احمد بازماندگان خمیری

Britain drastically changed its political and military strategies on the Persian Gulf at the beginning of the 19th century. The country seized some new areas to enhance its influence in the Persian Gulf. Basaeidou in Qeshm Island was among the regions that the country occupied for more than a century. In 1933, an Iranian ship entered Basaeidou and lowered the flag of Britain. Later this incident prompted Britain to leave the region. Taking a descriptive-analytical approach and using documentary method, this study aimed to see the position of Basaeidou regarding the relations between Iran and Britain and what issues make Britain to leave there. The results showed that Britain took advantage of the conflicts between Iran and Soviet Union in the North of Iran during the Qajar era to occupy Basaeidou. Lowering the flag of England in Basaeidou by the Iranian Navy in the first Pahlavi period imposed a crisis in their relations. The issue created other challenges for Britain in the region. Moreover, the sheikhs advocating England doubted on the power of the country to guarantee their security. They also doubted the country’s responsibility to the people under its protection. England’s delegates in the Persian Gulf attempted to solve the problems in all possible ways. The controversy between British Embassy in Tehran and the Crown rule in India made it impossible for London unable to take a united and integrated policy about the issues. It, therefore, became one of the issues that made Britain withdraw from Basaeidou.

The name of the Persian Gulf has always been associated with trade and as one of the important waterways, it played a vital role in the exchange of goods between East and West, which was mentioned in the sources of the past. On the eve of the constitutional revolution and with the expansion of newspapers, new written sources addressed this field. Mozaffari newspaper which was one of the most important newspapers in the south of Iran, devoted important articles to this field. This article seeks to answer this question: what was the approach of this newspaper to the category of merchants and trade and tries to examine this issue in a descriptive-analytical method and with a critical approach. The findings showed that, according to Mozaffari newspaper, Iran's trade in the Persian Gulf declined during this period, and one of the main factors was British interference and concessions, which in practice limited free trade in the region and left no space for competition. This newspaper did not consider trade as only the exchange of goods, but considered it a complex process of which the exchange of goods was a part. The process of product production, which is considered an inseparable part of it is neglected in the meantime. A part that, according to the newspaper, has not been given much value in Iran's foreign trade.
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With the increasing communication between Indian Persians and Iranian Zoroastrians during the Naseri period, Indian Persians sent representatives and established associations among Iranian Zoroastrians, especially Yazd Zoroastrians, with the aim of improving their fellow believers’ status and religious and social affairs  in Iran. The formation of these associations in Yazd, along with the efforts of some Zoroastrian reformers, especially the Persians, caused significant changes in the conditions of the Zoroastrians in this area. This research, with a descriptive and analytical approach and based on library and documentary sources, seeks to answer the main question that what role did Zoroastrian associations in Yazd play in Zoroastrians’ cultural and social life during the Qajar period? The findings indicate that Indian Persians played a significant role in improving the condition of Yazd Zoroastrians during the Qajar era through the establishment of associations such as Akaber association and Naseri association. These associations with the help of the representatives sent by Indian Persians, played a significant role in Yazd Zoroastrians’ social and cultural life in t affaires such as canceling the jizya, establishing new schools, and removing injustices from the Zoroastrian minority.

The Mongol attack on Iran had implications for politics and society, and one of them was the change in the religious identity of the Sunni community. With the establishment of Ilkhanate rule in Iran, they entered into a challenge with their other Sunni neighbors and created a new discourse in the field of foreign relations with them. The main question is how the new discourse affected the Sunni community's religious identity in Iran. The defeat of the Mongols from the Mamluks of Egypt, the loss of the land of Sham, and the establishment of the remnants of the Abbasid Caliphate in Cairo turned Egypt into the most important regional rival of the Mongol Ilkhanates. This competition was formed in a new geographical and political context in which the Mongols played a prominent role in establishing their borders. Iran was also at the center of this regional competition and almost alone among its allied rivals. Meanwhile, the Ilkhans' relations with the Mamluks were more sensitive due to their support for the remnants of the Abbasid caliphate. They were more tense compared to their other Muslim neighbors, such as Elus Jochi and Elus Joghtai. This political isolation of the Ilkhans, along with a different view of the Abbasid caliphate based in Cairo compared to the same neighbors, made it very difficult for the Ilkhans to gain legitimacy in the non-Muslim period and even in the Muslim period and paved the way for entering a new religious discourse based on De-Abbasidization and creation of a different identity among the Sunnis of Iran

Throughout its history, the Pars Sea has been regarded as one of the communication routes between East and West Asian economic regions. By facilitating the transfer of goods, this sea served as the trade link between this region, and it was regarded a part of these connections, which were situated at the edge of the economy of the Indian Ocean. This role persisted with the rise of Hormuz, but the nature and structure of relationships changed. At this point, the Persian Sea itself became an independent economic region and acquired some independence from the Indian Ocean; according to Wallerstein, it shifted from a semi-peripheral to a central position. Currently, the Pars Tavantes Sea should establish a balanced and reciprocal relationship with other global sectors. Why and how did this transformation occur? How did the authorities of Hormuz effect this transformation? This article attempts to address these questions using a descriptive-analytical approach and a historical perspective in order to pave the way for this transformation. This research revealed that Hormuz rulers, with a correct comprehension of the ties and significance of the Persian Sea, attempted to use the available tools to establish an independent domain, with varying degrees of success. Traditional trade sea routes and trade hubs in the Persian Sea were among these instruments. This research also revealed that, contrary to the belief of Wallerstein's supporters, who in their studies of the economic worlds of other regions did not identify political concentration as one of their characteristics, politics and the concentration of political power were the most influential factors in the formation of the Persian Sea's economic world. By establishing political power and destroying other independent commercial centers, the kings of Hormuz were able to transform the Persian Sea into a separate economic realm.

After the fall of the Sassanids, the Iranians did not succeed in creating a political order for a long time. The first government they established was outside the borders of Iran. This government had no Iranism tendency, however, emphasis of some resources on the race of its founder shows the effects of his historical background on the structure of the newly established government. The main issue of this paper is that “How Abd al-Rahman ibn Rustam was able to establish a hereditary government far beyond the political-geographical boundaries of Iran using Islamic teachings?” This research shows that Abd al-Rahman paved the necessary way for foundation of a new government in North Africa using the ideas of the Kharijites and especially Ibadi movement and its emphasis on the principle of virtue and the Arab-Berber conflict in the political-social environment. Perhaps he adhered to the principles of Ibadism at first, however, by choosing his successor, i.e., his son named Abd al-Wahhab, he followed a different path. Although, it cannot be definitely considered that this was influenced by his historical background.

The historical geography of the northern lands of the Kingdom of Hormuz is the study area of this article. Access to the sea, especially being located at the entrance to the Persian Gulf, the presence of numerous estuaries that allowed the berthing of cargo and fishing barges, as well as access to other fertile coastal and post-coastal lands such as the Minab plain and the fertile plain of Rodan, the presence of drinking water sources, especially the river. Rodan and Minab, and most importantly, being located on the land and sea route of the Edavieh route, were among the most important advantages of Old Hormuz, which provided the basis for the establishment, independence, and expansion of the power of Hormuz monarchs. This article aims to answer this basic question: What role did the geography of Hormuz play in the formation and expansion of the power of the rulers of Hormuz? The answer to this question will be found with a descriptive-analytical method and a historical approach based on the historical geography of old Hormuz and its place in the formation of the rule of the kings of Hormuz in the middle of the 5th century AH.

In order to visit the Kaaba, Muslims reach Arabia from different routes, which is surrounded by the sea on three sides. In the first to third centuries A.H., most of the pilgrims made this journey by land. From the end of the 3rd century A.H., some factors such as the weakness of the Abbasid Caliphs, the rivalry between the Fatimid and Abbasid caliphs, the attacks of Qaramata and bandits on the pilgrim caravans, caused the insecurity of land routes and some problems for the pilgrims. Almost simultaneously with such changes, the Jeddah port was experiencing increasing prosperity. The present research examines the possible relationship of these variables using historical analysis method. The results of the research show that the insecurity of the land routes and its coincidence with the boom in maritime trade led to the prosperity of the marine pilgrimage from Siraf and Sohar to Jeddah, which was influenced by the presence of Iranians and pilgrims' caravans, and then experienced several centuries of economic and commercial prosperity.

The Persian Gulf has long been home to many ethnic groups due to its migratory nature. For a long time, because of shipping and trade, there has been a kind of interaction and cooperation between the population living there, regardless of any religious affiliation or prejudice. One of the groups with a long history in the region is the Jews. Despite their small number, they have played an important role in the tumultuous history of the Persian Gulf and its islands and port. The present study tries to analyze the history of the presence of Jews in the Persian Gulf using a descriptive-analytical method based on library documents, and to answer the question of why and how from the middle of the Safavid period the role and position of the Jews in the socio-economic relations of the ports and islands of the Persian Gulf has diminished.The results of the study show that the beginning of the decline of the socio-economic status of Jews in the Persian Gulf dates back to the presence of the Portuguese in the region and the Safavid domination of the Persian Gulf coast intensified this. Influenced by domestic religious polities and international trade relations, the Safavid government continued the same policy and paved the way for the decline of the Jewish community in the Persian Gulf.

Jews, as one of the religious minorities, have long played an active role in the social and economic life of Iran. This historical background continued in the Safavid era and during this period this group continued its social life in various fields. The shores of the Persian Gulf are one of the areas where Jews lived, traded, and worked. This study seeks to examine the impact of the policies of the Safavid government on the decline of their social and economic status as one of the oldest religious communities in the Persian Gulf. Obviously, due to the little information we have in this regard, not all funds and areas can be examined and evaluated. Therefore, we have to pay attention only to the areas and issues about which data are available.

The present study uses a descriptive-analytical method based on the main sources. The aim of this paper is to investigate the socio-economic life of Jews in the Persian Gulf in the Safavids period.

Jews are one of the oldest religious-ethnic minorities in the Iranian society. Their geographical dispersion indicates that a specific point cannot be considered as their main habitat. This group scattered throughout Iran from the west to the central regions and from the central regions to the south, including the main area of their geographical distribution. One of the areas with a large Jewish presence was the shores of the Persian Gulf. This presence was accompanied by socio-economic activities there. What provided a good ground for such activities was the social context and structure of the Persian Gulf. The Persian Gulf, as one of the major trade routes, has been the center of international trade and commerce throughout history. This characteristic created a special social context and structure, the main feature of which was religious tolerance and mutual respect for different religions and denominations. This feature was so deep and lasting that it also affected the political structure of the region. Naturally, various religious groups, including the Jews, benefited from this socio-political structure. They operated freely in the various commercial and economic spheres without the slightest fear and were able to settle or travel in different parts of the region with no restriction.
With the arrival of the Portuguese, the socio-political climate of the region changed. They were staunch supporters of the Catholic Church and the Pope and did not give dignity to other religious groups. With their arrival, religious segregation in Hormuz, as the most important center of commercial and social, began exchange. They imposed more restrictions, especially on Jews, and even prevented new Jewish groups from entering the island. The defeat of the Portuguese and their expulsion from Hormuz strengthened the Safavids' presence on all the northern coasts and parts of the southern areas of the Persian Gulf. Despite the centennial presence of the Portuguese, the social fabric was so strong that indigenous and local communities could withstand external pressures and abuses and maintain and perpetuate their own archetype. Perhaps one of the main reasons for this failure is the alienation of the Portuguese themselves. This does not mean that their existence in this field has not been ineffective; rather, its effects have been few and far between.The Safavids at the beginning of their presence could not or did not want to change this structure. But later, under the influence of the court atmosphere, they pursued the same policy of restricting the Jews; a policy that was in stark contrast to the attitude of local bureaucrats and the social fabric and structure of the region. The growing weakness of the central government, which led to a reduction in court oversight of the rulers' performance, paved the way for further extortion. They put pressure on most groups and classes and found different ways to make a profit. Jews, meanwhile, were more likely to be abused.The change in the policy of the Safavid state not only affected the attitude of the bureaucrats towards Jews and other religious minorities but also affected the behavior of the indigenous community towards other religious groups in the long run. Despite the pessimistic view of the Safavid government and its supporters in the interior of Iran towards the Jews, we have no reports that the local communities on the shores of the Persian Gulf have taken a similar position. However, in the Qajar period, sources mention the negative view of the local community towards non-Islamic religious minorities although the actions of these minorities in changing this attitude should not be ignored. It can be assumed that the change in bureaucratic policies has also played an important role in this regard.

The issue of health and its observance is one of the issues that have always occupied human society throughout history. Unfortunately the infrastructure of most cities in Iran has been such that less attention has been paid to this issue, and this has caused many human casualties. This issue has been especially acute in the case of immigrant cities such as Bandar Abbas. In this Article, a descriptive-analytical method tries to examine the general situation of Bandar Abbas, the health of this city in the Qajar period, the factors affecting its situation and how to change and improve its conditions. This study showed that during this period, health was one of the main concerns of the residents of Bandar Abbas and government did not have a plan to improve it..

Throughout history, Fars province has always had a dramatic impact on Iran’s political and diplomatic structure, and when it has gone through a change, other Iranian states have been affected by it. During the reign of Nader Shah, the state saw a change in the structure of its bureaucracy which later affected other states. The main questions are why Nadir Shah brought about these changes, what positions were important during this period and what their function was, and why these changes did not make Fars stable. To answer these questions the article adopts an analytical method based on less well-known documents. It argues that Nader Shah’s goal, like other political actors, was exercising power in the best manner possible on the community. He tried to increase the political and economic influence of his government in Fars by restoring and reforming his office. Many of these reforms failed because of regional competition and the presence of influential local political activists.

Fars province has been one of the most important parts of Iran's land throughout history. In the Nader Shah’s period, this state was one of the most troublesome areas that occurred frequently in those insurrections. Several fields have caused them to emerge. The insurgency led to the occasional rushing of rare forces and, in some cases, changes in its political structure. Of these, three riots, Sheikh Ahmad Madani, Mohammad Khan Baluch and Mohammad Taqi Khan are of great importance. The main question is why the riots broke out? What causes them to occur? This article, by examining the existing documents and refreshing them again through descriptive analysis, seeks to take a fresh look at this issue. This study showed that, despite the apparent factors such as the injustice and aggressiveness of Nader Shah’s financial agents and the presence of non-native forces, the existence of powerful urban elements and rich landowners were the main causes of these three revolts.

Bushehr is one of Iran’s most important trading centers in the Persian Gulf prior to the developments in the new era, replacing Bandar Abbas following its decline. The main question is why could a port with no clear historical legacy be converted into Iran’s major trading center in the Persian Gulf? The answer to this question lies in two sets of reasons: internal reasons (relative security, promotion of trade by Bushehr’s governor, and being close to Shiraz) and external reasons (attempts made by Nader to create a trading port which can compete with Basra, decline of Bandar Abbas, competition between Shiraz and Larestan, and Iran’s market demands for textile). The present paper aims to examine this issue by investigating the reasons for the decline of Bandar Abbas and the rise of Bushehr.

Iran-Oman relationship is of those issues to which less attention has been paid. Oman was a part of Iranian Kingdom long ago. Oman managed to separate from the kingdom during the Saffavid Dynasty. After Zand Dynasty the separation changed into a political-tradecompetition in the Persian Gulf.Renting Bandar Abbas Customs House was the most important issueduring Qajar Dynasty. Most Iranian and foreign writers have wronglygeneralized it as a political rent of southern regions. This article tries to study theRelationship between Iran and oman during Zand and Qajar Dynasties.