جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « فدراسیون روسیه » در نشریات گروه « علوم انسانی »

Economic development is considered one of the key yet elusive concepts in the field of economics. Russia has, throughout previous centuries, contemplated the trajectory of its development and has undergone rapid or gradual processes under various temporal challenges. The objective of composing this article is to conduct a multidimensional analysis of economic development in the Russian Federation during 2000-2022, considering the question: "Given the external crises in the past two decades, which facet of Russia's economic development has experienced more pronounced progress?" In response to this question, a hypothesis is posited that the speed of welfare-oriented economic development should receive greater attention from the Russian federal government due to the socio-economic conditions in Russia. In this article, an innovative conceptualization of economic development is undertaken, encompassing three facets: energy-oriented economic development, knowledge-oriented economic development, and welfare-oriented economic development. Utilizing the principal component analysis method and radar chart to analyze the trends of these three facets, the results indicate that both energy and knowledge dimensions of Russia's economic development have shown increasing trends from 2000 to 2022. However, the welfare dimension in the country has experienced a declining trend during this period. Moreover, the highest growth rate in the dimensions of economic development is attributed to the knowledge dimension, with its value escalating from 1.74 in 2000 to over 5.78 in 2022. This significant surge in the knowledge dimension signifies Russia's entry into a knowledge-oriented development over the past two decades. This development, grounded in information and communication technology, has the potential to bring about profound changes that transcend geographical and temporal constraints, bestowing the gifts of development across the geographical expanse of the country. The findings underscore the transformative trajectory of Russia's economy toward knowledge-centric modalities, indicative of a significant evolution in the nation's developmental ethos over the specified period.

The Russian Federation’s war in Ukraine, the consequences of the war that has led to the deaths of tens of thousands of people and the displacement of millions of people, the stalemate of the Security Council in supporting civilians and the lack of immediate and proper management of this great humanitarian crisis have caused the discussion of humanitarian interventions in the form of the "responsibility to protect" doctrine. The inability of the international community to seriously confront the widespread and organized violation of human rights in the 1990s led to the proposal of the "responsibility to protect" doctrine in 2001, and sovereignty was emphasized not as an advantage but as a responsibility. This theory was approved in the document of the 2005 UN Summit and was used in Libya in 2011. According to the "R to P", if governments are unable or unwilling to protect their citizens in armed conflicts, the international community will be responsible for protecting people. the article presents the hypothesis that due to the extent of civilian casualties, widespread humanitarian crisis, the use of prohibited weapons and the targeting of civilian places. Arbitrary arrests and committing torture and rape by the warring parties, it is possible to apply the theory in the recent crisis, but due to the fact that low-intensity military measures can lead to the expansion of the existing humanitarian crisis, only diplomatic and political measures is recommended in the framework of the main pillars of the doctrine.

The development of international cyber law has always been accompanied by difficulties. Although security and fighting crimes arising from this space require collective efforts of governments, and the indivisibility of security in this space is one of its most important features but,  little progress has been made to regularize the cyberspace. The center of gravity and the focal point of international activities to systematize activities in the cyber field is the United Nations. In the meantime, the resolution proposed by the Russian Federation to the First Committee of the General Assembly has been one of the most important efforts to regularize this space in the last two decades which, indeed, is subject of the present article. In this resolution, the role of science and technology in the context of international security and the dual military and civilian use of cyber space are stipulated. The normative approach of this resolution and the legal performance of the main actors towards this resolution is the opinion of the article. This article is considered to be exploratory-developmental in terms of its central goal, which aims at producing and developing knowledge by examining the subject and analyzing the content of all resolutions and monitoring the process of these documents. The approach followed by this research is inductive. In terms of methodology, this research follows the documentary and evidence-based research methodology based on the documents of the United Nations. The findings of this research confirm that the dominance of the company-centric approach instead of the governance-centric approach to the cyberspace on the one hand and the minimalist outlook of the big cyber powers to the role of the United Nations to regularize the cyber space as well as the lack of effective role of the UN are among the main reasons for the functional weakness of the United Nations to regularize the cyberspace.

Nord Stream 2 is a pipeline built to transmit gas from Russia to Germany through the Baltic Sea. Between December 2019 to  May 2021, the United States government sanctioned offshore units and related natural and legal persons by implementing the national defense authorization act for the fiscal year 2020, which as a result, closed an 11-billion-dollar project. What comes to mind in this connection is the possibility of a contradiction between this action and the previous commitments of this government. In this article, using the descriptive-analytical method and the use of library resources, it has been proven that the implementation of the National Defense Authorization Act for the fiscal year 2020 with the obligations of the United States of America to the United Nations Charter due to the lack of a logical relationship and public agreement and trade is not inconsistent due to the previous announcement and temporary nature, but it violates the resolution 41/128 of the United Nations General Assembly, which, in view of the lack of legal obligation, despite the repeated violation of international law through unilateral sanctions, in this particular case, it cannot be The imposition of sanctions against the Nord Stream 2 pipeline claimed the international responsibility of the United States government. However, the negative effects of this action on the international legal order cannot be denied.

The Russian Federation, as one of the great powers of the present era, has shown in various situations that it considers active presence in the strategic regions of the world, especially the Persian Gulf and its border countries, as a vital matter for itself. The demands of the Russian Federation towards the Persian Gulf region are based on three principles: "ensuring the security of the countries south of Russia, attracting regional allies and countering the influence of the United States of America in the region". The peripheral countries of the Persian Gulf have never been able to create a comprehensive regional organization that includes all the countries around the Persian Gulf and can coordinate the interaction of these countries with the great powers and countries outside this region. On the other hand, some countries in the region, such as the UAE and Saudi Arabia, know that they can achieve their goals in various economic, political, military and security fields only under the shadow of foreign support. If a great power wants to keep up with other powers in international competition, it must have a strong position in the geopolitical regions of the world; The Persian Gulf, as a unique region in the field of energy trade and security in Southwest Asia, has long been the arena of confrontation between great powers and superpowers; In the current situation, despite the fact that the United States of America has the largest and most tangible presence in this region, Russia has also used every opportunity in recent decades to revive its influence in this region.

The Belt and Road Initiative was launched in 2013 by Xi Jinping. This initiative is one of the important aspects of China's foreign policy. Due to the geographical extent, extensive infrastructural dimensions and subsequent developments of this project, different countries have studied and paid special attention to it at both academic and executive levels. The study of the relations between Russia and China has always been the focus of international relations experts. In this light, the Russian Federation has also considered the Belt-Road Initiative and has followed a certain pattern of behavior in relation to it. Therefore, understanding the behavior pattern and Moscow's approach to the Belt and Road Initiative will reveal important aspects of the dynamics of mutual relations between these two countries. The present study investigates and evaluates the approach of the Russian Federation towards China's Belt and Road Initiative in the light of the macro strategy in the period of 2013-2020. Therefore, the current research seeks to answer the main question, how can the behavioral pattern of the Russian Federation be explained towards China's Belt and Road initiative in the mentioned time frame? The findings of the article show that Russia considers the Belt-Road as a project aimed at increasing China's geopolitical influence at both the international level and the Central Asia region, and by following the model of competition and cooperation for this plan, it seeks to coordinate it with the Eurasian Economic Union and prevent more influence. It is from China in Central Asia.

Culture and cultural elements are important variables of international relations and contemporary scholars have emphasized the role of cultural issues in politics. Cultural diplomacy is an outstanding example of the soft power to pave the way for influence in others through culture, values, and ideas. The Islamic Republic of Iran’s relations with the Russian Federation have seen considerable expansion in many areas in recent years. Although the scale of relations is more evident in some areas as politics, security, and even economy, the growing trend in the cultural, social and human areas can also be seen. In present article, while reviewing Iran’s cultural activities in Russia, Iranian cultural diplomacy approach is studied. The authors will try to answer the question which elements of soft power are more applied in Iran’s cultural relation with Russia. In doing so, by looking into the major activities carried out by the Iranian cultural counselors and other cultural foundations in Russia, their roles in expanding cultural relations of two countries are assessed. The research method of this paper is qualitative analysis of content within the theoretical framework of the theory of soft power and cultural diplomacy.

While formulating language policies and planning, governments and politicians need to pay attention to avoid dictating the conditions for the advancement and development of local languages. In language planning, it is important to pay attention to the two main factors of "realism" of local language conditions and how all nationalities and minorities "participate" in the promotion and implementation of language policy. Supporting the preservation and protection of languages and cultural diversity in a land leads to the empathy and rapprochement of ethnic groups, while neglecting this leads to the death of local dialects and ethnic cultures and thoughts. And over time will result in nothing but internal decay. This descriptive-analytical article seeks to answer the main question: How will national language policies affect the survival of other languages and dialects in a country? The hypothesis proposed by the authors emphasizes that policy-making based on the role of the national language in any country can have a two-way effect on the survival and growth of other languages and dialects of a country. Innovation of the present study is in the use of linguistic materials, documents of approvals and scientific conferences in the field of language policy and linguistic planning of local languages / small dialects in the governments of the Soviet Union and the Russian Federation and Also, the achievements of the Soviet and Russian Academy of Sciences in supporting linguistic and cultural diversity based on the experience of a vast country with diverse ethnicities.

The strategic area of Central Eurasia is one of the most important regions in the post-Soviet space, accepting the rivalry between the Russian Federation and the United States, and has introduced itself as a mirror of international politics. Regarding the strategic culture of Moscow’s foreign policy, it can be said that since the Russian Federation does not want to fully maintain the basic rules of the international system, nor does it seek to make extensive changes to the rules of this order, hence the idea of “reformist” activism Comes to mind. Reform activists are actors who pursue different motives and methods than other actors in international politics. The Russian Federation, as a reformist power, has on its agenda the two principles of peaceful coexistence and the creation of a multipolar world in its new foreign policy. In this context, the Russian Federation, on the one hand, does not reject any change in the status quo and intervention abroad (Central Asia, South Caucasus, Black Sea, and Baltic), and on the other, is dissatisfied with the current state of the international system and wants a complete transformation. It is not in the rules that govern it either.As for the United States’ movements in the geographical territory of Central Eurasia, it can be said that Washington generally seeks to sign bilateral and multilateral military agreements with Georgia, Ukraine, Romania, and the Czech Republic, following political intervention and attempts to bring the republics of the region under its security umbrella. In this regard, Poland is trying to move forward and most importantly, is building several anti-missile defense systems in the frame of NATO expansion. Although the White House has claimed that the purpose of the missile defense shield is to protect the United States and NATO members from North Korea’s threats and the Islamic Republic of Iran’s ballistic missiles, nevertheless the Kremlin sees it as a serious threat to its national security. Moscow is very serious and determined in its position and constantly declares that the justification of the United States for the establishment of a missile defense shield is a mere excuse for the blockade of the Russian Federation. The Russian Federation considers the United States moves in this regard an attempt to achieve “strategic superiority” and to play with the result of a zero-sum game, which is targeted at the same time as weakening strategic depth, geopolitical contraction, and Moscow’s exclusion from European arrangements. From the above-mentioned points, it can be concluded that the main issues affecting the political-security relations between the Russian Federation and the United States are mutual threats and suspicions, successive and endless cycles of de-escalation, and involvement of various internal and external variables in the current process between the two countries which shows the complexity and multi-layered nature of this conflict.The Main Question is: what impact has the strategic culture and its components had on the actions of the Russian Federation and the United States in the Central Eurasian region in the last two decades?The Hypothesis posed by the above-mentioned question is that strategic culture serves as a driving force behind Moscow’s post-Soviet actions, including components such as strategic expansionism, the spread of Orthodox identity and the Russian nationalist discourse, and the consolidation of national power in the environment. In contrast, the United States has developed a special strategic culture to promote a culture of liberal democracy, establish a superpower position and create regional balance.The method used in this research is explanatory-prescriptive and the type of the research is fundamental. The nature of this writing is also qualitative. The data collection has been through the library method, the use of internet resources, articles, and documents.Analyzing the strategic behaviors of political units through the components of strategic culture has advantages the most important of which is the possibility of understanding the actions of the actor in question and predicting the behaviors arising from it. The theory makes it possible for researchers to understand how countries view strategic issues and what reactions they emit in a variety of situations, even in emergencies. Regarding strategic culture, it should be noted that this component is the product of the historical experience of countries. On the other hand, because experiences are different among governments, different actors have different strategic cultures. In this way, it can be said that the strategic culture acts as a magnifying glass through which the type of relationship between the international goals, motives, and actions of the Russian Federation and the United States can be evaluated and examined in the management of international crises.As mentioned at the beginning of the research, the most important components of the Russian Federation’s strategic culture include geopolitical features and a development view, the idea of great power and regional hegemony, dominant authoritarianism, Russian nationalist discourse, and Slavic-Orthodox identity, and the notion of threat. They have left a deep impression on the strategic decision-making and foreign policy of the Russian Federation. In other words, it can be said that Moscow, in articulating its foreign policy discourse and strategic decision-making, has relied on the above-mentioned components. Accordingly, the Russian Federation in the field of foreign policy has strategies such as selective interaction, soft balance and an emphasis on multilateralism, the great normative modern strategy, eastward policy, confrontation with fundamentalism and terrorism, and Russian-oriented political and security institutionalism in the region which has made the headline of its work. Regarding the strategic culture of the United States, it must be acknowledged that to achieve the goals that have been formed under the influence of its strategic culture, it seeks hegemony and consolidation of its power in the world. In this regard, the United States has a mission to lead the world and is committed to global governance. In the meantime, if the country resorts to military force, it will inevitably use it. As a result, it can be said that the components that shape the strategic culture of the United States are aggressive, which is effective in pursuing its aggressive foreign policy in the strategic context of Central Eurasia.

One of the key geopolitical regions adjacent to Iran is the South Caucasus region. This region has been important for Iran and Russia for a long time due to its geographical proximity and exchanges and historical, cultural and other roots with Iran and Russia. Due to its geostrategic position, the South Caucasus region attracts regional and spherical actors. The historical roots and proximity of this region to Iran and Russia have caused the fate and events of this region to have a direct impact on the security and national interests of Iran and Russia, which has created obstacles to the path of regionalism in Iran by Russia and other actors. The present study seeks to study the effect of the neighborhood policy of the Russian Federation on Iran's regionalist approach in the Caucasus. The present study is applied in terms of purpose and descriptive-analytical and exploratory in nature. Is. In this study, the statistical population included a collection of political geography experts, officials of related organizations and relevant institutions who, in addition to collecting information, helped in other areas such as (interviews and questionnaires). In this research, we have tried to address all the political, defense, security, etc. countries of the South Caucasus region and the actors present in this region. Then the results of the field method are performed in the form of statistical analysis T. Therefore, in order to gain a superior position over its rivals and ensure its security and national interests, far from Russia's violent confrontations, Iran must consider strategies based on linking its interests with the Caucasus countries and bring them to the operational stage.

The reforms of the Russian Constitution in 2020 represent the largest and most important constitutional changes since the advent of Russia's new political system in 1993 until now. While clarifying the main dimensions of these reforms, this article emphasizes a special type of indigenous democracy in Russia called "sovereign democracy" or "guided democracy" and tries to answer the question of whether the 2020 constitutional reforms are a sign of

Gaining political independence and sovereignty, at the end of the unification process, confronted Germany with new foreign policy challenges. On the other hand, The Russian Federation, as the successor to the collapsed empire of the Soviet Union, seeks to limit the damages caused by this collapse by creating new structures in its foreign policy strategies at the regional and global levels. Meanwhile, Central Asia has become an important area for the activation of regional and trans-regional powers , due to the political and geographical situation created after the demise of the bipolar system, because it is rich in huge hydrocarbon resources. Thus, Germany and Russia have defined broad interests for themselves due to reasons such as the membership of the Central Asian republics in the former Soviet Union, as well as the presence of German and Russian minorities in the region that has changed the nature of relations between the two countries in the region after the collapse of the Soviet Union and Germany. Therefore, this article intends to ask the question, with a descriptive-analytical method and based on the theoretical framework of constructivism, whether the relationship between Germany and the Russian Federation in Central Asia is cooperative or competitive in nature? The results of this article indicate that the relations between the two countries, despite their ups and downs and the lack of trust between the two sides, had a cooperative and stable nature in the Central Asian region and commercial, economic, and energy priorities are at the core of these relationships.

Islamic Republic of Iran Preserving the principles and foundations of the Islamic Revolution and the country's independence, wants peaceful coexistence with the world, especially neighboring countries in all fields, Russia has a special position with this Iran due to the developments in West Asia and the US presence in the region, Relationship development with Russia has been a priority in the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The purpose of this study is to explain the effect of Iran's regional power on the conformity of Russia's foreign policy. This research is an applied research that has been done by descriptive, analytical and survey methods. In the library section, materials and documents were collected using the research worksheet tool. In the survey section, the analysis of the data obtained from the interviews has been done through the qualitative method of the foundation data and the in-depth interview technique. Temporally and thematically, the 20-year relationship between the Islamic Republic of Iran and Russia and the latest doctrines of national security, foreign policy and military doctrine of that country have been studied, in terms of location, it includes the two countries of the Islamic Republic of Iran and Russia. Research findings and results show; Russian policy is utilitarianism and pragmatism of and follow the school of realism and neo-realism, due to that, Russians will approach the Islamic Republic of Iran in a situation when Iran is independent to the West and Iran roles as a complement to Russia's geopolitics and geostrategic as a regional power. Because they believe that the interests of the Russian people depend on the existence of a strong and effective Iran in the international arena that can play a united role for Russia, which with the help of Iran, they can prevent the world from falling into chaos and establish a new just world order. But at the same time, they prefer a strong Iran of civilization to a strong ideological Iran

Covid-19 is the biggest challenge of the 21st century. A disease for which no cure has been discovered up to date (September 2016) and its numerous deaths have raised the concern of governments, nations and international organizations. Dealing with the virus, preventing widespread outbreaks and trying to minimize its effects and casualties is the most important goal of member states of the international community in the context of Corona. The state of emergency caused by the spread of the virus has required different countries to implement a series of legal measures in this area. Using the experiences of different countries, especially in evaluating their performance and the impact of new policies and laws in accordance with the existing conditions, is an effective strategy in amending national laws. The Russian Federation as one of the most powerful and influential countries in the world, which is classified in the tradition of the written legal system can be considered in this regard. The main question states whether Corona virus pandemic is compatible with Emergency legal regime?  What is the legal approach of Russian federation in confrontation with Covid-19 and how it is evaluated? The results of this descriptive-analytical study show that Russia was able to control and manage the current dire situation to some extent by using the Emergency legal regime. Significant reforms such as reviewing the concept of emergency, announcing High Alert conditions, intensifying the punishment for violating regulations and instructions of emergencies and innovations such as creating an non-working days’ payment regime, launching a national system for registering symptoms And the application for monitoring self- quarantine can be seen in the legal system of this country.

After experiencing the critical era of the 1990s,the Russian Federation as the main heir to the former Soviet Union is now trying to restore its place in the international system as a normalized great power in a bid to restore the previous status of the USSR in the Middle East. Following a totally pragmatic and flexible policy, Russia attempts to obtain the maximum benefits in its relations with other regional actors. Although the Jihadi groups are non-state actors, they are perceived to play a prominent role in the Middle East.  Therefore, Russia is obliged to inevitably adjust its relations with these groups to influence this strategic region. The Current research is aimed at finding the reasons behind the Russiaian policies toward Jihadi groups, specifically Hezbollah in West Asia . Accordingly, the international and regional foreign policy of Russia as well as its strategic culture and social affairs are investigated. With a thorough understanding of Russia’s international place, mindset, and policy toward each group and their corresponding bases are investigated.

The profound geopolitical changes in the South Caucasus have had a significant impact on relations between Iran and the three republics of Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia. The Islamic Republic of Iran has expanded political-economic cooperation with the people of the region due to its historical relations and socio-cultural ties. The active presence of regional and trans-regional actors has had a direct impact on this relationship. This study seeks to select an effective strategy to achieve Iranian regionalism in the Caucasus against Russia and to design operational strategies using game theory. The present study is applied in terms of purpose and descriptive-analytical and exploratory in nature, in which library and field methods including interviews with elites have been used to collect research data. the statistical population included a collection of political geography experts, officials of related organizations and relevant institutions who, in addition to collecting information, helped in other areas. In this study, an attempt is made to select an effective strategy to achieve Iranian regionalism in the Caucasus against Russia in this region. Then, the results of statistical analysis have been implemented in the form of game theory;