The cultural dimensions of politics operate alongside other sources on which political actors are heavily dependent (such as money, public relations, access to the media, or access to government bureaucracy). Those who have greater access to media resources are able to perform more effective actions that attract political and social attention. Thus, the cultural dimensions of politics provide a window into those who are far from the center of power. These individuals and groups can develop cultural skills and apply them in the cultural environment. Today, the cultural dimensions of politics have become increasingly important, and media developments have eroded the distinction between public and private space. Turning political activists' private lives into personal issues has had a profound effect on their political fortunes. As a result, political actors skillfully organize political events in a dramatic way to increase their legitimate authority. In this respect, politics is like theater, and politics is increasingly theatrical, as the importance of the mass media grows.

This study compares democratization in Iran and Turkey during the periods from 1906 to 1913.  We show that Iranian and Ottoman society experienced the wave of democratization in 1906 and 1908 respectively. We argue that although Iran and Turkey established some fundamental requirements of democratic system such as parliamentary election, Majlis and constitutional law, after a very short time, the countries returned to authoritarianism. Our argument is that the dynamics of the authoritarianism revolve around strategic interactions between the military actors and political elites in the regime and the foreign powers. The strategic choices made by these groups determined the main process of the authoritarianism. This study uses comparative historical analysis. Methodologically,the comparative historical analysis focuses on both historically interpretive and causally analytic.The findings indicate  that the return to authoritarianism in Iran  and Tukey is a result of the combination of three causal conditions,  the suppressive strategy of political actors such as  the dissolution of parliament or the dissolution of opposition parties and the military intervention in politics (military coup or martial law or military suppression: kill or arrest) and  the political-military intervention of  foreign actors in domestic politics such as support for the authoritarian regime or the dissolution of parliament or the suppression of internal actors:kill or arrest.

This study compares democratization in Iran and Turkey. We show that Iranian and Ottoman society experienced the wave of democratization in 1906 and 1908 respectively. Our argument is that democratization is the result of the combination of three causal conditions, educational development and the agency of political actors and the agency of social actors. Theoretically, educational development only can potentially facilitate the process of democratization, but this is dependent on how political elites respond to it. The strategic choices made by the élites determine the main process of democratization. This study uses comparative historical analysis. Methodologically, the comparative historical analysis focuses on both historically interpretive and causally analytic.The findings indicate that the educational development as a structural resource in combination with the strategic choeces of political and social actors such as negotiation or coalition or the creation of a social movement has led to democratization.

Throughout history, Fars province has always had a dramatic impact on Iran’s political and diplomatic structure, and when it has gone through a change, other Iranian states have been affected by it. During the reign of Nader Shah, the state saw a change in the structure of its bureaucracy which later affected other states. The main questions are why Nadir Shah brought about these changes, what positions were important during this period and what their function was, and why these changes did not make Fars stable. To answer these questions the article adopts an analytical method based on less well-known documents. It argues that Nader Shah’s goal, like other political actors, was exercising power in the best manner possible on the community. He tried to increase the political and economic influence of his government in Fars by restoring and reforming his office. Many of these reforms failed because of regional competition and the presence of influential local political activists.

An accounting information system is a platform in which the basis of accounting is formed and managers and all users make decisions based on its product. Playing such a role necessitates the accurate identification of the actors playing a role in this system in order to plan in a principled and principled way in the development and productivity of the country's financial and economic system. Therefore, if it is possible to accurately predict and identify the actors affecting the accounting information system before the start of activities, a fundamental change in the field of management of the accounting information system can be created. The purpose of this study was to predict the prioritization of non-human actors affecting the accounting information system in Iran from the perspective of the network of actors using four algorithms: support vector machine (SVC), random forest (RF) ٬ Boosting and K-nearest neighbor (k- NN) is. Findings show that the most important actors in the accounting information system are organizational actors, followed by technical actors, economic actors, technology actors, and socio-political actors who have the most predictive power in the accounting information system. The RF model is also known as the best model for predicting the most effective characteristics of non-human actors in the accounting information system.

Despite extensive studies on Constitutional Revolution, there are some issues that need to be examined further in this subject, including the role of some political activists and influential local elements far from the centers of constitutionalism. In this regard, two Zanjani politicians, namely Mirza Abolmakarem and Aboutaleb Mousavi, were among the political activists of the constitutional period, whose roles and influence has not been examined so far, except for some brief references in public resources. The Zanjani brothers played a valuable role in the confrontation between the two currents of constitutionalism and anti-constitutionalism by rising and falling in political positions and turns. Using original sources, newspapers and new documents, this study uses a descriptive-explanatory method to examine the biographies and political positions of these two Zanjani personalities of the constitutional era. This research claims that Mirza Abolmakarem's constitutionalism was influenced by class considerations and rivalries with emerging families and scholars in Zanjan. Mirza Abutaleb's anti- constitutional stances were also formed due to closeness to the court, competition with scholars such as Behbahani, and Legitimacy movement. These positions led to the consolidation of Mirza Abolmakarem's position in Zanjan and the assassination of Mirza Aboutaleb in Tehran.