حمید نساج

Japan's foreign policy is influenced by various factors. History, geography, political and economic interests are among the factors influencing Japan's foreign policy. In the meantime, the factor of religion has played a prominent role in the formation of Japan's relations with other players in the international arena. As a powerful religion throughout Japan's history, Shinto has influenced the country's foreign policy. Indeed, how has this religion been able to play a prominent role in Japan's foreign equations? It seems that concepts such as the divinity of the emperor, emphasis on patriotism and national identity were very prominent and emphasized in this ritual before World War II. The change in Japan's approach after World War II coincides with the depoliticization of this religion and emphasis on pacifist concepts, including the spirit of tolerance, preservation and protection of the environment, and emphasis on the pure nature of man. With a constructivist view, this religion has somehow sought a peaceful reflection in the acceptance of another. The acceptance of change of approach and companionship with the United States of America after World War II is an example of the truth of this matter. The current research, using the descriptive-analytical method and using internet and library resources and using the framework of constructivist theory, seeks to answer how Japan's foreign policy is formulated under the influence of the said ritual.

Democratization stands as one of the most momentous occurrences of the 20th century, profoundly shaping the trajectory of social change in numerous societies. Throughout this era, waves of democratization swept across different nations and Iran was not exempt from this transformative tide. Considering a pivotal part of this democratization movement, the 1979 Revolution in Iran served as the focal point for this research. The objective was to delve into key concepts within the democratization literature, specifically examining the revolutionary period spanning from 1963 to 1979. To accomplish this, the research drew upon the conceptual models presented by Samuel Huntington, Gream Gill, and Charles Tilly, using their frameworks as a basis for analyzing the research data. Employing the historical institutionalism method, the primary and secondary historical references served as the primary sources of data. The findings of this study elucidated that the activities of the Rouhaniat institution and the emergence of underground Marxist parties in 1963 marked the inception of the Islamic revolution, ultimately leading to the events of 1978. Despite the state's efforts to regulate the democratization process by creating political space, historical incidents like the episode of  September 8 and the society's disillusionment with the state played pivotal roles in accelerating the democratization process.

Interpretation of the Islamic revolution in Iran is varied, encompassing Marxist, Islamic, and democratic perspectives. This research viewed the revolution of 1979 as a significant stride towards democratization in Iran. The historical institutionalism approach was employed to identify key historical factors and establish causal relationships between events. In this method, the researchers examined the chosen historical period to identify pivotal moments and trace the chain of events. Subsequently, the researchers elucidated the temporal and causal sequences that connected these events (Pierson, 2014: 227). To accomplish this, the research relied on a foundation of historical documents, including historical journals and books, as primary sources.

The research framework was rooted in concepts derived from theories on democratization processes. Charles Tilly's notion of mobilization of protesters finds support in the mosque networks and underground Marxist groups that facilitated a large-scale demonstration in 1979. Gream Geal's emphasis on civil society and the breakdown of elite unity was evident in historical actions, such as protest speeches and nationwide demonstrations in 1977. Indications of elite disunity included punishment of former political elites and the army's refusal to suppress the populace. Samuel Huntington's theory on the struggle to establish a new political order was reflected in the absence of nominations within the Rstakhis party and the demand for an Islamic republic.The process of democratization during this period originated from ideological disagreements between Islamic and underground Marxist groups and the state. In response, the state sought to suppress these dissenting actions by establishing its own party. Meanwhile, the society witnessed an increase in demonstrations and strengthening of civil society activities. However, the state also escalated violence against demonstrators, marking a pivotal historical moment known as the "Black Friday", which led to two subsequent significant events: widespread demonstrations and strikes. The persistence of street protests following these events ultimately culminated in the final stage of democratization characterized by the collapse of elite unity.Applying the historical institutionalism approach, the results demonstrated that after the incident of "Black Friday" in September 8th, 1978, the state responded with severe repression, using violence as a means to control the society. In turn, the society responded by intensifying its civil resistance, leading to a significant number of protests involving millions of participants and nationwide strikes. These events collectively formed a causal chain that played a central role in the process of the 1979 revolution.

The occurrence of the Iranian Islamic Revolution in 1979 can be considered one of the most important political, social, and religious phenomena in the world in recent decades. A phenomenon that, in addition to disrupting the claim of the monopoly of political possibilities in the era of a bipolar system, also caused profound changes in the system of Shia political jurisprudence. The return of religion to the center of politics and the revival of political religion was the result of this revolution. The central question of the researchers is how, considering the analytical inadequacies of the positivist theories of revolution in the analysis of the occurrence of the Iranian Islamic Revolution, as well as the ambiguities of the postmodern theories of the revolution in the analysis of the religious and monotheistic aspects of the Islamic Revolution of Iran, Alain Badiou's theory of the event can be an analytical system for analyzing the occurrence. Provide the present and the future of the Islamic revolution. The results of this research, using the possibilities of the theory of the event in the analysis of the position of truth and the subject, draw the course of action of the subject loyal to the event of the Islamic Revolution in the four ways of politics, art, love, and science. Results of this research, using the possibilities of the theory of event in the analysis of the position of truth and the subject, draw the course of action of the subject loyal to the event of the Islamic Revolution in the four ways of politics, art, love, and science.

To explain the political and social situation of Iran before encountering the modern era, theories such as Oriental despotism, Oriental autocratic governments, or Sultanism, which is also known as the Eastern bureaucratic government, are generally used. In contrast, these theories seem to be more of an attempt to adapt history to theory rather than trying to shape the theory through historical materials and elements. In this article, while critiquing the shortcomings of the aforementioned theories, an attempt is made to address the inquiry posed by Patricia Crone in her book “Pre-Industrial Societies”. The framework she presented in her book and the evidence gleaned from other studies serve to answer the question of how the historical sociology of Iran came about and how the tensions between the state and society in pre-industrial Iran were shaped by the factors that influenced its formulation. Additionally, she explores the impact of this conflict on the Is, such as the Abbasid Revolution (SiahJamegan), "SepidJamegan” and "Ismailis” The selected hypothesis in this article is that the traditional governments have been unable to deal with these movements due to their thin and fragile nature, and even the small population movements could have occupied the central governments for years. Several examples of pre-industrial governments present in the history of Iranian civilization were examined in this research. The findings of this research show that pre-industrial governments as depicted by Crone are weak, and this weakness is evident in the results.

The purpose of this study is to study the hermeneutics of religious texts and the political context of the formation of these texts in the Safavid government, which took place with the activities of Shiite jurists. The Safavid rule marked the beginning of an important shift in Iranian history for the transfer of power from Sunni to Shiite governments. This change would not have been possible without reinterpreting religious texts. Skinner's hermeneutic method has been used to understand the process by which this change may occur. Skinner is one of the thinkers who, in addition to paying attention to the text and its context, emphasizes the author's intention to understand the meaning of the text and has been able to explain ideological change or change in the conventional norm of a society in its five stages. Give. The findings of this study show that the Safavid government, with the cooperation of Shiite jurists, succeeded in a gradual process to figure out this change in the norm with religious texts and special attention to the political context of the day.

The historical and sociological study of the Safavid period is of special importance due to the closeness of the political and social with today's issues. The main reason for this closeness and importance is the widespread shadow of the religion and propagation jurisprudence of that time. Therefore, it is important to study the religious approaches of that time, especially the writings, works and attitudes of Allameh Majlisi as one of the greatest clerics of that time. Thus, in the face of questions such as the reason for the spread of superstition in the religious community of the Safavid era, the social influence of the current epistemological system that has been influenced by religion and jurisprudence is also important. The belief of this research is that the approach of the clerics of the Safavid period to religion was like a comprehensive encyclopedia that has the possibility of explicit and direct answers to everything. This comprehensive approach, which focused on narratives, gradually led to the decline of rational-based epistemological systems and created the conditions for the spread of superstition.Due to the importance of studying these issues under historical attitude, the present study tries to explain this process in the theoretical framework of historical sociology.

Having the support and continued satisfaction of the people of the society towards domestic and foreign policies is one of the signs of an efficient political system. As the largest population group, young people have a special role and importance for the political stability of a society and its dynamism and vitality in terms of special characteristics of youth. One of the factors affecting youth satisfaction that has been proposed in various theories, including the theory of relative deprivation of the educator, is the degree of relative deprivation in the youth of a society. The purpose of writing this article is to investigate the effect of relative deprivation on the political satisfaction of the youth of Isfahan. This study was conducted by descriptive survey and the sample included 395 young people aged 18 to 35 years old in Isfahan who were selected by cluster sampling. To collect information, a questionnaire method was used, the validity of which was measured by form-content method and its reliability was measured by Cronbach's alpha. Data analysis was performed using SPSS software. The main hypothesis is that the feeling of relative deprivation among young people is related to their level of political satisfaction. Experimental findings show that the main hypothesis of the research is verifiable in the statistical community and the feeling of relative deprivation is inversely and relatively strongly correlated with political satisfaction.

Islam is one of the religions that are based on fixed and sacred texts. It is natural that political systems derived from the school of Islam are also formed on the basis of the interpretation of sacred texts. The question of this article is what is the interpretation of the religious texts of the Islamic Republic of Iran. And what is the difference between this interpretation and other religious governments derived from Islam? To answer this question, Skinner's hermeneutics has been used to pay attention to both the political context and the intent of the author Vanity, as well as to the ideological change necessary for the formation of a new political system.Religious texts and traditions emphasized in the Islamic Republic, the changes brought about by the change of interpretation of some verses, the place of power building in this change, the role of jurists and scholars in this field are among the concerns that have been tried with the help of hermeneutic experts. Focus on the context of Skinner's hermeneutics.Religious texts appear to have been used to reinforce and consolidate the new ideology, various religious ceremonies as a symbol of normative change, with the formation of the Islamic Republic and the support of the power structure necessary to expand the expression of Ahl al-Bayt's virtues. Conventional usedThe position of the jurists at the top of the pyramid of power over the former Shiite governments has unprecedentedly increased. This process led to the formation of new political ideas and identities.

Political satisfaction is very important for political systems at the national and international levels so that the spread of political discontent in a society can shake the foundations of that system's legitimacy. Among the factors affecting citizens' satisfaction, which has been emphasized in various theories, is the degree to which social capital and religiosity are used. To collect political satisfaction in three areas of social activist satisfaction, political institutions and working methods and rules of the political system, a sample of 395 respondents aged 18 years and over who were selected by systematic random sampling method was collected. The results showed that the religiosity of the respondents in both emotional and ritual dimensions had a positive and significant effect on political satisfaction and also two components of social trust. And civic engagement has had a significant impact on political satisfaction and has increased the level of political satisfaction among citizens. Model fitting results show that F was significant in all models tested. The coefficient of determination in the final model of the study also indicates that the sum of the variables tested explains 35% of the variance in political satisfaction. The indirect effect of religiosity on political satisfaction was also confirmed at the 0.05 level.

The monism interpretation of the relationship between culture and development in Weber's views has risen to a misconception about it. This article presents Weber's austenitic theory consisting in the concept of elective affinity, and also reconsider the weber’s perspective of specific concepts of Christian theology: To take advantage of the view as a measure of the Iranian intellectual’s attitudes regarding the relationship between Protestantism and development, and the possibility of its correspondence with the Islamic theology.Contrary to the monism interpretation of Iranian intellectuals on the reconsideration of the theological experience of Christianity in Islamic concepts, not only does not consistent with the Islamic theology, but its artificial Protestantism in the Islamic world would eventuate in disorder in the Islamic custom and sharia instead of development. The historical unsuccessful experience of Iranians in formulating ideological religion and civil religion is a concrete proof.Another misunderstanding of Weber's views among Iranian intellectuals is that objective foundations of development have been disregarded whilst Weber's theory of elective affinity demonstrates how objective phenomenon and subjective notions interact. The objectives of this research are pursued by citation method, and focusing On Weber's works and theories of Iranian intellectuals.

Superstition is the achievement of a society that has turned away from rationality. Why religious society such as Qajar, especially in the pre-constitutional era, fell into the trap of superstition, is the question that this article seeks.The answer given is due to the unpleasant merging of two different Streams of thought: the stream of jurisprudence-hadith based and the stream of Sufism. In general, neither of these two can be considered independently and necessarily the cause of the spread of superstition, but according to the social conditions of Iran and due to the proximity of the epistemological foundations of these two Streams of thought, reducing the position of rationality, Sufism hadith-based jurisprudence limits the space for dynamic and rational jurisprudence. Sufism hadith-based jurisprudence has overflows of superstition in society; because science is declining in this viewpoint. Therefore, religion loses its ability for correcting and reforming, in the absence of rationality, to answers to new problems; so superstition becomes the only haven of society.The present research is done in the framework of historical sociology and using the method of documentary analysis, by reviewing the works and documents of various intellectual streams of the Qajar era.

The purpose of the present study is to survey the main intention and objective of writing religious texts during the Safavid dynasty that can be applied as an educational method to understand other religious texts in historical eras. In this regard, Skinner’s intentionalist Hermeneutics was used to recognize different aspects of religious texts in the Safavid dynasty. In this research, the ideological background for writing religious texts was investigated, and furthermore, the process of changing the conventional norms was analyzed using those texts written along with the abovementioned change. The results of the study show that hermeneutics can be used to understand the intention behind writing religious texts in the Safavid dynasty. Writing the above texts was in line with changing conventional norms at that time and it was consistent with the process of compiling, stabilizing, and developing new norms, and in some cases, it has also been supported by power structure. On the one hand, religious texts were written with the intention of weakening previous norms like Sufism, other religions such as Christianity, and absolute monarchy derived from ancient ideologies. On the other hand, in addition to mentioning the negative points of the previous norms, they were being expanded in line with fostering and highlighting the positive points of the new norms.

Creating a new way of resistance against the system of domination, the discourse of Islamic resistance that is a reproduction of the Iranians' culture of resistance against domestic despotism and global arrogance has made profound changes in the geopolitics of the Middle East and caused serious challenges for regional forces balance through threatening the interest of the West and Zionism in the region. It has practically turned into a powerful mechanism to fight arrogant politics in the region. Analyzing the theoretical foundations of the discourse was the main purpose of the present study. Other purposes of this study were to investigate the theoretical capacities of the discourse in realizing Islamic internationalism, provide an accurate analysis of Shia geopolitics, and investigate the role of the Islamic Republic of Iran in leading the Islamic resistance. According to Laclau and Mouffe's theoretical capacities and discourse analysis theory in analyzing the political concepts, this theory was selected as the theoretical framework and data analysis tool in this thesis. Based on the results, the discourse of Islamic resistance has the capacity to be hegemonic at the international level especially in West Asia and the Middle East, due to its various theoretical and practical capacities. It is expected to provide the grounds to form an Islamic internationalism and unified nation based on the principles of original Revolutionary Islam through developing the intellectual foundations and expanding the geographical area.

The present study seeks to answer the question of what objective and subjective fields have been formed on the basis of the crisis of the constitutional government and the establishment of the dictatorial government of Reza Shah in Iran.The present study seeks to answer the question of what objective and subjective fields have been formed on the basis of the crisis of the constitutional government and the establishment of the dictatorial government of Reza Shah in Iran. Other major sub-issues are also considered under this main issue; For example, why the efforts of the Iranians to achieve a modern state failed in a democratic framework and on the basis of those efforts an authorized and centralized government emerged; And how the conceptual framework in the developed Western societies emerges in the underdeveloped Iranian society, which had barely taken the first steps towards transition to modern society;However, in other historical periods of Iran, when the objective background of society is far more suitable for the emergence of a democratic state, the constitutional conceptual system does not occur. In this study, so as to answer the questions, Max Weber's point of view on the relationship between thought and society in the formation of social phenomena or the theoretical model of "selective proximity " as well as Isaiah Berlin's outlook on the type and function of intellectuals have been used.

The present study is an analysis of speech-hermeneutic action of the conventional norm of revolution with a political context in the thought of the Supreme Leader.

To achieve the purpose of this article, Skinner's hermeneutic method is used, which explains the conventional norm change during specific processes and during five stages. Criticizing the textualist and contextualist hermeneutic method, Skinner Hermeneutics tries to combine the findings of both methods with its own intentional methodology in order to understand the main intention of the author and to express the process of changing and developing a new norm.

The findings of this article show that the development of the conventional norm of the Islamic Revolution was carried out by theoretical explanations and practical leadership. Imam Khomeini (ra) with the system and institution building and finally with the revision of the constitution in 1989 set a new norm on the path of consolidation. The guidance of this important path fell to the Supreme Leader after Imam Khomeini. The speech action of the Supreme Leader has been oriented in line with the conventional norm of the time according to the conditions and political context of the society.

The Supreme Leader during his leadership in accordance with the current situation of society and according to internal and external events related to the Islamic Revolution by designing theories of the Islamic State, forming a single nation, discussing the goals of the Islamic Revolution, modern Islamic civilization, resistance economy And the second step of the revolution, they have explained the conventional norm of the revolution with their verbal action.

According to Huntington, quantitative growth and qualitative change of a new middle class lead to the development of civil institutions and the decline of authoritarian symbols, and majority for political changes are supported. The question is that why the process of political changes has not been materialized in spite of this class increase in Saudi Arabia and Iraq? Based on the theory of transition to democracy and the comparative method, findings show that both countries are similar in increasing symbolic features of emerged middle classes, such as the development of higher education, bureaucracy and per capita income. However, due to cultural barriers, the rentier nature of the government, the patronage relationship, and the negative role of the external factor, any role in advancing democratization is excluded from this class, and tactical liberalization from above may lead to revolutionary change if democratic demands are not met, and may cause a general uprising. Political instability and structures imposed by American after the collapse of the Baathist regime are also responsible for dysfunction of this classes in Iraq in the establishment of democracy while Iraq has passed the first process of democratization by the collapse regime of Saddam and entered the second phase of democratic institutional consolidation, yet Saudi Arabia has faced serious barriers in her first phase.

The purpose of the present study is hermeneutic analysis of the relationship between political background and the ideas of Mohaqqeq Karaki in the Safavid government. The findings showed that as a result of the Safavid attempts, religious structure in line with political structure was formed. The scientific presence of Shi’ite immigrants, especially Mohaqqeq Karaki, with writing jurisprudential and religious texts on the one hand, and educating many pupils on the other hand, could pave the transition ground to a new norm and its expansion. In order to find out the structural changes in that period and the relative transformations in the realm of exegesis of religious texts, we should refer to hermeneutics. In the Safavid era, we witnessed the development and change of the conventional ideology or norm. Therefore, when we refer to the religious texts of that era, we encounter some new terms which imply a change in ideology. In fact, the Safavid government, by using different methods and policies and prudence of Shi’ite jurists, attempted to change the conventional norms of that time. The jurists throughout their enormous attempts could keep the Shi’ite jurisprudence (Fiqh) away from innovations in religious matters back then such as Sufism, ideology of Ottoman religious leaders and … to pave the ground for the active participation of people and Shi’ite scholars in different issues of the country.

“Nations Matter” is a passionate defense of nationalism in the age of cosmopolitanism. Craig Calhoun sees cosmopolitanism as a raw fantasy and nationalism as a realistic view. He called the formation of a world-democratic city-state a charming but unattainable ideal and claimed that now, in the first decade of the twenty-first century; the discourse of globalization is foggy more than it was in the 1990s. In this short article, fifteen critiques are presented to the author’s claim. The most important criticism is that the growth of extremist nationalism in the United States and Europe cannot be considered a defeat for the world because social change will generally take place in a sinusoidal, mixed-resistance path, and in the process of ups and downs. The rise of Trump, Brexit, and the like is part of a global resistance movement that is quite natural. The resistance will continue and may intensify, but on a larger scale, the general trend is still in favor of globalization, and nationalism is nothing but a decline.

Dual trends in social action and institutional forms are never fully resolved in one direction As a result, and ultimately, social structure must be seen as a fundamentally open and open subject. As the issue of political duels continues to wake up in today's Iranian society.From the nineteenth century onwards, Iranian society has been a quintessential character, embedded in an ontological and epistemological valuation. On this basis, the selected data, based on the method of historical sociology - "The strategy of using concepts to understand social history" by applying the relation of "self and other" concepts in Martin Buber's theory in the modern period of Iranian political tradition (period patrimonialism, era The constitution and the Pahlavi period are discussed. The findings can be verified in the context of a geometric analysis model derived from the "I-you" and "I-it" relationships; Consequences of the interaction of the "I-you" relationship include the "acceptance" paradigm, such as: the interactive interaction of the dual area of society and religion in Iran during the period of patrimonialism, And the "deconstruction" pattern, such as: refining and refining the notions of couplehood and presence; as the common constitutional dual. The communication implications of the "I-IT" relationship also include the "contrast" pattern, such as the confrontation of religious and customary matters, As the constitution is being drafted and amended, The Dual of Revolutionary Practice and Reformist Thought in the Second Pahlavi Period. The pattern of "rejection of both meanings", such as the dual rejection of religion and ideology in the Pahlavi era and the attempt to find a third way.This research sought to find Iran's dual historical contexts and structures, Provide context for presenting patterns of current dual mentalities such as Utopianism / Realism; Reformism / Fundamentalism; Inaction / Intolerance ... To provide the political stability in Iran today.

Based on Huntington’s theory of transition to democracy, it is expected to witness occurrence of democratic systems following the emergence of a new middle class. The main purpose of the present study is to analyze the role of the new middle class in the transition to democracy and review the reasons for not-materialization of the process of transition to democracy in Egypt and Bahrain, in spite of the rise of the new middle class in these countries.

By using Huntington’s theoretical framework, adopting a comparative method, and collecting information from ratified scientific resources and secondary data, this research comparatively analyzed the process of democratization in Egypt and Bahrain.

Findings of this article indicates that representations of the new middle class, such as the growth of per capita income, higher education, bureaucracy, and communication development indexes, as well as changes in social values, have been increased. However, the process of transition to democracy, in its different types of deformation, displacement, and disintegration, has encountered with serious obstacles in both countries.

Following the victory of the Egyptian revolution in February 2011, the firstphase of transition to democracy is successfully achieved by the collapse of Hosni Mubarak’s authoritarian regime. But, after the coup de ta against President Mohamed Morsi, the pseudo-authoritarianism of the Mubarak era was reproduced by military intervention on 3 July 2013, and the negative role played by external power. Also, entering to the second phase of "strengthening democratic institutions" has been aborted. Similarly, the process of democratization in Bahrain has been stopped in its first phase, that is, the overthrow of dictatorship rule, because of cultural barriers, the rentier nature of the state, and patron-client relationship existed between state and the new middle class.AlsoIn both countries, foreign agents have acted to reinforce authoritarianism.

This article has used the concept of explanation specified in Fairclough’s discourse analysis method to explain the mutual relationship between the New Middle Class and the Moderate Third Current in post Islamic revolutionary in Iran. For this purpose, first, we will draw up overall picture of the six elements of that current and then will analyze the relationship of these elements with the new middle class. So the normative )reproduction( or creative )trying to change( relation between these two variables will be the main question. Investigations show that the relationship between these elements and that class have been both normative and creative. That means the moderate third current can be considered as a part of the class struggle of the new middle class and also this current has not been able to represent all the wishes of that class and followed to change it. The new middle class has also been influential on the emergence and changes in the discourse of this current and it has been able to bring the discourse closer to its own ideals.

Logic of understanding dualism in Iran’s classical politics tradition Abstract This paper examines the logic of understanding Iran’s classical politics tradition interaction with dualism. The question is which pattern of confronting official or unofficial aspects of power with binary concepts can be formulated in the foregoing time period? The hypothesis is that logic of confrontation with binary concepts has not followed any generic, general or predetermined pattern and is a function of the concepts “self and the other” ratio frequency. To test the hypothesis, historical data of the classical period was chosen from ancient Iran, early and middle centauries of Islam based on Smelser approach and was discussed based on sociological historical survey method, the strategy of integration of concepts to understand history of sociology, with using the concepts “self and the other” ratio frequency in Martin Buber’s view. The research findings with the assumption of the “Ich-Du” and “Ich-Es” relations in “Self and the other” relationship has led to multiple patterns and are visualizable.

Party politics of states directly affects the lives of political parties. Countries can ban or allow them by legislating on them. These politics can also affect the effectiveness of political parties. However, in Iran, scholars and scientists of the political parties have often searched the causes of the ineffectiveness of political parties in cultural, social, and historical factors, and largely neglected the impact of state party politics on this ineffectiveness. Hence, this paper deals with this question: How the party politics of Islamic Republic of Iran affect the lives of political parties? This article seeks to analyze the dominant approach that exists in Iran's party politics. According to this article, the approach adopted in party politics of Islamic Republic of Iran to regulate the affairs of political parties, is an approach that not only not strengthens and not encourages them, but also always strives to limit and control them, and this hinders the formation and operation of real and effective parties.