جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « politics » در نشریات گروه « علوم قرآن و حدیث »

Concurrently with the consolidation of British rule in Iran, which was accompanied by Reza Khan's coup d'état at the beginning of the fourteenth century (AH), the Qom Seminary was revived by Ayatollah Haj Sheikh Abdul Karim Ha'eri Yazdi (may Allah have mercy on him) with the aim of preserving and promoting religious principles. This scientific and cultural movement in the fourth decade of this century, under the leadership of one of the most prominent students of the Late Ha'eri, led to the revolutionary uprising of the Iranian nation and ultimately to the victory of the revolution and the establishment of religious sovereignty. This article addresses the interpretive achievements of the Qom Seminary during the last century in the issue of religious sovereignty using a historical analytical approach. The examination of the exegeses of religious scholars and their contemplation, whether in sequential or thematic order, as well as various books, reveals that the issue of politics and religious sovereignty has prompted Islamic scholars and Quranic interpreters in the Qom Seminary to take a stance in this field. The current research aims to elucidate this scholarly position of the Qom Seminary and its outcomes in the last century. The analysis of interpretive activities and achievements in the political dimension indicates that the interpretive achievements of the Qom Seminary regarding sovereignty encompass both negative aspects, including debate, criticism, and denial of the legitimacy of the autocratic political system, and positive aspects, including description and explanation of the components of religious sovereignty and its dimensions in the era of occultation. The key components of religious governance can be expressed in various aspects such as the relationship between religion and politics, the necessity of government and its popularity, as well as legitimacy and the structure of governance.

from the style and trend in today's government policies; Softness, flexibility and negotiation are aimed at achieving the best result to resolve conflicts, disputes and tensions in both domestic affairs and foreign policy. What is necessary and worthy of reflection in Islam regarding the behavior and relationship with the political opponents and opponents of the government is the principle of softness, flexibility and tolerance, and these principles are also based on the Sharia and emphasizing the principle of dignity, wisdom and expediency. The main goal of this research is to identify, describe and explain the limits of heroic flexibility in the political career of Ali (AS) and the effects and consequences of using this tactic in the behavior of individuals and groups of Islamic society. This research is descriptive-analytical in terms of working method and library in terms of data collection method.The results indicate that during the political life of Ali (a.s.), he used this tactic at different times and according to the circumstances, and all those practices were used to protect the principle of Islam and Muslims. The moderation that he has done in political affairs was within the framework of values ​​and based on the interests of the Ummah, and he paid full attention to the conditions of the society. He clearly declares the right orientation and persistence on the principles as part of his government programs and states that different political conditions should not force people to compromise on the principles and facts

One of the disadvantages of power in societies is the ruler's autocracy and boundless domination, which causes oppression, injustice, and rights violations of subjects and causes suffocation and frustration in the general public, particularly the weaker classes of people. Acquaintance with the lofty and sublime thoughts of Amir al-Mu'minin Ali (AS) and paying attention to his style of government will lead to the limitation of power. These limits and boundaries are based on the theoretical foundations of Islam. On one hand, define the general principles of the ruler's movement and on the other hand, represent the red lines that should not be crossed. The laws recognized by Imam Ali (AS) play a reference role in determining the methods. With the help of these laws, every influential person can be bound to act based on justice and save humanity from aggression and bloodshed. The present article, with a descriptive-analytics method based on Nahj al-Balaghah traditions and the historical-political atmosphere of the era of Amir al-Mu'minin Ali (AS), extracted the technique of good governance, which is based on justice and derived from the sovereignty of God. This type of governance is based on the three foundations of good planning and time and space management. and the combination of hard and soft power. The general lines of the Imam's governance include God-centeredness, religion-centeredness, justice-centeredness, moderation, faithfulness, and truth. His red lines are in the exercise of power, tyranny, force and violence, reproduction, exclusivity, and boasting.

The affirmations of the Islamic intellectual system and the existence of differences and divisions among Muslims in Islamic countries indicate that a great practical and theoretical effort is needed in the field of unity and determination of the foundations and principles, limits, and solutions to remove them on the part of researchers and sympathizers of the religion. Imam Ali (PBUH) was one of the great Islamic personalities based on his position and high rank among Muslims, who played a significant role in creating Islamic unity and removing the division and disunity. Muslims find a new way for unity based on the theories and lifestyle of Imam Ali (PBUH) in Nahj al-Balagha and Islamic religions and parties have gained esteem by reforming relations with non-Islamic societies and provoking political solidarity and unity among Islamic countries and providing the opportunity with the route of political unity among groups in the past. This research, which has been carried out in a descriptiveanalytical method, attempts to express the moderate thoughts and opinions of Imam Ali (PBUH) by avoiding extremes, excesses, and narrowing the area on petrified and bigoted groups on the route of political unity among MuslimsIn addition, Imam Ali (PBUH) adhered to the Holy Qur'an, the Holy Prophet (peace and blessings of God be upon him), referring to those in command, and obeying them and moral virtues and eruditions, and preserving freedom as the most important principles and foundations of the political unity of Muslims. The strength, pride, and material and spiritual integrity of the Islamic Ummah will be achieved.

Resistance is one of the important concepts in Islamic culture, relying on which Muslims can stop the enemy from achieving their goals. Undoubtedly, the enemy creates challenges against the Islamic resistance to prevent the resisting Muslims from achieving their goals. These challenges can be divided into various aspects, of which political challenges are of the most important. Political challenges may arise in both national and international arenas. This study seeks to explain the political challenges of Islamic resistance in the international arena. Since the Holy Qur'an has provided a solution for resistance by emphasizing the Islamic resistance against the enemy, in this research, the Qur'anic solutions to deal with these challenges are also explained. By examining and analyzing the actions of the enemy, the most important international challenges are the fronting of the enemy, isolation, weakening, and finally the dominance of the colonists. To cope with these challenges, several solutions are used from the Holy Qur'an, such as foreign relations, self-respect, internal empowerment, and finally, independence and anti-dominance. The type of information collection in this research is library-based and it has answered the research question via a descriptive-analytical method.

Mahdavi's traditions and concepts have been the focus of various political groups at the forefront of Islam. It seems that political currents claiming Mahdism have played a large role in falsifying and distorting Mahdavi traditions and concepts and have used the method of falsification as a way of political exploitation of Mahdavi traditions. It seems that at the end of the Umayyad period, most of the fake traditions and concepts found their way into Mahdavi traditions. During this period, various political groups such as the Abbasids, Kisaniyyas, Zaidis, etc. tried to take over the government, and one of the most important tricks of these political currents in order to legitimize themselves was resorting to Mahdavi concepts; In such a way that we see Mahdavi claims widely in all these currents. Many traditions have been narrated from the Prophet about the emergence of a man from his family as the Mahdi. In these traditions, the important feature of Mahdi is mentioned, that is, justice. These traditions existed among the people and many considered themselves waiting for the appearance of the promised Mahdi.Among the political currents of the beginning of Islam, which tried to legitimize and gain power by using Mahdavi hadiths, we can mention various currents that emerged in Zaidiyyah. Many clues can be found that currents such as Nafs Zakiya, Yahya ibn Omar and Muhammad ibn Qasim have pursued their own political interests by using Mahdavi's teachings and hadiths. In the meantime, the flow of Zakiyah's soul, namely Muhammad ibn Abdullah ibn Hassan, has played a more prominent role in forging and distorting hadiths and teachings of Mahdism.

In this study, we have examined the advanced sources of Zaidiyyah, as well as the hadith sources of Fariqayn, and the historical study of the history of the claimants of Mahdism in the Zaydiyya sect, and we have identified those types of hadiths and claims related to Mahdavi concepts and teachings, which required reflection and discussion. We have investigated these traditions with descriptive and analytical methods. With the explanation that in order to find the Zaidian forgeries in the Mahdavi traditions, the answers to the above questions can be reached in two ways. First, the historical study of the most important movements of Zaidiyya and the examination of their claims, which are related to the discussion of Mahdism, are discussed. To move in this direction, the investigation of Islamic first-hand historical sources and sources like Muqatil al-Talbeen of Abul Faraj Esfahani (died 356 AH) and Haqiq al-Marafa fi ’Ilam Kalam of Ahmad ibn Sulaiman (died 556 AH), which are among the first-hand sources of Zaidiyyah, can be helpful. And the second way is to review the narratives that are somewhat doubtful and can be related to some of these currents. In fact, in this method, we are looking for clues that connect the hadith in question with a specific political current. Many examples of such hadiths can be found that are related to some political currents, so by using this clue, we can look for more evidence to prove the falsification or distortion of these items. Among the prominent examples of this type of traditions, we can mention the traditions related to the stammering of Mahdi Mououd's speech or the traditions of Yaran Taleqani of Mououd Mehdi, each of which is related to a specific political current.

The Mahdavi debates in Zaidiyyah are more than a religious issue, it is a political issue, and several political currents can be traced in this sect that started an uprising by taking advantage of the political color of these concepts. In the course of Zayd ibn Ali, although we do not witness falsification of hadith due to the fact that his followers do not believe in the absence of Zayd; However, we see the use of Mahdavi titles such as "Mahdi" and "Mansour" in order to make him superior and to insinuate that he is a Mahdi. In other schools of Zaidiyyah, such as Nafs Zakiyah, Yahya ibn Omar and Muhammad ibn Qasim, we witness the falsification and distortion of hadiths for political interests.

In the course of Muhammad ibn Abdullah ibn Hasan, nicknamed "Zakieh's soul", Mahdavi concepts play a prominent role. In many hadiths, traces of this trend can be seen, its falsification and distortion. In order to insinuate that he is a Mahdi, traditions have been forged in his name, father's name, nickname, mother's name and physical characteristics. The traditions that consider the name of the promised Mahdi's father to be the same as that of the Prophet's father are completely rejected from the point of view of the evidence, and these traditions cannot be cited. And due to the existence of several evidences, these kinds of traditions are not unrelated to some political currents, including the Nafs Zakiya current. On the other hand, the hadiths that only emphasized the same name of the promised Mahdi with the Prophet have been considered authentic by many hadith scholars of the Fariqayn in many cases. In the traditions that some of the promised companions of the end of time know from Taleghan, as well as the traditions that talk about the treasures of Taleghan, traces of Muhammad Ibn Qasim can be observed. We witness the appeal to the signs of emergence and the claim that some of these signs happened in the course of Yahya ibn Omar. In my opinion, the reason for resorting to the signs of emergence during Yahya's time should be considered that he was not the same name as the Prophet, contrary to many Mahdavi mutawatar hadiths.Also, the falsification and distortion of traditions by "Ismuhu Ismu Nabi" cannot be unrelated to Yahya's movement; However, this claim needs to be studied and find more evidence.

Imam al-Husayn's matchless movement has since exerted its profound influence, hence it has absorbed much serious attention from all over the world. The Ashura movement was backed by a comprehensive socio-political and religious outlooks. The present paper deals with certain socio-political aspects of people's reactions and participation in the Ashura movement. It also provides some answers to their roles and duties in the time of such all-embracing movements.

Al-Qaeda in the international arena and Boko Haram in the borders of Nigeria, are engaging in terrorist activities with an almost similar approach. The terrorist actions of these two groups are so widespread and violent that they have been noticed in almost all countries, even in non-Muslim countries. One of the most important and characteristic features of Al-Qaeda and Boko Haram is their emphasis on religion and political approach. There are many commonalities in the goals, foundations, method and religious approach of these two organizations. Some of these commonalities are the superiority of one's own point of view, a new reading of Islamic concepts, emphasis on Jihad and inviting others, forming a political government, killing one's opponents, and establishing an independent government. The two mentioned sects call only themselves and their followers as Muslims, and with false promises and using the tools of religion, politics and money, they bring many people into their group. Al-Qaeda has a more up-to-date and wider organization; while Boko Haram has a weaker and smaller organization. This essay has made a comparison between the approach of these two organizations with descriptive-analytical method to clarify the differences and similarities between them.

The political interpretation of the Qur'an, due to its political nature and relation to power, has caused more extensive damage (than other types of interpretations). Part of the harmful context is related to the misuse or neglect of the rules of semantics.  This problem raises the question of whether the vulnerability of political perceptions in the application of the rules of semantics can be proved. Proving vulnerability provided the motivation to seek to make arrangements to provide credible political insights. The present study, which is organized by descriptive and analytical methods, emphasizes the assumption that political perceptions have been damaged in the application of the rules of semantics or disregard for the rules.  Reporting objective examples of these injuries proves the realization of vulnerability in practice, and its achievement proves the vulnerability of impressions in four important areas of semantic rules (examples of rules of “Qaedeh Etnab”; permitted in documents; “Hasr wa Qasr, Fasl waw asl”); Provides solutions to repair injuries and provide political insights

In the field of Mahdism, there are a lot of narrations about praising and blaming some territories and their prominent role in the apocalypse. It seems that praising and blaming the territories has been one of the most important tools for the politicians to instill their superiority as well as their rival's contempt. Presenting an active apocalyptic role of the regions under one's control has psychological effects. Also, it causes a sense of pride and superiority over other territories, especially rival regions. Using a descriptive-analytical method as well as narrative and historical sources, this writing tries to find the origin of many narrations about praising and blaming some regions in the field of Mahdism. According to the results, in the collections of Mahdism hadiths, many narrations appeared which are about praising or blaming regions such as Shām, Jerusalem, Antioch, Sinai (Ṭūr), Ṭāliqān, the East, and the West. Political motives and goals play the most important role in the emergence of these hadiths. They not only are invalid in terms of their isnad and text, but also, have obvious signs of falsification and fabrication.

The present study aimed to investigate the role of education in political, cultural and economic development of society. In order to achieve this goal, first the concepts of education, political, cultural and economic development have been defined using credible sources and then the effects and role of education in the political, cultural and economic development of the society has been discussed. In this research, the impact of education on raising the level of knowledge and theology of society, creating a constructive culture, economic sustainability, technology development and poverty reduction and unemployment has been discussed. Finally, it is emphasized on the basic idea that education, as one of the fundamental factors of the political, cultural and economic development of society, should be implemented in appropriate ways and using modern and effective methods.

The establishment of Baghdad by Abbasids caused this city to have an unbreakable link with the Abbasid government in all fields during the events of the second century A.H. Firstly, Baghdad is considered the capital of the Abbasids, and secondly, this city is a platform for interacting with the Alawites, who in their turn have been the helpers of the government at one point, and have played a key role in the establishment of the government, and at one point they have been against the Abbasids. The current research has tried to collect and analyze related data to the subject by using the historical method to take a step towards portraying the interaction between the Abbasids and the Alawites. In the end, it became clear that the Abbasid government had a gentle attitude towards the Alawites at first, but after a while, despite the hopes and expectations from them, they started a long period of disappointment and dissatisfaction among the people, especially the Alawites. As far as it is possible to consider the behavior of the Abbasids towards the Alawites was worse than the behavior of the Umayyads, therefore, gradually there were uprisings against the government by the Alawites.