حسن خداوردی

Its cultural diplomacy is a part of diplomacy that pursues the development of international and interstate relations through culture, art and civilization-building components. The Islamic Republic of Iran, with its cultural, civilizational and religious components and many commonalities, is able to play a more active role in the field of cultural diplomacy in India. In this practical research, using the most important works and available library sources, in a descriptive-analytical method, it is tried to find an answer to the question that what are the practical components of the cultural diplomacy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in India? The hypothesis of this research is that the religious-value, cultural-artistic and civilizational-normative components can be related to several thousand years of cultural and civilizational relations, the existence of a large Muslim community, the presence of the Persian language and literature for eight hundred years, and common cultural and literary figures. They help to promote the soft power and cultural diplomacy of the Islamic Republic of Iran, so this research will analyze the issue from the perspective of constructivist theory.

 Oil was extracted in Iran since 1286, and from the beginning of the 14th century of Hijri, it became one of the pillars of the country's economy in such a way that its traces can be seen in all political, economic and social developments. This research deals with one of the dimensions of the effect of oil on the political economy of Iran, i.e. the government's economic policy between 1384 and 1392, and its main problem is to analyze the extent and manner of the impact of oil market changes on the government's economic policies. The purpose of the research is to determine the effects of the sudden change in the price and fluctuations of the Iranian oil income on the economic policies of the government and the changes made in the most important economic indicators in the mentioned years. The need to carry out this research is because oil income fluctuations continue to affect government policies and the pathology of previous governments' performance can be effective in economic re-planning. The method of qualitative research and thematic analysis is the method of data collection is library studies and checking official statistics. According to the research data, domestic and international developments have caused fluctuations in the amount of production, price and income of oil, and these fluctuations are caused by certain economic policies such as financial expansion, justice-oriented programs, relative neglect of the tax system and It has followed financial discipline.

Poverty is a social, economic, and cultural phenomenon that results from the lack of minimum human needs or the inability to provide them in fact, it is the result of social and economic inequality, which appears as a problem, and makes the spatial structure of different areas of the city have clear and obvious contradictions; the existence of deprived class can be observed in any society, but what proportion of the population of that society is deprived and poor is a fundamental issue that can be emphasized and emphasized by the officials and leaders of that society. Imam Khomeini (RA) as the founder of the Islamic Revolution, from the very beginning of the revolution, paid attention to the deprived class and poverty alleviation. In their lectures and books, this issue has always been considered. For example, it is said in the sahifah: One of the great blessings that God has given this nation is that the government is the government of the oppressed, the government of the deprived. The main purpose of this article is to investigate the position of the deprived class in the discourse criterion of Imam Khomeini (RA) in Iran after the Islamic Revolution. Therefore, with the descriptive-analytical method and using library sources, to the main question, what was the position of the deprived class in the discourse criteria of Imam Khomeini (RA) in Iran after the Islamic Revolution? The answer has been given. The results of the research findings show that Imam Khomeini (RA) paid great attention to the deprived class and always emphasized it.

The diaspora is defined as a transnational community that has involuntarily migrated from its homeland and settled in another land. As a consequence, diaspora communities carry their cultural and identity markers as defining characteristics in their new host countries. Conversely, states use cultural and identity components as subjective and objective elements to advance their cultural diplomacy strategies and promote intercultural dialogue in the international arena. Therefore, the central research question of this applied study is: how can diaspora communities play a role in cultural diplomacy? This research employs a descriptive-analytical approach with a comparative perspective to examine the constituent elements of diaspora and cultural diplomacy. The study utilizes library and online resources, along with the conceptual framework of track II diplomacy, to analyze the subject matter. The findings of the study suggest that culture and identity function as common structural components that connect diaspora and cultural diplomacy.

The present study aims to examine the political relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and India from a constructivist perspective. The research method is descriptive-explanatory, and it seeks to answer the questions: What perceptions do the foreign policy agents of Iran and India have of each other? And what are the opportunities and challenges in this relationship? The study is based on the hypothesis that the identity structure derived from the Islamic Revolution of Iran, which has extended to a structural-agent order in foreign policy, conflicts with the neoliberalism chosen by India's foreign policymakers and the ruling party. Thus, this difference in identity foundations and the structural-agent relationship in both domestic and international systems has created challenges and opportunities for both countries. Consequently, after the Islamic Revolution and Iran's withdrawal from the CENTO alliance and alignment with the West, and its joining the Non-Aligned Movement, of which India was a founding member, there was significant hope in the Islamic Republic of Iran for improved relations with India due to shared identity stemming from peaceful foreign policy and pacifism (Nehruism), which was based on non-alignment with major powers and solidarity with weaker countries. However, after the end of the Cold War and the paradigm shift in India's foreign policy from Nehruvian idealism to realism, changes in normative-identity foundations, the marginalization of the National Congress Party, the victory of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), and closer ties with the West, the relations cooled. Therefore, it appears that the foreign policymakers of Iran and India may not be able to find intersubjective identity resources and shared values and norms to develop relations at a strategic level, which could be a challenge in the relations between the two countries.

Effectiveness is one of central topics in political sphere that is important for governments. Effectiveness actually provides the basis for stability and sustainability of political systems. The purpose of this research is to investigate the efficiency challenges in judiciary system of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the years 2000-2019 in terms of political stability. The main question of the research is that what challenges has Islamic Republic of Iran judiciary system faced in the field of efficiency during the given time span, and what solutions can be proposes to upgrade and strengthen the efficiency of this issue? A qualitative research method using is used and interviews with 30 legal experts are the basis of analysis. Transcribes are categorized in tables in the form of ID codes, key points, and open codes. Findings indicate that the major challenges of the judiciary system during 2000-2019 are:  independence of judges, delay in proceedings, internal and external pressures and lack of full implementation of the law. In order to solve these challenges, maintaining the judicial independence of judges, fighting against economic corruptors, reducing the delay of proceedings, complying with the implementation of laws and regulations, cooperation other legal bodies and governing institutions, and eliminating the pressure in judicial cases are among the ways to improve the efficiency of the judiciary and are in line with making an stable political system.

The Islamic Revolution of Iran was one of the most important revolutions of the 20th century. One of the theoretical foundations of this revolution was its central justice; which was able to shape the political discourse of the Islamic Revolution and attract many opinions to itself. The theoretical foundations of justice, which appeared as a central sign in the political discourse of the Islamic Revolution, by focusing on the principle of justice and fairness, and emphasizing on these principles, was able to establish the link between religion and the world, righteousness and God-centeredness, central duty and the pursuit of perfection, central duty and spirituality. to create the political discourse of the Islamic revolution, by emphasizing these components, was able to find a very special place among the countries of the world and revolutionary movements, as well as the ideal of liberation. Emancipation and central justice were the two main parameters of Iran's Islamic Revolution; which distinguished it from all the great revolutions in the 20th century. The main question of the article was, what are the theoretical foundations of justice in the political discourse of the Islamic Revolution and where did they originate from? In response, these theoretical foundations were examined in the thoughts of Farabi, Ibn Khaldun, Allameh Tabatabaei and Imam Khomeini, the leader of the Islamic Revolution. In this article, it was emphasized how these components were able to globalize the Islamic revolution. The theoretical framework of discourse was also used for this purpose.

This article aims to investigate the impact of Western sanctions on the Russian economy, and in this context, it has focused on the economic sanctions of the United States and European Union member states on Russia. The research method was descriptive-analytical and used library data and information. The findings of the research indicate that among Western sanctions against the Russian economy, financial and banking sanctions with a frequency of 8 have the highest frequency, followed by exchange sanctions with a frequency of 6, scientific and technological sanctions with a frequency of 3, and transportation sanctions with a frequency of 1. They are ranked next. The findings of the research on the macroeconomic indicators of Russia such as the economic growth rate, exchange rate, inflation rate, interest rate, export and import rate of this country showed that the Russian economy during 2014, which was the beginning of Western economic sanctions, until 2022 (which is the latest and most up-to-date The data of the World Bank is related to this year) has followed a downward trend and the economy of this country has faced fundamental challenges in various fields, especially liquidity. Therefore, the goals of Western economic sanctions have been achieved to a significant extent in Russia, and the country's economy, as the fifth economic power in the world, has been able to face a crisis. However, paying attention to confrontation with sanctions and policy-making based on the special conditions of sanctions can partially compensate for the harmful and destructive effects of economic sanctions in the sanctioned countries, or even bring mutual costs to the sanctioning countries.

One of the key tools of cultural diplomacy is language and literature. Therefore, this research aims to examine the role and significance of Persian language and literature in the development of cultural diplomacy among three Farsi-speaking countries of the Islamic Republic of Iran, Afghanistan, and Tajikistan between 2005-2021. The research focuses on assessing the effectiveness of Iran's efforts in designing Farsi educational content for schools and universities in Afghanistan and Tajikistan, as well as the of cross-border media in various formats, such as written, visual, audio, multimedia, virtual platforms, with a particular emphasis on Persian language promotion for the people of these two countries. This is a descriptive research that relies on library scanning, internet searches, virtual document sources, and governmental agencies reports. Analysis of the available documents reveals that the IR Iran has undertaken various in the development of textbooks for schools in Afghanistan and Tajikistan. However, in the field of higher education, the activities have primarily involved the provision of printed books from Iran in these countries. In the media sector, Iran has achieved favorable outcomes in establishing radio networks and news websites, but dedicated television channels for the people of Afghanistan and Tajikistan have not been successfully implemented. Taking into account the cultural commonalities, such as a shared language and literature, the Islamic Republic of Iran has the potential to foster development and strengthen relations among the three Farsi-speaking through the deepening of cultural diplomacy efforts.

According to Joseph Nye, as the creator of the theory and concept of soft power, measuring and evaluating the efficiency and effectiveness of power is a necessary thing for its practitioners. This is despite the fact that soft power is a relatively fluid concept and therefore there are different frameworks to measure it. Despite the importance of soft power in international relations, how to measure it is difficult because its indicators are variable and due to the subjective nature of some indicators, it is difficult to measure them. Therefore, considering the problems that exist regarding how to measure the soft power of countries, this article seeks to answer the question, what are the most important methods and indicators for measuring soft power? To answer this question, qualitative methodology and content analysis of existing texts and sources regarding soft power have been used.
The results showed that in a general summary, soft power measurement indicators can be classified into three main groups including feelings/emotions, impressions/opinions and behaviors, and for each of these three groups and according to the available data, different methods can be used.

The present study aims to answer how transformation and smartization of the U.S military power strategy has been conducted in the Persian Gulf region since 2001. The research relies on the hypothesis that consequences and high costs of the U.S military strategies during the presidency of George W. Bush, under the influence of hard power, made later presidents in the country to follow the strategy of smart power. Along with military presence, they also attempted to rebuild the U.S deteriorated image in the Middle East and the Persian Gulf region by some strategies like diplomacy, trade, foreign assistance, and propagation of their values. The research method was content analysis and the results showed that consequences of the U.S military intervention in the Persian Gulf revealed strategic limitations of Washington’s hard power policy during the Bush presidency. Thus, Barack Obama and later presidents in the country emphasized on the simultaneous use of hard and soft power, under the title of smart power. Although their approaches were different, their most important smart and common objective was to intelligently change power balance in the Persian Gulf region, in favor of the U.S and against Iran, by coalition between Israel and Arabic countries especially Saudi Arabia and UAE in the region.

Undoubtedly, Iran's nuclear issue has been one of the most important issues in the history of foreign policy, and its importance in the last decade has caused Iran's domestic and foreign policy to be affected by it. The beginning of the nuclear crisis, from the Saad Abad statement to the JCPOA, left several strategies for Iran's elites, and this era should be evaluated in a context related to regional environments. Based on this, this article, with descriptive-analytical method based on library studies and mass media follow-up, tries to examine and analyze the model of nuclear crisis management in the government of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad on the regional policies of the Islamic Republic in Southwest Asia. The results of the present research show that the government of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's adoption of a confrontational policy in the nuclear issue was more a result of the personal beliefs and ideals of the ruling movement than it was subject to the currents and patterns of behavior governing the world system and the geopolitical realities of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The management of the nuclear crisis, the regional policies of the Islamic Republic also faced fundamental challenges.

Relations between Iran and India,as two important countries in West and South Asia, have had many ups and downs after the Iranian Islamic Revolution,and factors such as the internal policies of both countries and the influence of the international system have played a role in this sinusoidal relationship.In this research,by using available library works and resources in a descriptive-explanatory method,we try to find the answer to the question,what is the understanding of foreign policy agents of Iran and India about each other? What opportunities and challenges are there for this relationship?The results show that after Iran joined the non-alignment movement, there was a lot of hope for the improvement of relations between Iran and India.due to reasons such as Iran's support for Pakistan's position in the Kashmir issue and India's Eastern Bloc's support for Iraq in the imposed war against Iran,It didn't happen.But after the end of the Cold War and the paradigm shift of India's foreign policy from idealism to realism,the change in domestic politics,the marginalization of the National Congress Party,the victory of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), the closeness to the West and the support of American positions the relations turned cold. The result is that Iran and India have opportunities for regional,strategic and defense integration and to fight against terrorism and challenges such as the influence of America, Israel and India's Middle East policies and most importantly Iran's nuclear program,which can be effective in changing relations.This research from the perspective of theory Realism has analyzed this relationship.

Western Asia is a crucial and conflict-ridden region in the world. A major conflict has been between Arabs and the Israeli regime, but Saudi Arabia- Israel relations have been normalizing since 2015. Iran, a state that holds Israel and some Arab countries as enemies, founded the “Axis of Resistance” to expand its influence and security in the region. However, the normalization of relations seems to have jeopardized the Axis of Resistance, which this study aimed to analyze. Accordingly, the study's main question was as follows: What threats does the normalization of Saudi-Israeli relations pose against the Axis of Resistance, affecting the Islamic Republic of Iran’s national security? The significance of this descriptive-analytical study was in the fact that any developing threats against the Axis of Resistance expanding around the Islamic Republic can impact Iran’s national security. The results revealed that normalization of relations has led to threats against the Axis of Resistance, including supporting domestic, separatist, and opposition forces of the Islamic Republic in Iran and supporting regional and international anti-Axis of Resistance forces throughout the axis members, i.e., Iran, Syria, Lebanon, Yemen, and Iraq.

The Palestinian issue is one of the most complex issues in the Middle East that has loomed large since 1948. During several wars with the Arabs, the Israeli regime seized control of Palestinian regions and occupied their lands. Thanks to its union with the USA, Israel considered its security guaranteed, however, since 2015, a trend known as "Normalization of Relations" has emerged, which has had some success, but both Arabs, particularly Saudi Arabia's allies, and Israel have faced security challenges due to the United States' increasing competition with China, which is one of the reasons for the United States' gradual withdrawal from the region, and the increased influence of Iran there. The main question that arises is "what role, significance, and position the Palestinian issue plays in the normalization of Arab-Israeli relations?" This study used an analytical-descriptive and, to some extent, historical approach to answer the question. The study's goal was to concentrate particularly on the Palestinian issue in this normalization of relations because it is one of the Islamic Republic of Iran's strategic points of contention with Israel and is intertwined with its security. The study's general findings revealed that Arab allies of Saudi Arabia do not place a high value on the Palestinian cause in the normalization process; however, Saudi Arabia, which claims to be the leader of Muslims, appears to regard resolving the Palestinian issue as one of the conditions for normalizing relations with Israel. However, if Saudi Arabia's security is jeopardized more than this, it will withdraw from this term as well.

Foreign policy is one of the important aspects of the life of nations and countries. Examining the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran towards Egypt and its effects can help formulate strategies in foreign relations in different governments of our country and provide the conditions for solving possible problems and defects. After the Islamic awakening, governments came to power in Egypt that had an impact on relations with Iran. In this research, an attempt has been made to take a constructive look at the relations between Iran and Egypt, the foreign policy of our country in the governments of Ahmadinejad and Rouhani, and to answer the question that the relations between Iran and Egypt between How were the years from 2005 to 2021? And with what guidance can existing problems in bilateral relations be solved? In response, it should be said; In the so-called justice-oriented government of Ahmadinejad, being involved in some internal tensions and the lack of a fixed procedure in foreign policy, and in the so-called moderate Rouhani government, too much desire for relations with the West and being involved with JCPOA slowed down the development of relations with countries like Egypt, and the historical background, cultural and political commonalities along with the opportunity created by the popular uprising in this country could not help these relations much. In this research, relying on the SWOT method, the conclusion was reached that "competitive or diversification" (ST) strategy can be used to improve relations with Egypt.

China's Belt-Road Initiative is quickly becoming one of the most ambitious international projects. Regardless of the great potential of the Belt- Road Initiative to shape international trade and, more broadly, international relations between participating countries and beyond that, scientific studies have so far largely neglected the question of how this initiative is associated with modern approaches to regionalism and regional integration. In this study, we analyzed the contexts in which the China’s Belt- Road Initiative through Iran's position can reinforce regional convergence in Southwest Asia. The main question of the present study is what effect does position of Iran in China’s Belt-Road Initiative has on convergence in Southwest Asia? In response to that question, it was argued that the communication and transportation position of Iran within China’s Belt-Road Initiative can provide the expansion of economic, infrastructural, and communication associations of convergence in Southwest Asia. As a result, by accomplishing the infrastructure projects, especially in the range of road and communications, Iran can improve its position as a go-between and hub of the region and lead to the development of convergence in the regions of Southwest Asia.

Cultural diplomacy plays a very important role in international relations. One of the important tools of cultural diplomacy is language and literature. However, few studies have designed a model for the development of cultural diplomacy in the Islamic Republic of Iran, emphasizing the role of Persian language and literature.

The purpose of this study was to design a model for the development of cultural diplomacy of the Islamic Republic of Iran towards Persian-speaking countries with emphasis on the role of Persian language and literature.

The research method was qualitative. The statistical population included all experts in the field of cultural diplomacy and international relations. The sampling method was purposive and a total of 16 interviews were conducted. Grounded theory was used to analyze the data.

In open coding, a total of 62 components were identified. In the axial coding stage, these components were assigned in the form of "causal conditions" (cultural-historical factors, Persian language and literature components, and political factors), "contextual factors" (infrastructural, financial, legal, motivational, and political-cultural-social factors), "intervening factors" (external and internal factors), strategies (22 strategies), and consequences (7 consequences). In the theoretical coding stage, the theoretical model of the research was designed.

If cultural diplomacy is implemented properly, consequences such as the development of cultural and political influence, the development of trade and economic relations, as well as the reduction or ineffectiveness of international sanctions against the Islamic Republic of Iran can be expected. Therefore, efforts in the development of cultural diplomacy of the Islamic Republic of Iran towards Persian-speaking countries are recommended.

The governing structure of the international system and, consequently, the Middle East order, which is influenced by the arrangement, competition, and interaction of regional actors and interregional intervening powers, have particular effects and consequences on the relations of actors in the Middle East. Organizes the surface of regular areas. The relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia and the patterns of interaction and friendship-enmity between the two countries are also a function of the formulations of the structure of the international system and the order of the Middle East. The question of the present article is that what effect does the anti-hegemonic emergence of the Islamic Republic of Iran have on the position of Saudi Arabia in US policy (considering the superior role of the US in the structure of the international system) in the West Asian region? Findings of the article Using neo-realist theoretical propositions show that Washington, in the context of its superior role in the structure of the international system, uses Riyadh as a geopolitical, geostrategic and geocultural weight to maintain balance. It looks at regional forces and countering the emergence and expansion of anti-hegemonic powers such as Iran. This article has been done through qualitative-interpretive method and inference of information through existing documents with descriptive-analytical approach and case information. The need has also been collected by taking methods from available and available sources, including: books, articles in domestic scientific research quarterly and foreign articles, reputable sites and Internet resources, and so on.

Iran and Turkey, as two influential powers in the developments in the Middle East, are trying to advance their cultural diplomacy in Iraq according to the nature of their government, goals and aspirations. The main question of the research is what are the effective characteristics of the cultural diplomacy of Iran and Turkey in Iraq in the years 2003 to 2020? The hypothesis is that Iranian cultural diplomacy in Iraq after 2003 has been proposed with the approach of Shiism, the axis of resistance and urban Iran as opposed to Turkish cultural diplomacy with the approach of Turkish nationalism and neo-Ottomanism. On this basis, each of these governments is trying to exert influence in Iraq with the approach of soft power and cultural diplomacy. In this way, Iran and Turkey have different conditions, opportunities, threats and tools to advance their cultural diplomacy. The research findings indicate that Iran is in a better position than Turkey in terms of conditions, opportunities and tools but the focus on Shiism and the issue of resistance in Iraq has led to little attention paid to other features of cultural diplomacy. In contrast, Turkey, with its utilitarian and opportunistic approach, has been able to make the most of it from tools such as Kurdish language and literature, media diplomacy, tourism development, scientific and educational topics, etc. through careful planning and gained more influence in Iraq. Data analysis was done by descriptive-analytical method and data collection was done by library method.

The Internet and social media have altered the nature of communication between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the US, introducing new modes of action and reaction in their conflict. This study aims to find an answer to this question: What new strategies do Iran and the United States use to confront one another in cyberspace? To answer this question, we used a descriptive-analytical method to test the hypothesis and collected our data through a desk research and note-taking method, and then analyzed statements from the theory of authoritarian power. The findings revealed that the US and Iran disagreement about regional issues, the unresolved political conflicts between the two countries, the escalation of international sanctions against Iran, and, most significantly, the US withdrawal from BARJAM (Iran nuclear deal) and assassination of the commander of IRGC- Quds has increased the prominence of cyberspace as a stage for hostility between the two states. As a result, the US and Iran have used the potential of cyberspace as a tool to exert power and have tried to impose their demands, based on their level of competence and expertise in the field of cyber technologies, and through the use of a variety of tactics. Their goal in taking such actions is clearly to force each other to accept their will or change their behavior and ideologies.

Currently, the axes of conflict in the political-security scene of West Asia are very complex and different alliances and fronts can be identified in different ways. In this regard, the Islamic Republic of Iran has defined its initiative in the form of resistance and confrontation with America, the Zionist regime and the growing compromise movement in the region. The current study with a descriptive-analytical approach deals with this fundamental question in the foreign policy of Iran that; what are the capacities and opportunities of the axis of resistance and the threats and challenges of development and interaction with this axis for Iran's national security? In the light of the concepts of Stephen Walt's balance of threat theory, the present study argues that the development of the axis of resistance, from the point of view of the general elements of power, creating proximity and strategic depth, the ability to create immediate threats and creating offensive intentions against the rival front and the enemy in order to deter, has a positive effect on the national integrity of the Islamic Republic of Iran, and at the same time, due to the lack of economic convergence, increasing the level of competition and strengthening the rival front and their efforts to curb its influence, complicating the structure of regional governments, the risk of direct confrontation with hostile countries or the emergence of internal disputes, it has negative and threatening consequences on the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran.

Foreign relations are one of the most important aspects of the lives of nations and countries, and it is important to examine how governments operate in foreign relations. Examining the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran towards Tunisia and its effects, especially in the two periods of the ninth and tenth governments headed by Mahmoud Ahmadinejad and the eleventh and twelfth governments headed by Hassan Rouhani, can formulate and determine future strategies in foreign relations in different governments. Help our country and provide the conditions for solving possible problems and defects. After the Islamic Awakening, governments came to power in countries such as Tunisia that affected relations with Iran. In this article, an attempt has been made to take a constructive look at Iran-Tunisia relations, to review our country's foreign policy in the mentioned governments, and to answer the question of how Iran-Tunisia relations between 2005 and 2021 been? In answer to this question and in the position of formulating the hypothesis, it should be said; Ahmadinejad's so-called justice-oriented government was embroiled in some internal tensions and a lack of consistency in foreign policy, and in the so-called Rouhani's moderate government, an over-indulgence in relations with the West and a nuclear deal, the development of relations with It slowed down countries like Tunisia. Historical contexts, cultural and political commonalities, along with the opportunity created by the Islamic Awakening, could not help these relations much.

TIran's geopolitical position is incompatible with isolationism and an extrovert and active foreign policy to advise policy makers. On the impact of the recent nuclear agreement is an important position, was called according to analysts, academics and politicians agreement century. A recent agreement is the result of policies of various governments that can disputed Islamic Republic of Iran miniature road map for policies consistent with the geopolitical status of the issues as well. Our research with a descriptive/ analytic and library survey to examine the three states of Islamic Republic of Iran approaches in nuclear talks. In this study, according to the object under study, the research method used, Descriptive and analytic method in which the use of library resources and foreign and local media for arguments research, there are founding compelling justification. The relationship between politics and geographical space and dynamic bilateral relationship.has needs Any policy protests geographical its own space and every space its own policy. Having regard to geographical and geopolitical realities can be a critical factor in the state 's policy actions Islamic Republic of Iran on the nuclear issue began in 1382 and ended with the recent agreement. Have been implemented approaches three:1-collusion 2-contrast 3- Engagement With the exception of the third approach, interactive management with a view to national interests, other models of nuclear crisis management have not been able to play an effective role in maintaining and securing national interests.