparison with Iran after the Revolution (1357 A. SH.) in the four decades after the Revolution? The authors believe that regarding the comparison of the criteria of political stability in the two countries, Iran after the Revolution has enjoyed more political stability than France. In order to prove the hypothesis, political changes in France and Iran after the Revolution, including changes in political structure, continuity of political system and its challenges, were analyzed using comparative method and the results were that as a result of unified leadership, Islamic ideology and continuous presence of the people in the four decades after the Revolution, Iran has been more stable than France in its corresponding period.

The purpose of this study is to compare the economic performance of Mahathir Bin Mohammad’s government in Malaysia and Seyyed Mohammad Khatami’s in the Islamic Republic of Iran based on “Adrian Leftwich's” theory of the role of political structure and government in the economic growth and development of countries. The present study’s research method is library research and descriptive analytical research. Considering the common points in the thoughts of Seyyed Mohammad Khatami and Mahathir Bin Mohammad on economic development, this study examines the reasons behind the weaker performance of Seyyed Mohammad Khatami compared with his counterpart in Malaysia. The findings suggest that, despite Khatami's and Mahatir Bin Mohammad's similar economic views, Khatami was unable to fully implement his economic plans due to the lack of authority and power of the president in determining the economic policies of Iran. While the political structure and compliance of other Malaysian political institutions from Mahathir Bin Mohammad led him to move Malaysia towards economic development using his economic plans. Therefore, Iran's economic development requires a national consensus and support for established economic policies. In sum, economic development requires a calm and low-tension environment, the internal solidarity among the elite of the community, political and religious pluralism, political stability, and a culture of collective efforts.

The disintegration of the Korean peninsula after the World War II, and its consolidation after the bloody war between the two Koreas, have created two totally different governments and consequently, two different nations on either side of the Korean Peninsula. On one hand, South Korea has used its reliance and alliance with the U.S. and has created a liberal and developmental government. On the contrary, North Korea has developed a socialist government based on its so called Juche ideology which significantly relies on the personality of its great leader of communist party and has prioritized its defense capability development based on nuclear and missile deterrence over economic development. Despite the fundamental and structural difference between the two governments and their political strategies, Korean Reunification remains an integral part of their constitution and the ultimate goals of the leaders of the two countries, which has resulted in unification models provided by both sides in order to achieve this mutual goal. With the knowledge of its weaker position, North Korea has introduced a confederative model based on a country, two governments system, indicating its priority for survival and preventing its probable deterioration by the dynamic economy of South Korea. In return, South Korea has taken a gradual approach toward unification, with hope to face reforms in North Korea which tries to keep pace and avoid a sudden unification with high costs for South Korea. It indicates that South Korea while preparing for the collapse of North Korea or the occurrence of Unification, tries to spread its democratic system and liberal economy throughout the peninsula.

Thesubject of research is three axes of futures studies (time dimensions, bases and elements). The starting point is to review hermeneutically the history of West philosophy regarding the three phases of truth: Plato, Kant and Nietzsche truth. These three types of truth are forming a spectrum with two absolute extremes and intermediate area. Futures studies is also consist of three future types (objective, middle and subjective) and three future approaches (theoretical, theoretical-practical and practical), forming a 3*3 matrix with 15 future studies areas, called together futures thinking. The purpose is the epistemology of futures studies areas. Explaining the interrelationship of futures thinking with management and leadership, the position of futures thinking in organizational and political structures is determined. Two functions of futures thinking (missing link of management and leadership) are converging and paralleling. The position of futures thinking in organizational and political structures is beyond of management and administration, judiciary and legislation and inferior of leadership. Finally, the development line of planning, futures studies and post futures studies is specified to distinguish future of futures studies and post futures studies. Planning, futures studies and post futures studies are, respectively, managerial and political, social and sociological, and governmental and political in nature. Final goal of futures studies, future of futures studies (connective link of futures studies and post futures studies) and post futures studies are establishment of an ideal society, globalization of the ideal society and establishment of global ideal government, respectively.

The main aim of the present paper is to assess proper political structures affecting oil nationalization movement based upon Smelser Movement Theory. The main question of the study is that: How did the nature of political structures in Qajar and First Pahlavi periods helped to provide the proper conditions for the emergence of Oil Nationalization Movement? The data shows that the political structure in Qajar period can be explained through two major factors that are despotism and patrimonial. Moreover, collected data indicates that the years between 1920 and 1926 is the era of dual sovereignty and the nature of political structure in the period of First Pahlavi can be divided into two sectors: Pseudo-modern dictatorship (1926-1933) and Pseudo-modern authoritarian (1933-1941) periods. The paper concludes that the lack of rule of law in the long term political structure of Iran has provided proper conditions for oil nationalization movement in 1940’s. Research methodology in this study is historical and the data is gathered through library studies.