جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « collective action » در نشریات گروه « علوم انسانی »

Narrative, as a source of soft power by creating recognition, vision and persuasion, has various functions at the level of every society, one of which is creating common social understanding to deal with threats and influence. In this regard, an attempt has been made to use documentary-library sources and descriptive-analytical method, while addressing the process of creating the image of the presence of America based on two narratives before and after 1342 in the eyes of the public opinion in Iran, the ability Let's examine the narratives in creating a unified understanding of the Iranian society about the behavior of this country and its impact on the social support or opposition to the American actions. Therefore, in response to the question, "What effect has the narrative created by America after 1342 had on public opinion and increasing the collective social power of the Iranian society to confront America's actions in Iran?" We are seeking to prove the hypothesis that creating a common social understanding of the interventionist face of America, creating a vision of creating national independence and determining the destiny of the society by the people themselves through a new narrative, from 1342 onwards, will lead to the formation of unity and increase The collective power of the society in repelling the threats and influence of the United States.

Social capital includes aspects of social structure that facilitate collective action and mobilize resources. James Coleman believes that projecting social capital as recourse is one of the ways to introduce social structure in to the paradigm of rational action. City branding is the representation of this action in the field of cultural economy actors of the city which is a collective consequence and necessity arising from the complexities from the field of globalization, financial capitalism and Hollywood cinema.

Research Aime: 

general explanation and theoretical understanding of social capital and city branding, explanation and reasoning of the role of social capital and social network in capacity building of the production of city brand, evaluation of the social capital in the scale of street, neighborhood and whole city in second district of municipality, evaluation the effect of multi level social capital in capacity building of "Shiraz brand".

The research method is descriptive- analytical. Three- level scale of street, neighborhood and the whole city of 2 district of Shiraz municipality has been considered to measure social capital.

Studied Areas: 

2 district of municipality of is one of the eight districts of Shiraz municipality that placed in the south and west of the historical context and it extends along Modares and Abuzar axes to the western borders of the Shiraz airport. Its area is over 1680 hec and currently it has population of 178000 people.    

Shiraz is the city of Hafez's poetry. The representation of collective spirit in the literacy of city and romantic poetry and pre- branding of Shiraz. This article is looking for urban creations and capacity building such as business and brand through the reproduction of social capital in the 2 district of Shiraz municipality.

The results of the research indicate that the structural reproduction and capacity building of Shiraz brand is in the international context with the social capital of people.

Protest as non-institutional forms of political participation are an undeniable reality in any society. The frequency and proliferation of this fact in history after the Islamic revolution and its changes have doubled the need to pay attention to this form of collective action. As a result of these actions, the protestors chanted slogans that expressed their wishes and demands for political and social changes and their ideals for fundamental changes. In this article, using the thematic analysis method and based on Snow and Benford's framing theory, an attempt has been made to separate the slogans of the protests of the last three decades based on three interpretive frameworks, Slogans should be identified in each framework and each period of protests to reveal the thematic changes of slogans in three decades. The results show that in the protests of July 1999, the motivational interpretative framework and in the protests after the presidential elections of 2009, December 2017, and November 2019 have also assigned the diagnostic framework the most weight to the slogans. The findings showed that in the protests of 1999, freedom-loving themes, in 2009, political-justice themes, and in 2017 and 2019, anti-Islamic themes had the most frequency among other themes.

This article examines the women’s campaign in this mobilization, concentrating on the popular fundraising campaign to establish the Meli Bank following the Constitutional Revolution. Regarding the historical sociology approach, the research is founded on the resource mobilization theory of Charles Tilly.Therefore, in the first stage, the concepts and variables of Tilly’s theory are introduced, and then they are defined with reference to historical texts, such as books, the press, and women’s texts and writings. Methodologically, the study employs document analysis to provide concrete examples of the women’s fundraising campaign for the establishment of Bank Meli.The interest of women’sorganizations in the form of national independence motivations that confronts the politics of foreign colonial states is explained. Women’s associations, meetings, and the mobilization of utilitarian ornormative resources are discussed. The research concludes with an explanation of the opportunities and threats, as well as the form of mobilization.The collection of reliable and unprecedented data on women’s agency is one of the research’s innovations. The women’s campaign to establish Bank Meli demonstrates their acute awareness of thecontemporarysociopolitical climate, their capacity to mobilize, and their agency in collective actions, which is a recurring theme in modern Iranian history.

The current article is formed around the question of which of the approaches of collective behavior and collective action is more capable of explaining the potential of political protest. collective behavior emphasizes the dissatisfaction of the masses as the cause of protests and the collective action approach underscores the rationality of activists and their rational calculation to participate in protests. Variables were extracted from each of these approaches and considered as independent variables to explain the potential of political protest. The assumptions derived from the two approaches of collective behavior and collective action were examined with the findings of a survey study in 6 cities located south of Tehran (Islamshahr, Baharestan, Shahryar, Shahr Quds, Rey, and Pakdasht). Finally, it was clearly determined that the approach of collective action has more able to explain the potential of political protest, in such a way that 17 percent of the changes in the potential of political protest are explained by the variables of the individual's perception of the effectiveness of protests and the individual's perception of the government's power to suppress, both of which are derived from the theory of collective action. Only 2 percent of the dependent variable is explained by the variable of political satisfaction which is derived from the theory of collective behavior.

Collective behaviors and social actions, inspired by historical developments such as two world wars, the rise of fascist-communist movements, the collapse of the colonial ecosystem and the acceleration of globalization processes, took place in the form of national and transnational social movements. Following these global transformations on the one hand, and the experience of two revolutions in one century, the eight-year war and globalization in Iran on the other hand, the nature of contemporary society changed. In other words, since the beginning of the 20th century, the gap between the state-nation and the nation-imperialism brought different layers of social movements, especially students, who wanted to establish a civil society and establish a democratic structure. In fact, social actions, by sitting on the seat of courage and civility, are cut off from the politicization and factionalism that dominates social relations and are trying to get rid of this political issue. According to this understanding, the main question of the current writing is how to analyze social movements, especially student movements in Iran, with the Meluchi-Torn theoretical model? Employing the logic of historical sociology and the descriptive-analytical method, the author emphasizes the hypothesis that the nature, identifiers, and different contexts of social movements in Iran distinguish it from the Molochi-Torn analysis model. The findings of the research show that the background and timing of social movements make social actions in Iran not necessarily in full compliance with the analytical model of Meluchi-Torn.

“Collective action” is the capacity and communicative quality of those social actors that fulfill individual determinations through collective determinations building on the understanding and commitments related to the role. As such, they trigger the institutional change resulting in development through incentivizing the political will to accept the “public good.”Centered around the concept of “collective action,” the present study rejects the general arguments in the analysis of the lack of development of the press in Iran that aim at presenting top-down solutions. It contends that the absence of institutional agency via press syndicates, which can be made possible with the participation of all media practitioners, is the missing link of the underdevelopment of the press in Iran.This study covers the time period after June 1997 up to June 2022. The data required were gathered through the conduction of in-depth narrative interviews with journalists as well as building on textual sources and data available in written forms. For data analysis, the narrative analysis method has been used through a thematic model for thematization. Drawing on the mixed purposive sampling method, an effort has been made to ensure compatibility sampling to achieve representativeness.The results signify that in press syndicates, “antagonizing” connections with other power centers are replaced by relationships with the “co-workers” that often eliminate the possibility of a consensus for taking essential steps and furthering impactful collective action, or significantly minimize such possibilities.Also, the unsustainable development processes of the press, especially in associations and syndicates, lack the “effective connection of the constituents” that hamper the institution-building of the collective action. Identity-oriented and professional resources are not attached to material resources, and as such cannot result in “hegemonic actions” and the emergence of institutional agency required for solidifying the development discourses.

Charles Tilly's theory of "collective action" understands revolutions and social movements as forms of collective mobilization that seek to modification or prevent a change. By proposing this theory, Charles Tilly seeks to recognize, and understand the internal mechanisms that administrate collective movements. The story of the "pigeon" from Kelileh va Demneh can be considered as a conspicuous model of a collective, general and purposeful "collective action" that is organized in a special situation by a group of pigeons led by the Motavaghe. The question is whether the descriptive pigeon story can be accepted as a successful example of a collective action by descriptive-analytical and qualitative methods? The premise of the article is that beyond the text of the anecdote, met- textual and systematic ideas and patterns such as the principle of collective identity and unity, the principle of survival value, the principle of organization, the principle of benefits and costs, the principle of resource mobilization and collective action, the principle of leadership As a wise actor, there is the principle of persuasive and reasoned dialogue, the principle of opportunism and threat, which has enabled the anecdote to convincingly refute the application of Charles Tilly's theory of "collective action."

According to the concept of trust in management since the 1980s and over the last few decades, different angles and approaches have been studied. Trust is an essential factor for individual and organizational success. Trust among individuals and employees is a result of stability, unity, and Intra-organizational cohesion, Performance upgrades the efficiency and effectiveness of groups and grounds of cooperation, participation, and communication. This study aimed to design a model of intera-organizational trust through collective action in the education of Tehran. This research is applied research in terms of purpose and is Survey-exploratory and qualitative research. The population of the study consisted of senior managers of the department of education in Tehran, university professors, and advisors, who were interviewed in depth. The selection of experts and interviews with them continued until theoretical saturation and then stopped. In this research, since the grounded theory method was used, the main tool for data collection was in-depth interviews with experts. Finally, after three open, axial and selective coding, the conceptual model of research was designed. So far, no study has been done on this connection in the department of education in Tehran. This model is classified as causal, axial, contextual, strategic, and consequential variables. The findings showed that education of Tehran, in order to enhance intera-organizational trust, can leverage the collective action within and between layers of the structure of your organization.

The present research aims to provide a relatively accurate picture of the causes, topics, characteristics, achievements and problems by systematically reviewing the studies related to mass protests in Iran in 2018 and 2018 and by aggregating the results of scattered researches and by achieving a new perspective. These researches give. For this purpose, in this research, taking into account practical possibilities and time limitations, 60 cases (30 studies related to the protests of 1988 and 30 studies related to the protests of 1996) of the existing works between 1388 and 1400 were examined and the necessary information, extracted and analyzed. The obtained results show that in the collection of scientific works related to the protests of 2018, political causes have been given more attention than other causes, and the economic factor has been given less attention than other factors. In general, most of the authors have paid more attention to internal variables and socio-political factors. In the collection of scientific works related to the protests of 2016, social causes have received more attention than other causes, and the cultural factor has received less attention than other factors, and most of the analysts have paid more attention to internal variables and socio-economic factors. In the studies related to collective protest action in 1996 compared to 1988, we see a shift from socio-political factors to socio-economic factors.

Trust is a vital and essential factor for individual and organizational success that increases order, stability and predictability of the future. The aim of this study is to design a model of intra-organizational trust through collective action in education in Tehran. Experts including senior managers, professors and leading consultants in the field of management of the organization were considered as the statistical community. Nine experts were interviewed in-depth using the snowball sampling method. In the quantitative phase, all education staff in Tehran were considered as a community. Three hundred seventy-seven were selected as a statistical sample. Data collection tools in the qualitative phase of the research were in-depth and unstructured interviews with experts. The data were analyzed based on the data theory method (open, axial and selective coding). In the quantitative phase of the research, a closed and researcher-made questionnaire was used. SPSS, LISREL and smart-PLS software were used for descriptive and inferential analysis. The results showed that collective action within and between the structural layers of the organization through the redesign of organizational processes can increase intra-organizational trust in education in Tehran.

Many of the common natural resources of the world are in critical conditions. The solution to this crisis is the development of effective management institutions. However, there is no consensus on these institutions. Some economists believe that creating a privately owned entity can solve the management problems of these resources. Others support the control of resources by the central government. Some institutionalists consider the local management strategy as the solution to this crisis. In this study, an empirical meta-analysis was performed to examine what solution the Iranian studies on the management of water (as a common natural resource) have favored more and what factors they have considered for its success or failure. For this purpose, about 120 articles were collected from the Database of National Publications (Magiran), Noor Specialized Magazines Website (Noormags), Scientific Information Database (SID) of ACECR, and Comprehensive Portal of Humanities using ‘water management’ as the keyword. Seventy-three of these articles were related to the subject of the current study. The results of this research showed that most of these studies (about 70%) used a local participatory management solution and in order to investigate the reasons for its success or failure, they paid more attention to physical factors than institutional rules and arrangements. Thirty percent of the studies supported the market or government solution. In conclusion, this study suggests that more comprehensive approaches such as Ostrom’s analysis be used in future studies to find the most appropriate management method and its effectiveness in analyses so that common resources such as water can be managed more efficiently.

Establishment of Alawids’ government was the most important event after the entrance of Islam into Tabaristan province in Iran. Applying Charles Tilly’s theory of collective action, which deals with revolutions and social movements, is effective in offering a new reading of that movement. In the present study, we use library sources and a descriptive-analytical method to analyze Alawids’ movement with a look at Tilly’s theory. The main question of the article is as follows: “What dimensions of that movement does applying Tilly’s theory reveal?” It seems that Alawids sought the following three goals by that movement: (a) surviving, (b) achieving political power, and (c) diffusing Shi’a tenets. Accordingly, after seizing power, in view of the common religious identity of the people and the local rulers, an organization with a military and religious nature was established. Mobilization of interests by Alawid leaders was in an aggressive and preparatory form and had an obligatory and normative nature. The element of power in that movement was in mutually contrasting form (Sunni caliphate/ Shi’a government). The most important opportunities for the leaders of the movement were as follows: creating a common religious identity, making use of the military power of the local rulers, and using public capacities. Samanids and Kinkharids were the most threatening factors for Alawids and pursued a suppressing policy. The Alawids’ collective action was rivalry and modernist, and was formed on the basis of the dichotomy of insider-outsider.

In spite of diversity in definition, all forms of collective action have a common property: a group of people cooperating for a public good (Tomas, Louis, 2013). Because of the non-exclusive nature of public goods, the rational action is to free ride and don't contribute to the collective action. This is where the collective action problem arises. The collective action problems can vary according to the contextual state of where and when they are being studied. In this study, we tried to gain a better understanding of the mechanisms and conditions which lead to making collective action happen in Iran. There are some controversial judgements about collective action in Iran. This study aims to make a clearer idea about the issue, by conducting a field study research and analyze the neighborhood collective action as the analytical unit.   We used a multiple case studies method in our field survey of collective action. We used purposive sampling and theoretical sampling for finding our cases: “Ekbatan”, “Evin”, “Sharif residential complex” and “Rahahan residential complex”.  We suggest an empirical model of structures in two levels: The contextual conditions ("Social capital", "The neighborhood power structure" and "Initializer agent"), and the strategical conditions ("framing" and "mobilization"). This model represents different factors and concepts and the interactions among them, which make neighborhood collective action possible. The factors are derived from the field data of this study.  The interaction among the factors of our model leads to a situation where collective action can happen. The concepts forming the contextual conditions of collective action are "Social capital", "The neighborhood power structure" and "Initializer agent" . It is the interaction among these concepts that trigger the public good as the goal of collective action. At the Strategy level, "framing" and "mobilization" are at work that have a bilateral effect on each other. Framing brings legitimacy for the mobilizations' mechanisms, and in return, the mobilization provides the resources needed for resonating the framing of collective action. The chance of having a successful collective action is also affected by the way structural concepts of the contextual conditions interact with the strategies that agents employ. Social capital makes the mobilization more accessible and create trust. The ability to effectively interact with the neighborhood power institutions, can bring legitimacy, make the mobilization process easier, and reduce the overall cost of collective action. The initializer agent forms the primary framing of the collective action and mobilize the primary forces and resources needed. The interaction among these factors with the mutual effects and the possibilities and restraints that they have on each other, make the collective action possible. Understanding these factors and their restraining and contributary effects on collective action is the first step for agents who want to make any changes via the collective action. This usage will only arise from the interaction of social agents' will and the structural constraints.

Reforming official institutions as enacting economic laws and regulations and guaranteeing their implementation, these reforms need to form a collective action among its stakeholders. Although the formation of this collective action among actors with conflicting motives may increase the chances of such reforms succeeding, economic considerations face significant barriers such as transaction costs. After the theory of collective action for voluntary public procurement and transaction cost theory challenged the presumption of the omnipotent and benevolent government, how the decision-making processes within the public sector evolved. In this paper, we attempt to provide a conceptual framework for examining the transaction costs associated with the collective action of political, administrative, and economic actors to guarantee the implementation of laws as a voluntary public good. Such action requires the pursuit of information seeking, bargaining and negotiation activities, and ensuring that political, economic, and administrative actors perform the transactions. The results of the conceptual framework, developed on the basis of the combination of theories of collective action and transaction cost in this paper, show that 18 components influence the costs of collective action for institutional reform. The application of this framework for analyzing the enforcement of business environment facilitation laws, in particular the Law on Continuous Improvement of the Business Environment Approved in Iran in 2011 shows that in addition to the lack of legal enforcement guarantees and external oversight deficiencies, there are several components that can cost the collective action required to enforce these laws.

One of the UN Millennium Development Goals is women's participation in urban management. This article develops a theoretical framework for analyzing the relationship between community- based planning and women participation in cities. In this regard, collective action, social capital, and neighborhood as location for community planning are used. The framework identifies a series of variables that are theorized to affect a community's capacity to women participation. Method of study is analytical descriptive. The statistical population is women over 18 years old in Nematabad neighborhood. 29 questionnaires are distributed randomly. According to the findings it is recommended that, the strategy for development of community-based planning can be very effective in urban planning system in Iran as this strategy for host communities could bring about social welfare, justice, and socio- economic suitability. Also Social Network, marriage, education level, employment are the most important elements that affect women's participation in the development of community-driven development programs.

The new middle class is a city-oriented, academic, and participatory social force that has become the center of gravity of socio-political developments in a process of formation, within or outside the body of government. The research question is, how has the mobilization of new middle class voting resources for electoral participation (1-3) in Iran?
The hypothesis and findings of the study will show that the group claims to have the political power and challenge to access sovereignty resources through tools and practices such as mass media, political parties and political leaders' speeches. The new middle class, in the context of collective action with its intellectual allies, mobilizes its resources to infiltrate government and sovereignty. This paper attempts to answer the research question by using Charles Taleil's theory of resource mobilization and by historical method within a given time and by secondary findings.

The processes of collective action of individuals within the government organization and the formation and modification of these processes in the private sector have fundamental differences with collective action. A collective action, either in the form of an activity or in the form of a reform of an entity, both has transaction costs for agents within the process. So, a collective action within the government organization is like an institutional reform that is regarded as a voluntary public good that needs active participation of various political, administrative, and economic agents. In this paper, we tend to provide a framework for reviewing the collective action of these agents in order to facilitate investment in North Khorasan province as an example of economic reform. The data are collected by questionnaire and analyzed by statistical methods, three groups of political, administrative and economic agents active in the province. The results indicate that 10 components of values and norms, learning and repetition, group size, free riding, rent seeking, incomplete information, selective incentives, conflicts of interest, individuals and groups of beneficiaries, and heterogeneity of individuals, all have significant effect on the collective action of political, administrative and economic agents of this province. Moreover, a significant part of the collective action differences between these agents is explained by the components of transaction costs, including three categories such as search and information costs, bargaining and execution costs, and post contractual guarantee or feedback costs.

The main purpose of this paper is to explore the conceptual framework of governance based on the institutional economic approach emphasizing the views of John Rogers Commons. To this end, as a qualitative  approach, the focus group of the research method was applied. According to Commons, we first encounter a conflict of interest between individuals, groups, and organizations, which is itself due to the scarcity of resources. Then, collective action is formed to overcome such contradictions. In view of that, there is negotiation, exchange, and collective bargaining that ultimately lead to working rules among human beings to come to a practical result as to live and work together under an agreement that engenders order, security, and dignity. Commons considers working rules as a major means for organizing societychr('39')s affairs; however, such working rules are formed and developed within the framework of collective democracy. Order and rules cannot be enforced and sustained unless the views and the voice of all parties and stakeholders are heard on an equal basis. Collective democracy as a method of governance facilitates the achievement of such a goal.