جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « Cooperation » در نشریات گروه « علوم انسانی »

Purpose of this research is to evaluate the role of cooperation in regional sustainable development based on the social capacity model and it was done in a mixed (qualitative quantitative) way. qualitative part was conducted using the Foundation's data approach with 15 experts in the field of development and cooperation and targeted and snowball sampling. In qualitative part, after 3 stages of open, central and selective coding, model including 6 main categories, 45 sub-categories and 260 concepts was presented. In the quantitative part, PLS approach was used to validate the model. statistical population of this research is the Ministry of Cooperation, Labor and Social Welfare and its affiliated organizations, and General Administration of Kerman was selected. the number of experts, assistants and managers of this General Department is 250 people, all of whom were selected as research samples. To collect data in the quantitative part, a researcher-made questionnaire based on a model containing 45 items were used in the form of 5-point Likert scale. results of the quantitative section showed that the causal conditions had an effect on the central category and intervening conditions, the contextual conditions and the central category had an effect on the strategies; Also, strategies affect the consequences of evaluating the role of cooperatives in regional sustainable development based on the social capacity model of the General Directorate of Cooperatives affects work and social welfare in Kerman province. The results show that the model of this research is suitable for the awareness of managers in the field of concepts and categories affecting the evaluation of the role of cooperation in sustainable regional development based on the social capacity model.

The development of downstream petrochemical industries is a huge opportunity for the economic growth and development of the country due to its rich resources and potential capabilities. Therefore, in this study, the components of the integration process, including capabilities and capabilities, windows of opportunity (technological, demand, policies/institutions), strategies and paths, as well as the goals of integration in the mentioned industries were comprehensively investigated, which is also considered research innovation. In this regard, the theme analysis approach was used by reviewing the basics of research and soliciting opinions from 15 experts in this field. According to the results, the framework for achieving alignment in the downstream petrochemical industries of Iran has 12 components of capabilities and capabilities, 22 components of windows of opportunity, 11 components of strategies and paths, and finally 15 components of success in alignment, which can stimulate each other; Therefore, the policy makers of downstream petrochemical industries are suggested to take advantage of the framework presented in this research for planning to achieve convergence and take advantage of its benefits.

This research has been done with the aim of identifying indicators of human resource management based on cooperation to achieve organizational goals in the field of health.The research

The research was carried out meta-combination by examining 142 sources, during the meta-combination process, 27 articles were selected in Irandoc, Science Direct, Google Scholar, Springer, IEEE and ACM databases and search engines between the years (2000-2022). First, a code was considered for all the factors extracted from previous studies and then they were categorized in a concept. Two coders were used to control the extracted codes and concepts, and the intended index in this context was the Holstein index.

Based on the analysis done with the help of the content analysis method, there are a total of 5 main categories and 19 subcategories including; The field of collaborative (recruitment based on Collaborative, Collaboration-based organizational culture, Collaboration-based training, Evaluation with a collaborative approach, Collaborative-Based career design, conflict of interest and Collaborative-Based communication), Incentive for Collaboration (perception of justice, Establishing trust for Collaboration, Reward based on Collaboration, Motivation to participate and providing resources for Collaboration), facilitator of Collaboration (Collaborative-Based leadership, Support for Collaborative activities and having emotional intelligence), achievements of Collaboration (Consequence of Collaboration) and Partnership or joint Collaboration (Collaboration-Based team-building, common goal and Collaborative planning) for the indicators of human resource management of cooperation-oriented identification became.achievements of Collaboration (Consequence of Collaboration) and Partnership or joint Collaboration (Collaboration-Based team-building, common goal and Collaborative planning) for the indicators of human resource management of cooperation-oriented identification became.

The question that is discussed in the research is to what extent is it possible for Iran to model China's economic development model in the light of strategic cooperation between the two countries? What are the areas and obstacles in Iran's approach to modeling China, especially in the field of economic development? According to the hypothesis, it seems; The mutual economic needs of Iran and China, joint criticism of the existing international order, China's important role in attracting foreign investment, the One Belt/One Road economic plan, the position of the Middle East in China's energy supply, and political and security cooperation were mentioned as role models. In contrast to the variables; The different cultural structure of the two countries, institutionalism in Iran's economy, the quantitative and qualitative demographic structure of the two countries, the different economic structure, the social mistrust of Iranians towards economic cooperation with China, international sanctions against both countries, the influential weight of the level of trade China and America as a sanctions-oriented power, China's emphasis on the political geography of countries in the matter of economic development and its lack of modeling, and ambiguity in the foundations and real intentions of China's economic development model, as important obstacles to the feasibility of modeling China's economic development model. It is discussed.   The nature of this research is descriptive and analytical and it is discussed in the framework of the theory of interdependence. The method of collecting information and resources of this research is qualitatively based on library and internet resources. Finally, the method of analyzing the collected information is also done qualitatively.   In order to understand the nature of the relations between the two countries China and Iran and especially the interest that Iran has shown to cooperate with China, the theory of interdependence is a theory from which the possibility of adapting Iran's economic development model to China can be examined. gave However, it will be pointed out in the following that the mutual dependence of Iran and China faces important obstacles, which raises the question of how far it is possible for Iran to follow China's model of economic development, and what are the obstacles. Is there a field?   With the investigations that were done, in examining the possibility of following the model of China's economic development, there are many fields and obstacles that understanding the perspective of the interactions between the parties requires paying attention to the influential variables in this field. In the field of cooperation between the parties, we can mention things such as the mutual economic needs of Iran and China, joint criticism of the liberal economic system, China's important contribution and role in helping to attract foreign investment, the perspective of the One Belt/One Road economic plan, the position He mentioned the Middle East and Iran in China's energy supply and political and security cooperation between the parties. On the other hand, it seems that the obstacles to Iran's imitation of China's economic development model cast a shadow on the future of the relations between the parties. In this framework, different cultural structure, institutional avoidance, different economic structure, adoption of parallel laws, social mistrust, international sanctions, interweaving of the economy of China and the United States, China's emphasis on the political geography of countries in economic development and ambiguity in The fundamentals and real policy of China's economic development model were pointed out. In the end, it is worth mentioning that the decision makers and the government of Iran are still looking for local and international solutions and models for economic development. Of course, although there is no consensus on the principle of accepting the concept of development in the country yet, the necessity of economic development is still emphasized in the declaration field. In the meantime, China as an emerging economy is becoming an economic development model for some countries that want a different experience. For Iran, the possibility of imitating China's economic development model depends on the major areas and obstacles that need to be carefully considered in studying this issue. Even though the text mentions both the positive components and the obstacles of modeling, it seems that due to the lack of transparency in China's strategy regarding its intention of economic cooperation in other countries, the weight of the obstacles to the feasibility of modeling is greater than its opportunities. . Because some believe that China is trying to start economic cooperation with countries through debt trap diplomacy, especially in the form of the Silk Road project, and then by paying loans with heavy interest, it will force countries to follow China's economic decision-making models. . In this research, from the above approach to livestock policy, it is mentioned that the model of economic development is compulsory. In fact, in modeling the economic development model of China, it is considered important to model according to the domestic economic and political situation. It seems that even though China claims that the economic development model is different according to the political geography of each country and it is not possible to apply a common version for all countries, but in practice, China is inclined towards economic cooperation with countries that, within the framework of cooperation, its economic interests It should be prioritized and countries cannot have other alternatives for their cooperation through the financial aid they receive. Therefore, in this research, the dual path of voluntary modeling and mandatory modeling is predicted as the two paths and ways forward for Iran's economic development in cooperation with China, and the requirements and challenges of each of the above two paths are worthy of attention.

One of the important capabilities of the BRICS group can be in the direction of cooperation among its member countries in dealing with common security challenges in the world and specifically in the Middle East. The purpose of this article is to examine the mechanisms and effectiveness of BRICS cooperation in dealing with the complex security landscape of the Middle East region. With the descriptive-analytical method and the review of internet and library resources as well as in the framework of game theory and obtaining the best interests for BRICS members, it was concluded that BRICS security opportunities include diplomatic approaches, conflict resolution mechanisms, regional cooperation and the potential benefits of cooperation. It increases the position of this group in strengthening the regional security of the Middle East, which results in the synergy of security in the Middle East. But concerns about potential power struggles, mistrust among member states, differences in national interests, geopolitical tensions, competing regional alliances, political dynamics, and historical conflicts that may prevent effective cooperation hinder their effectiveness in addressing security challenges. It becomes the region.

The most important security challenge for governments in the 21st century, especially after the collapse of the Soviet Union, is dealing with new forms of existential threats that did not exist before. Climate change as an external threat outside of intergovernmental interactions has affected various aspects of the public life of states and nations. One of the most important uncertainties in international relations is the analysis of the effectiveness of international interactions in the face of these new but widespread threats . In this research, the effect of climate changes on international interaction patterns has been investigated based on the theoretical foundations of the Copenhagen school. To do this, the consequences of climate change have been evaluated and the impact of these consequences on the security sectors and the triple structure of the government have been studied according to the concepts of the Copenhagen school. The findings of this research are that climate change, changes the patterns of conflict and cooperation in international relations by weakening governments and creating a range of »weak states« (in the Copenhagen sense). It is noteworthy that this research has been compiled in the form of scientific-experimental approaches and based on explanatory goals and deductive strategy.

Free trade/industrial zones, which have been created with the aim of facilitating trade activities, especially in underdeveloped areas, have expanded in the Iranian legal system. This study focuses on the legal system of free trade/industrial zones from the perspective of the relationship between the governing organizations of these zones and the governmental bodies in their territory. The study shows that the laws governing the administration of free zones have not been able to provide a suitable model for coordination between responsible organizations inside these zones. The mechanism embedded in the laws (specifically article 65 (A) of the Act on Permanent Provisions of the Development Plans) faces challenges due to non-compliance with the principles of public administration and administrative law. Accordingly, in addition to the need to repeal the above provision, it is necessary to stipulate that exercising the powers of the free-trade/industrial-zone organizations does not negate the legal powers of the relevant governmental bodies in these zones. Also, the powers of the above-mentioned organizations should be limited to commercial and industrial affairs of their respective zones. To establish executive coordination between the governmental bodies and the free-trade/industrial-zone organizations, it is recommended that a council composed of the director of the free-trade-zone organization and the highest governmental officials of the zone be established.

Transboundary river basins (TRB) play a pivotal role in supplying water resources of the respected riparian countries. However, these resources are under pressure due to climate change and unilateral developing projects. Additionally, power imbalance and the foreign policy of riparian countries are also serious drivers to exacerbate the aforementioned pressure. Unfortunately, these drivers have paved the ground for more conflicts in transboundary basins and make them at risk. To manage these issues; developing a dynamic conflict and corporation monitoring system is an essential tool for sustainable management of the shared water resources and regional security, which constructs objective of this study. 

To develop such a system, identification of the influential components in the TRB’s conflict and corporation are the most important steps. It also needs to be dynamic due to inherent drivers that shape conflict and corporation. To explore the methodology of this research, the Tigris and Euphrates transboundary basin (TETB) was selected as the case study.

The results showed that the most important components for such monitoring system, include: a) deep understanding of transboundary basin issues and the internal and external drivers affecting conflict and cooperation, b) monitoring development plans and their consequences on previous agreements or their contradictions with the international conventions, c) monitoring the media and the discourses of the states' officials regarding the issues of basins and d) monitoring how the joint technical committees, high councils of strategic cooperation and etc. between the states are operational; finally, illustration of the above set of information using standard tools such as the BAR and iBAR scales or the TWINS matrix.

As stated before, the developed methodology for monitoring was described with a focus on the TETB. Based on the specific findings for this basin, these issues should be considered for its monitoring system: a) the basin is influenced by internal drivers, such as changes in power balance, development plans, and population growth as well as external drivers including climate change and the role of third parties. They change the basin issues into a complex, multi-layered, and multi-dimensional status, b) as stated before, it emphasizes on a dynamic/multi-disciplinary data gathering to track climate, hydrological, media, developing plan and political variables at proper spatial and temporal resolutions. For instance, from political point of view; in the 2000s, Turkey's efforts were intensified to join the European Union. During this period, the basin had very corporative environment, but it was not successful. Notably, the Turkey’s policy as well as the pervious corporative situation was changed in the 2010s. Other crises like the Syrian civil war and emergence of non-state group like ISIS worsen the situation, too (Mitchell, 2000). During this period water used as a leverage by Turkey and as a weapon by ISIS, c) data and information availability is one of the main constraints in transboundary basins (Hajihossaini et al., 2016). Although, sharing data and information is primarily addressed in the basin’s bilateral agreements among riparian countries (Kibaroglu and Scheumann, 2013), however it isn’t still operational. Therefore, other sources should be applied like the global climate database. Linking these databases and satellite data to hydrological models like SWAT (Soil and Water Assessment Tool) has been considered to obtaining the TETB’s hydrological information, d) monitoring the basin’s water-related development projects (especially Turkey’s GAP mega-project) and their consequences on the water inflows to downstream countries (Syria, Iraq and to some extent Iran due to Hoor-Alazim marches) is a very important component. Likewise, how these projects effect on the previous agreements or international conventions (such as the 1997 convention). These can be evaluated from "environmental justice" as stated by Zeitoun (2013). It is obvious that such assessments need hydrological simulations, where integrated models like SWAT can be helpful, e) media and news construct parts of the basin’s public policy. They can also be sources to monitor "water events", where they are such important to be reflected in media, f) monitoring of how the joint the TETB’s institutions like the Joint Technical Committees (JTC), Strategic Cooperation Councils and High-Level Strategic Cooperation Council (HSCC) are active and their agreements are implemented is another aspect and last not least, g) proper presentation of these information is another factor. Application of hydropolitical scales/models like the BAR, iBAR and TWINS is already applied for the basin. They can properly present show the time series of previous corporation and conflicts and their importance, the trends and possible future directions. The abovementioned framework as the objective of this study eventually emphasizes on corporation and avoiding conflict as well as realizing the win-win" strategies. It has the required potential to be implemented in other transboundary basins, while considering their specific issues and characteristics.

This research was conducted with the aim of identifying and prioritizing the integrated logistics requirements of defense organizations in 1402 and seeks to provide a solution for the implementation of integrated logistics at the level of the armed forces.

This research is applied and descriptive-survey and exploratory in nature. After reviewing the study sources as well as valid and relevant research backgrounds, different areas of logistics integration and their requirements were identified, and then through semi-structured interviews and a survey of a number of experts, while confirming the reduction of requirements from 37 to 29, a researcher-made questionnaire was designed and compiled. The statistical sample of this research is the number of 20 managers, commanders and professors in the field of logistics, who were selected purposefully and based on their experience and expertise in the scientific field. In the quantitative phase of the research, the data, obtained from 13 experts' responses, were evaluated and prioritized by Dimtel Solver and Excel software.

Based on the obtained information, 6 areas and 29 requirements were identified for the implementation of integrated logistics, which were prioritized as 1- intelligent transformation 2- virtualization, 3- networking, 4- agility, 5- cleanliness, and 6- dynamism. In order to have an integrated logistics, a combination of logistics types should be used and implemented.

According to the obtained results, the first priority is to cause intelligence transformation, which should be done by creating a working group regarding the design, construction and preparation of the required program and infrastructure before anything else, and then regarding the virtualization of actions, control, monitoring, the creation of a network, and communication between all dimensions should be made. In the next step, it is necessary to redesign the instructions, plans, and upgrade the trainings and make more use of them.

Governments throughout history have been confronted with political and security problems related to diseases, as they are widespread and claim many lives. The virus COVID -19 became a global crisis in a short period of time due to its dynamic transmission and unknown nature. This situation challenged the economic structures of the world and created security problems at the level of relations between countries Therefore, using the descriptive and analytical method and based on the theory of the Copenhagen School and specifically the issue of security, this study attempts to answer the central question of what impact the Corona Crisis has had on the traditional concept of international security, and also to answer whether this will lead to a recognition of health issues as a non-traditional threat in the security priorities of countries and international organizations? And what will be the consequences of these changes? This study hypothesizes that the emergence of the recent crisis has accelerated the difference in the traditional conception of security, as the absence of military confrontation between national governments has led to a change in the role of health care issues in domestic and international security. On the other hand, the intertwining of health and security sectors during the outbreak of the Coronavirus has resulted in the mobilization of political will and the allocation of economic resources to address this issue. This can be seen as a positive step towards enhancing the overall level of health. Still, placing a strong emphasis on health security has adverse effects on internal democracy and international cooperation.After the recent experience of pandemics, there has been a strong emphasis on health and global health by theorists in this field. An article published 35 years ago (Thomas, 1989) addressed the issue of health and international relations by Carolyn Thomas. The article demonstrated how global health can play a pivotal role in this field. In addition, Susan Peterson, in her article titled "Pandemic Diseases and National Security," examines the economic, social, and political effects of pandemics on different countries and societies. She mentions that biological agents pose a serious threat to the security of countries (Peterson, 2002). Moreover, McInnis and Kelly Lee discussed the relationship between these three variables in their joint article titled "Health, Security, and Foreign Policy" while emphasizing health concerns. They believe that epidemic diseases pose a significant security threat because they can cross borders and weaken a nation's economy and internal stability. They should give more attention to national security policies.In this article, we aim to explore the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on the political, economic, and military domains of countries. Additionally, we aim to discuss the significance of reassessing the conventional notion of security and integrating health concerns into the framework of the Copenhagen school's security theory. Furthermore, we aim to address the potential consequences of securitizing health issues on international peace and security. Through an examination of the effects of the COVID-19 crisis, we aim to test the hypothesis that prioritizing security will foster political resolve and allocate economic resources to this sector.However, overdoing it brings countless ill effects and not only will not lead to progress in the field of health and health, but may also overshadow the process of internal democracy and international security.In this regard, dealing with the epidemic of Covid-19 under the title of a security issue can have two different consequences: firstly, by revising the traditional concepts of security, it will increase the importance of governments and international organizations to health affairs. In this way, the amount of attention of countries to their healthcare infrastructure as a security investment increases.Excessive measures in addressing the aforementioned matter can lead to numerous adverse consequences. It is important to note that such actions not only hinder advancements in the realm of healthcare but also have the potential to overshadow the development of internal democracy and international security. Consequently, treating the epidemic as a security concern can lead to two distinct outcomes. Firstly, reevaluating traditional concepts of security will enhance the importance of governments and international organizations in relation to health matters. Consequently, nations are increasingly recognizing the importance of allocating resources to enhance their healthcare infrastructure as a way to ensure security.

Although resorting to arbitration is a common and desirable method for resolving international commercial disputes, insolvency disputes, remain within the jurisdiction of judicial, executive, and governmental institutions due to their connection to general economic and commercial public order. Therefore, resorting to a single institution for adjudication is ruled out and practically, these disputes resolution are dealt within the framework of multiple and independent institutions. This issue is more complicated regarding enterprise group insolvency. Facilitating disputes in this regard requires coordination and cooperation among role-playing institutions in this field including courts, liquidators, and other stakeholders. Due to the failure to establish uniform institutions, UNCITRAL has drafted a model law to coordinate insolvency proceedings in enterprise group. Consequently, regarding the necessity of understanding and achieving this model law results, this research, through a descriptive and analytical method, studies the dimensions and infrastructures for establishing communication and coordination among institutions and advancing coordinated and effective proceedings, while addresses adjudicating institutions independence under the UNCITRAL Model Law. On the other hand, it examines the anticipated arrangements for various stages of the proceedings

According to the tenets of Shīʿite jurists, any interaction strengthening the authoritarian rulers is illegitimate and unlawful. Based on historical reports, Shīʿite jurists embarked on interacting with the Buyid dynasty. Regarding the fact that an accurate understanding of historical events is not feasible without analytical investigation and explanation of social factors, this article elaborates on the social reasons behind the interaction of Shīʿite jurists with the Buyid dynasty. The question raised in this study is: What were the social reasons behind the interaction and cooperation of Shīʿite jurists with the Buyid dynasty Amirs? It is hypothesized that were several reasons including Islam's emphasis on interaction and cooperation, realization of religious goals, preventing Shīʿites from being isolated, excluded, and suppressed in society, etc. that gave rise to the interaction of Shīʿite jurists with the Buyid dynasty. On the other hand, interaction and cooperation as an ethical value and a behavior style are of high importance in the Islamic mindset and are considered as one of the principles of the Buyid dynasty and characteristics. Abiding by this moral value instigated the Buyid dynasty's interaction with the Shīʿite jurists who, in turn, started interacting with Buyid as well. This research investigates the social reasons why Shīʿite jurists interacted with the Buyid dynasty, using the analytical-historical method.

This study aimed to analyze the cooperation network for psycho-social Recovery of disasters to evaluate the distribution of legal power among activists. The methodology utilized social network analysis to provide policy recommendations for enhancing the cooperation network for psycho-social recovery of disasters based on the laws governing the country’s reconstruction program and national crisis management rehabilitation provisions.

The research employed social network analysis to examine the cooperation system, creating a tool for evaluating complex communication networks to facilitate future cooperation among actors. An innovative approach was adopted for analyzing the cooperation system. Data included measures taken before and after the disaster, involving a total of 228 subjects and 27 actors responsible for and collaborators in the psycho-social Recovery program. A cooperation network matrix of actors was extracted based on the legal framework governing the program. Measures such as the degree centrality index, betweenness centrality, geodesic distance, density, and coherence were analyzed.

Overall, the findings reveal the attitudes of planners towards psycho-social Recovery measures post-accident and highlight challenges within the document of the national reconstruction and rehabilitation program. These challenges pertain to the principles of rapid intervention for physical and psychological rehabilitation, accessibility processes for temporary accommodation and housing recovery, attention to economic rehabilitation, and services for vulnerable population groups. Additionally, network analysis results indicate an imbalance in power distribution within the network, with power concentrated in the country›s welfare organization and the Ministry of Health, Treatment, and Medical Education. Consequently, expanding cooperation within the network to include actors such as the media, banks, investment funds, public governance institutions, and other key entities, as well as enhancing the role of legal power in decision-making processes among non-governmental organizations, programs, and budget allocation, municipalities, universities, research centers, the Ministry of Education, the Social Security Organization, social service centers, and the Ministry of Industry, Mining, and Trade, are areas for potential development within the cooperation network

Considering the insufficient cohesion within the cooperation network of psycho-social recovery activists and the imbalanced distribution of the legal power among activists in the current structure, the optimal implementation of psycho-social support services in accidents and disasters remains challenging. The current research represents an application of the analysis of complex communication networks, demonstrating its efficiency in analyzing the cooperation network of psycho-social recovery activists in accidents and disasters.

The purpose of this article is to know the dominant form of the relationship between the state and Ethnicities in pre-modern Iran.The type of relationship between the State and Ethnicities in Iran is not a static concept and has undergone transformations under the influence of the evolution of State and power. hence, the main question of this article is about quiddity the relationship between the State and the Ethnicities in the mentioned period. It seams in pre-modern Iran, due to the scattered construction of power among the three forms of relationship between the State and the Ethnicities; Cooperation, competition and conflict The contribution of "cooperation" has been more prominent in the form of exchange of power resources between the central State and local power cores. In this article, the theory of political opportunity structure has been used as selected analytical framework to explain the dominant form of interaction between the State and Ethnicities. The cooperation and assistance of the Ethnicities with the State in the determination of Iran's borders has been examined and shown in the case of the Goldsmith Treaties. The method of this research is historical explanation.

The relationship between Egypt and Israel has been accompanied by many ups and downs during the past decades. The two were always at war until the late 1970s, and the confrontation marked the course of relations between the continent and Tel Aviv. But after the signing of the Camp David Agreement, the path of interaction and cooperation between Egypt and the Israeli regime was paved. After the popular uprisings in North Africa and the fall of Hosni Mubarak's government, relations between Egypt and Israel turned cold, although these relations were peaceful. But in 2013, Egypt once again underwent a change of government and the military led by Abdel Fattah al-Sisi took power in this country. This article examines the relations between the two sides with the aim of answering the question of how was the relationship between Egypt and the Israeli regime during the Al-Sisi era and what pattern does it follow. To answer this question, the theory of complex interdependence has been used. According to this theory, after Al-Sisi came to power, the Israeli and Egyptian regimes have common interests and needs, such as providing security in the Sinai desert, controlling the Gaza strip, extracting and exporting gas, confronting Islamist groups, and economic and tourism exchanges. Therefore, factors have led to the expansion and intensification of cooperation between Tel Aviv and the continent, in such a way that despite the opposition of most of the Egyptian people who want to solve the Palestinian issue, the two sides have become a strategic partner in the Middle East.

The relationship between trade and security is a concern for many international relations researchers, and numerous studies have been conducted on the mutual or separate effects of these two concepts on each other. However, this gap is still clearly visible in the case of Qatar. Therefore, the authors are looking to investigate this issue and answer the question "What impact have Qatar's trade actions had on its security from 2008 to 2020?" The research method is qualitative, using the sampling technique and explanatory approach to examine the causal effects of the variables under investigation. Data was collected through library-documentary methods and primary sources such as documents, reports, books, articles, and websites. Overall, the general aim of this research is to examine the impact of trade on the security of countries (a case study of Qatar). The theoretical framework of mutual dependence, which is one of the intellectual strands of liberalism, is used to clarify the subject. The overall results show that a significant portion of Qatar's current security has been achieved through reliance on the idea of mutual dependence and long-term development policies, as well as finding powerful political, economic, and cultural partners, and through economic diversification, which has led to military empowerment, economic stability and relative prosperity, and human and social development.

The present article seeks to examine the efficient and effective discourse of reconciliation and cooperation in the relations between the rulers and the people, which ultimately leads to the creation and development of a righteous society. Using sermon 216 of Nahj al-Balagha, the authors have investigated and analyzed the nature of the relations and mutual rights of the people and the government, and with the inspiration of the said sermon, they have extracted and explained a strategic discourse to regulate these relations. The research method of this article is library and qualitative in such a way that the topics considered in the field of relations and rights and synergies between the government and the people from the perspective of Amirul Momineen Ali? It has been investigated and analyzed, and finally, the conclusion reached is that the creation of a system of cooperation between the people and the rulers will lead to their consultation and interaction with each other, and with each of them moving in the right direction, the elements of the righteous society in the community will be formed. will be.

If we consider governance as leaving the one-dimensional view of the government as the most important element in politics and entering the field of better interaction between the government and society, it will mean that governance is more focused on processes than on structures. Focusing on processes is associated with more attention to people and society and tries to move the flow of politics from the level of society to political and legislative structures. Discussing cooperation and cooperation, fostering social virtues, organizing and paying attention to social satisfaction are important elements of governance in this sector that increase the power of society against the government. Farabi is a thinker who believes that the realization of utopia is not possible without social cooperation and without strengthening social virtues, and it can even be said that while paying attention to the empowerment of the society, the formation of a strong society is not possible without the creation of a strong government. Therefore, it is considered a desirable option in Islamic political philosophy to measure the relationship between governance and political philosophy. The present study tries to discuss the relationship between political philosophy and governance in Farabi's views.