دانیال رضاپور

The Caucasus region has received less attention from scientists and decision-makers in the Eurasian region than in the past few years because the security studies of this region are currently affected by the armed conflict in Ukraine and the turmoil in the Middle East. However, the Caucasus region, especially the South Caucasus, suffers from acute geopolitical fragility due to internal and external reasons, and since the intensification of the rivalry between the tsars (Russia) and the Yankees (the United States) after the Cold War reached its highest level. has arrived, the process of their conflict and cooperation in this sensitive part of Eurasia deserves attention. Therefore, while examining the bilateral relations between Moscow and Washington in the Caucasus, the authors try to explain and explain the current situation of this region and the logic of cooperation and competition between the past few years. Therefore, the main goal of this research is to answer the question that what policies did the tsars and the Yankees adopt regarding the crises in this region and what were the reasons and logic of these two countries' policies? The hypothesis that is raised in response to this main question is that different ideas of how to gain strategic, security and m Also, this research focuses on the logic of cooperation between the United States and Russia in relation to the processes of resolving ethnic and political conflicts in Abkhazia, South Ossetia, and Nagorno-Karabakh, which is aimed at maintaining the perceptual structure of the international system.

As one of the important global actors, Russia has experienced offensive and defensive roles in its lifetime due to the developments in the regional environment such as the Arctic and its power. The importance of the North Pole in this century became apparent when Russia sent a submarine to a depth of 4261 meters in the Arctic Ocean on August 2, 2007, and installed the country's flag on the bottom of this ocean. Russia, in addition to having the best border with the Pole the largest amount of resources estimated in this region, and the largest ice fleet in the world due to the unique geographical location of the North Pole compared to it, in terms of aristocracy in different regions of this country for Any possible military attack has a strategic position. The main research question concerns the principles and strategic nature of Russia's policies in the Arctic region. In response to this question in a descriptive-analytical way and according to the principle of explaining strategies based on interests in the framework of power, Russia's strategies in this region are based on the conditions and the origin and source of the threat. and include a set of strategies, including strategies derived from domestic policy for the exploitation of economic and environmental benefits, foreign policy including the strategy of tension and strong reaction in the face of threats caused by the hegemon (NATO expansion) and its allies. It is a coalition strategy with extra-regional actors (China). As one of the important global actors, Russia has experienced offensive and defensive roles in its lifetime due to the developments in the regional environment such as the Arctic and its power. The importance of the North Pole in this century became apparent when Russia sent a submarine to a depth of 4261 meters in the Arctic Ocean on August 2, 2007, and installed the country's flag on the bottom of this ocean. Russia, in addition to having the best border with the Pole the largest amount of resources estimated in this region, and the largest ice fleet in the world due to the unique geographical location of the North Pole compared to it, in terms of aristocracy in different regions of this country for Any possible military attack has a strategic position. The main research question concerns the principles and strategic nature of Russia's policies in the Arctic region. In response to this question in a descriptive-analytical way and according to the principle of explaining strategies based on interests in the framework of power, Russia's strategies in this region are based on the conditions and the origin and source of the threat. and include a set of strategies, including strategies derived from domestic policy for the exploitation of economic and environmental benefits, foreign policy including the strategy of tension and strong reaction in the face of threats caused by the hegemon (NATO expansion) and its allies. It is a coalition strategy with extra-regional actors (China).

Deep geopolitical changes in West Asia have significantly impacted the relations between Iran and the UAE. The geographical position and strategic importance of this region have made it one of the most critical areas in the world, with the active presence of regional and extra-regional actors directly influencing this relationship. This research aims to evaluate Iran's behavioral pattern towards the UAE in West Asia, particularly following the developments arising from the Islamic Awakening and the Arab-Israeli normalization. The events of 2011 and 2020 have transformed the balance of regional power, strategic environment, and the geopolitical arrangement in West Asia. The central research question is: What has been the behavioral pattern of the Islamic Republic of Iran towards the United Arab Emirates in the West Asian region? Using the concept of geoplinomics, it is argued that Tehran's behavioral pattern aims to maintain a balance of power in West Asia while expanding economic and trade relations with the UAE. However, geopolitical concerns, such as territorial disputes over the three islands, normalization of relations with the Israeli regime alongside military agreements and information exchanges, and the weakening of the resistance axis, along with the UAE's close cooperation with Western Arab states, have increased tensions in West Asia, particularly between Iran and the UAE. This study employs a descriptive-analytical approach, utilizing trend analysis and case studies as qualitative research methods, and gathers information from documentary-library sources and reputable online platforms.

The West Asia region has always been of great importance to major powers, and it remains a core focus of research in this field. This article aims to explain China's balancing policy towards Iran and Saudi Arabia over the past decade, with a specific focus on regional balancing. The main research question posed is: What objectives does China pursue in West Asia and the Persian Gulf through its balancing strategy between Iran and Saudi Arabia? The study employs qualitative methodology and data collection through library resources to demonstrate that China seeks to secure its energy needs through long-term contracts and investments in these two countries. Additionally, China's foreign policy aims to counter visible and hidden conflicts with the American order in all regions worldwide, including the Persian Gulf. By respecting the sovereignty of Iran and Saudi Arabia, China aims to foster harmony, to support the security of both countries, to understand their security concerns, and to adopt a regional balancing policy in West Asia. In conclusion, China's approach towards Iran and Saudi Arabia reflects its strategic interests in the region. This research contributes to a better understanding of China's foreign policy towards West Asia and it provides insights into future developments in the region.

Today, the international order is going through important changes at the macro and regional level. The entry of the international order into the post-American transition period and the environmental dynamics at the regional level bring with it fundamental uncertainties, which have inspired the change of the role of many actors at the regional level and specifically the Persian Gulf region. Turkey can be mentioned among the most important of these activists. This article examines Turkey as a new actor in the security issues of the Persian Gulf. The question raised here is why the Justice and Development Party led by Erdogan wants to play a large security role in the Persian Gulf. The hypothesis that is raised in response to this question is as follows: geographic proximity, independent foreign policy, the emergence of advanced defense industries and the desire to share defense technology, and the reputation of the Justice and Development Party as a reliable partner. Committed, reliable and capable in the past decade in various geopolitical arenas such as North Africa, Levant and South Caucasus, Turkey has made Turkey consider itself as a new security actor in the Persian Gulf region. Also, answering these questions in an explanatory and analytical way provides a comprehensive and at the same time accurate perspective of Turkey's potential security role, as well as the context of systematic reasoning that evaluates Ankara's aspirations, will and capacity to play such a role. , explains.

The separation of Crimea from Ukraine and its annexation to the territory of the Russian Federation in 2014 and the special military operations of the Russians against this country since February 2022 as linguistic symptoms suggest that Russia is seeking to expand its sphere of influence in the foreign region as much as possible؛ It is close and at the same time preventing the presence of the West in NATO in order to increase its security factor in it. Therefore, due to the fundamental difference in linguistic symptoms, the confrontation between Russia and Ukraine has not only not decreased, but has also developed strongly in the West's support for Ukraine's policies. On the other hand, considering that the issue of discretion or the will of Russian policymakers in the post-historical world is still based on two elements of historical (geopolitical) and ideological mentality in the region, it has eliminated the possibility of a quick regional solution against Russia's interests. Having said that, the question of the article is expressed in this way that according to the will of the power to develop the foundation with different forms of linguistic text; What has been the consequence of deconstruction against the interests of Russia by Ukraine in the near abroad? With the help of linguistic propositions, the answer to this conflict is proposed in such a way that Ukraine's attempt to separate from the centralist regional security complex led by Russia has the same consequences as the separation of the Crimean Peninsula from Ukraine and the declaration of independence of the Russian-inhabited regions and the tearing of this country into pieces in 2023 had. The method of writing the article is explanatory-analytical and the necessary information has been collected using library sources.

Since the Islamic world is the strategic depth of the Islamic revolution, it seems to be a strategic necessity to pay sserious attention to the development of Islamic movements through the hegemonic plans of the domination system. A network of revolutionary activists in the world arena, influenced by these teachings and within the framework of the axis of resistance against the domination system, are active. Although the axis of resistance as a concept accepted in the political space has always been a subject of discussion, but this axis has been considered as a combination of strategic alliance, security society and ideal network, considering its long-standing anti-hegemonic view against the United States and its regional allies are known in West Asia. What holds this complex coalition network together is a broadly shared normative vision of regional order that exists in member-centered discourse, guided by an ideal heritage, and actualized through spatial practice. The question of the research is raised as follows: What factors strengthen the link between Iran and Hezbollah and the axis of resistance in general? The authors' argument is that the historical-cultural links along with the simultaneous use of intelligent power in West Asia have not only strengthened the relationship between Iran and the resistance front and stabilized the battle of the war fronts ,but also by using the principles of Nomos (religion, religion-law-principles) and key places in southern Lebanon bordering the Zionist regime, J.A. Iran has been able to deepen its strategic influence and deterrence at the regional level. In this article, the spatial concepts of resistance and memorial spaces created by the two actors of the Islamic Republic of Iran and Hezbollah are discussed. Our argument is that nomos (religion-law-principles) is useful as an alternative conceptual tool for understanding the manifestations of order alongside more mainstream approaches.

Success in the rapid advancement of development along with economic pragmatism has caused India to become one of the most dynamic countries in the world economy and secondly to be considered as an emerging center of wealth and power in the world. On the one hand, the economic development requirement of this country and extensive transformations in the international system have imposed a new direction on the foreign policy of this country in the Middle East and towards Israel and Iran. In this article, we focus on the reasons for changing India's Middle East policy from a policy that was defined in the light of the principle of non-alignment in the Cold War era to a policy that was redefined based on the new needs of India's national interests. Therefore, according to the above premises, the main question of the article is raised as follows: What changes have been made in India's foreign policy towards Israel and Iran, considering the options facing India? The hypothesis of the article, using the theory of balance of interests, is that the foreign policy of India in the Middle East has changed from an ideological and third-world policy based on the principles of non-commitment to a policy of multiple and multilateral commitments based on the necessity of access to oil and energy resources. And gas, markets, and military weapons.  This article is written based on the descriptive-analytical method and uses virtual sources, specialized publications, and in terms of the subject area of this article, it examines India's policy towards the countries of Iran and Israel until 2023.

Russia is a country with long-standing ties to the African continent, so that Russia's role in the Black Continent can be analyzed in terms of its geopolitical and geoeconomic considerations and the idea of Russia's "glory" derived from the tsarist empire. Russia is now trying to realize the idea of the glory of the tsars and to play the role of a great power on the African scene, given the situation, given the reluctance of the United States to intervene directly in African affairs. This article answers the question of what goals and interests Russia is pursuing in Africa and why Moscow has been active in African countries in recent years to achieve its desired interests? The authors' hypothesis is that Russia seeks to enhance its role as a major power on the African continent; In practice, however, this role is largely limited to efforts to help balance, arms and conflict resolution in African countries, educational assistance, and economic benefits. This research has a descriptive-analytical aspect and data collection has been done to do it by library method.

Russia has been seriously seeking to improve relations with the Arab Gulf states since Putin's second term. And of course, this effort has been accompanied by the relative success of the Gulf states. Therefore, this research seeks to answer the question: Why is Russia, first of all its main attention to issues of the near and extend of NATO, and secondly, a country is mainly a renter, has been struggling to strengthen relations with countries that have come from countries Are they completely rentiers who have traditionally been the main US allies in the Persian Gulf, and have they also accepted this improvement? In this regard, using the soft power balance theory, it is said that Russia views the Persian Gulf as one of the best areas for establishing a soft international balance against the United States and seeks to align its small allies with hegemony. To raise the level of American unilateralism in the world. Similarly, after the events of the US invasion of Iraq, the policy of promoting democracy, the lack of serious US support for Mubarak, and the implementation of the document, the countries of the region have tried to partly become independent of the United States and create a soft balance of power in the region against the United States. The writing method is an explanatory-analytical form and is collected using library resources and information.

After nearly six years of the start of the Ukraine crisis and the overthrow of the pro-Moscow government in Kiev, various views on Russia's behavior in the Ukraine crisis is still being presented. This research is intended to investigate why and how the Ukraine crisis continued from 2013 to 2018. Accordingly, Russia's strategy in Ukraine and the reasons behind it, make the main concern of this study which is addressed through ASCOPE model using hybrid warfare. Hence, the main question of the study involves how the Russian Federation used information warfare to influence the civilian population of Ukraine. In response to this question, the authors hypothesize that Russia's main goal concerns gaining the position of a superpower again and change the balance in its favor in competition with the West. As achieving the goal is no longer possible through symmetrical and traditional methods of warfare, Moscow has resorted to the new generation of warfare, i.e., hybrid warfare, using its wide-ranging tools such as cyber-attacks and communicating false news. Employing the ASCOPE model, the researchers have investigated the region, structures, capacities, organizations, individuals and the events of the 2014 crisis in Ukraine. The methods through which the Russia gained control of some regions by attracting parts of the civilian population, are also considered. This descriptive-analytical research is based on collecting data extracted from reliable scientific sources including books, scientific-research articles and Internet sites.

Iraq is a country that is part of the Arabian Middle East geopolitical region and on the other hand is one of the most heterogeneous ethnic and linguistic countries. The warlike actions of former Iraqi officials, the persistence of political instability, the emergence of favorable and reproductive contexts for extremist and extremist groups are among the issues that pose a challenge and threat to Iran's national security. However, post-Saddam Iraq should be considered the center of Shiite power and influence because powerful currents such as the supreme Shiite authority, Sadr and other Shiite political groups enjoy high influence in the Iraqi political process. To this end, Iran has largely maintained long-standing relationships with several pro-Shia political parties and with Shia militias. The political and religious interpretation of these relationships has often been established as a basis for the future strategy of Iraq in its post-war Iraq. In light of the above, the research questions are as follows: 1- What role did Iran play in the defeat of ISIS? 2- How has Tehran benefited from its long-standing relations with Iraqi political parties and militia groups? 3. What are the sources of Iranian power in Iraq and how do these resources help Iran to develop strategic partnership with Iraq? In response, it can be argued that Tehran has used various means of power to achieve its goals in Iraq, from its historical relations with Iraqi political parties and militias to its economic and religious ties with it. In this regard, the authors believe that due to the numerous means of Iranian influence in Iraq, their proper use and management have had positive and lasting gains for the achievement of Iran's objectives in Iraq, and despite some problems, the best, most legitimate and At the same time, the most sustainable form of supply has been the target. The purpose of this paper is to identify and identify the sources of Iranian power in Iraq for appropriate strategic management and to achieve results. It's defensive.

With the end of the war, the geopolitical structure of the great Eurasian region of Russia, China, the United States and the European Union has engaged in competing for Ukraine and the South China Sea. From the perspective of Moscow and Beijing, the expansion of the United States, NATO and the European Union to the East was aimed at limiting the regional influence of Russia and China. As a result, Ukraine and the South Sea of ​​China have also led to a conflict zone between Russia, China and Western actors over regional influence and even a factor in the disagreement between the United States and the European Union, which is the basis for intensifying tensions and increasing Uncertainty has been created in the Greater Eurasia region. By stating this introduction, the authors suggest that their main question is that the tensions and geopolitical disputes between the United States, the European Union and Russia over the Ukrainian crisis, and the US-China differences with China in the South China Sea and the failure of the European Union with hegemony On the multilateral relations of these countries? The hypothesis of the article is that the disagreements and tensions between the European Union, the United States, Russia and the hegemonic demands in the Ukrainian crisis, the intensification of US-China divisions, and the political, economic cooperation of the EU with the two countries Russia and China, while weakening the European Union's security relations with the United States, have provided the ground for transition from a monopoly to a multi-polar system. The research method in this paper is descriptive-analytical and a tool for collecting library and virtual information

The Middle East is one of the most important, sensitive and complex regions in the world. What makes this region stand out in all its dimensions and areas is its unique political, economic, cultural-social, geographical and geopolitical features. These conditions have somehow overshadowed the structural equations of the region under the dialectical influence of the interaction of political, economic, cultural-social and security components and power in relation to other actors in the region, so that the increase of cooperation of these governments in this interaction space, eventually led to the formation of an organization called the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council in 1981 in the Persian Gulf regional system. The Persian Gulf Cooperation Council is one of the most important regional organizations in the regional environment of Iran, and Iran's policies have always played an important role in the orientations and goals of the council. In this regard, the members of the Council considered the developments in the Middle East, especially the establishment of a democratic and Shiite government in Iraq and the developments of the Islamic Awakening as a shift in the balance of power in favor of Iran and increasing power and influence in the regions of Iran. Movements in the regions of Iran see their lives and survival in danger.  This has caused them to use all their facilities and tools to counter the growing power of the regions of Iran. Understanding the real tensions between Iran and the Saudi-led PGCC countries along the Shiite-Sunni lines in the PGCC has been shaped most regionally and internationally. These differences also undermine Iran's efforts to improve relations with council governments in recent years. Since Hassan Rouhani came to power, he has repeatedly proposed peace initiatives for Saudi-led PGCC member states. Not only has this pragmatic policy not been very successful, but Iran-Saudi Arabia relations have become much colder than before. Relations between Iran and the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council have worsened since the Barjam nuclear deal. Iran's regional expansion and the siege of Qatar, while changing the power structure in the Persian Gulf region, created more tension and insecurity in the region and increased the scope of confrontation between Iran and Saudi Arabia, especially after Trump's unilateral withdrawal from the UN Security Council and the announcement of "maximum pressure policy." He turned against Iran. Although several smaller Gulf states have taken a more balanced approach to their relations with Iran, the main policy of the council is by Saudi Arabia with a new configuration of Middle East policy that sees a rare tripartite convergence of interests was regulated against Iran between Saudi Arabia and Israel. and the United States under Trump. According to the actions of the Cooperation Council and foreign interventionist powers, Iran's policy towards the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council is mainly based on three considerations: First, it hopes to turn enemies into friends, improves Iran's isolated position, and resolves the security-geopolitical dilemma in the Persian Gulf region. Second, Tehran's goal is to develop trade relations with its Persian Gulf neighbors and promote Iran's economic development, and third, to cooperate with Iran to reduce US influence in the Persian Gulf and weaken its hostility to Iran. Therefore, this article uses a method of analytical research to review the regional and international policies of the Islamic Republic of Iran from a historical perspective to explain the relations with the neighbors of the Cooperation Council in the post-Iran-Iraq period. The question that arises is what has been the main component and axis of Iran's policy after the Holy Defense, especially during the presidency of Mr. Rouhani towards the PGCC? . This study shows that during Mr. Rouhani's administration, improving relations with the PGCC has been the main focus of Iran's efforts to improve security in the Persian Gulf region. However, a number of structural obstacles, historical distrust, and Iran's movements in the region have severely hostile Tehran's relations with the Cooperation Council and have further increased insecurity in the region as Iran's growing influence in the Arab region coincides with its anti-hegemonic policy. This means that Iran's peace initiatives with the Cooperation Council have faced major obstacles, and Iran's success in reducing tensions and promoting peace plans with the PGCC has not been useful.

success in rapid development with economic practice has led india to become one of the most dynamic countries in the global economy and secondly to be regarded as a new powerhouse of wealth and power in the world . The necessity of the country's economic development one hand and the broad change in the international system imposes a new orientation on the foreign policy of this country in the Middle East and to Israel and Iran. , for changing the policy of the Middle East policy, the policy adopted in the Cold War era was defined in the light of the principle of non - commitment to a policy that was redefined by the new urgency of the Indian national interest. therefore , according to the above arrangements , the main question of this paper is that , considering the alternatives to india , the foreign policy of india with regard to israel and iran has changed . the hypothesis of the paper is that india's foreign policy in the Middle East region from ideological policy and the third world based on non - commitment principles is based on policies based on the necessity of access to energy and gas resources, markets, military weapons. The present paper is based on the descriptive - analytic method and by the use of virtual resources , specialized publications , and in terms of subject territory of this paper examines the policy of India 's multiple commitments towards the countries of Iran and Israel

The purpose of the present study is to review the military policies adopted by Iran in approach to a new form of diplomacy called military diplomacy and its impact on Iran's foreign policy. The method of study is descriptive-analytic and the results showed that since military diplomacy is a new method of representing military power to avoid conflict and acts as a deterrent and means in the hands of the officials of the foreign policy to foster the power of negotiation, adopting such an approach by the Islamic Republic of Iran strengthens this country to pursue its goals in the foreign policy and consequently, improve its power-security in the realm of regional transformations.

The Islamic Revolution has created a socio-cultural transformation in Iranian society that emphasizes cultural tools and dialogue in communication and interaction with other governments and nations. Based on the teachings of Islam, Ayatollah Khamenei, the Supreme Leader of the Islamic Revolution, attaches a special role and position to cultural elements in the social and political spheres. By emphasizing the innate and divine values ​​that are common to all human beings, he has sought to awaken and educate the people and create unity among Muslims based on universal cultural values. Also Iran and, of course, its foreign policy have always considered certain cultural, identity and ideological principles due to their combination of two rich identities and cultural backgrounds, "Iranian source" and "Islamic source". This article, after examining the capacity created through civilized and religious sources and other cultural components for the foreign policy and diplomacy of the Islamic Republic of Iran, deals with the type of view and position of cultural diplomacy in Ayatollah Khamenei's thought. The main concern of this article is to answer the question: "What are the criteria for strengthening cultural diplomacy in the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran according to the instructions Ayatollah Khamenei?" To answer this question, this article; It tests the following hypothesis: "The components of power-creating civilization in the context of cultural diplomacy are the basis for improving the performance and realization of the goals of the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the age of globalization."

The geo-economic situation and the amount of oil and gas reserves in the Republic of Azerbaijan, along with Russia's disputes with near abroad from 2006 to 2014, and the disruption of the gas of the European countries, was a factor in pushing the European Union to seek new energy resources to Azerbaijan. The present paper examines the causes, context, and also the role of the energy variable in the European Union's cooperation with Azerbaijan over the past few years. The main question of this article is the question of what place Azerbaijan has in the EU diplomacy of energy? In response, it is hypothesized that "Russia's political use of energy resources to pressure the European Union, as well as the growing need of the Union to import energy resources, will provide conditions for increasing EU cooperation with Azerbaijan through the Southern Gas Corridor has brought And increased union bargaining power. The findings of the study show that the union, in its awareness of the asymmetric dependence on Russian energy and its consequences and security threats, has sought in recent years to reduce these threats by connecting with Azerbaijan and diversifying its energy resources.

Energy as one of the most important global issues and natural gas due to its unique characteristics, especially in the manner and route of its transmission, is of great importance in this century. Hence, in the context of geoeconomics, concepts such as energy security, energy producers and consumers, gas transmission lines have a special place in the geo-economic discourse. The EU's high consumption and growing energy demand due to resource shortages and, consequently, the need to import energy, especially from Russia, the world's largest holder of gas resources, is a factor in Moscow's geopolitical power as a means to an end. Make increasing efforts in the political and economic spheres. In addition to Russia and the European Union, the study also considers transit countries through which Russian gas passes through pipelines as a third influential player. The main question of the article, given the above issues, is what geopolitical components have led to the formation of cooperation and conflict between Russia and the European Union over the energy issue? The article claims that the atmosphere in the geo-economic relations between the two actors in the face of the Ukraine crisis, the pipeline projects, the third energy package, and the Union's antitrust investigation against Russia, usher in a new era of geopolitical competition and cooperation. This will figure out Russia and the European Union. The research method in this article is descriptive-analytical and a tool for collecting information on libraries and cyberspace.

Signs of the collapse of the monopolar system have been revealed. The most important manifestation of the collapse of the unipolar system that dominated the world over a decade after the Cold War could be seen in the "emergence" of the Brix group. Hence, the order in which emerging powers play an effective role are taking shape, in a way that many thinkers speak of a multipolar system. In the same vein, the BRICS Group is the most powerful emerging power in the international multipolar system, given its massive population and growing economic power. Given the current state of the international system, this paper seeks to answer the question, what is the most important factor affecting Iran's decision on possible membership in the BRICS and what is the purpose of Iran in membership in this group? The descriptive-analytic method and the data collection tool are also libraries. The most important findings of the research indicate that Iran is influenced by the conditions created in the structure of the international system (weakening the global US hegemony and creating a structural opportunity) by adopting a policy appropriate to membership in this group seeking to cope with hegemony Americanism is global in the world and, as a result, is a guarantee of national security, and the concept of hegemony and structural theories can better explain this behavior. In addition, membership in BRICS may provide areas for increasing regional power in West Asia.

The Arab world has witnessed two intertwined phenomena since the Arab Spring: The first has been the deterioration of the internal situation in countries where many countries such as Libya, Syria and Yemen have experienced the risk of collapse, while many others like Lebanon suffers from internal weakness. The second was the emergence of non-state violent actors (VNSAS), such as terrorist jihadists, warlords, organized crime syndicates and armed militias affiliated with political parties and tribes. The second phenomenon is the natural consequence of the first. When a government fails, it cannot monopolize the use of force, complete control of its territory and secure its borders. These conditions create a security and political vacuum that is a suitable environment for the spread of violent non-state actors.  Currently, in the Arab countries, the role of such actors has made the efforts for peace more difficult and complicated for the government. This article aims to analyze the causes of the state-nation crisis in the post-Arab world, focusing on answering the following fundamental question: What are the reasons for the formation and spread of violent non-state actors in the Arab world? The provisional answer to these questions is that the complex and multilayered combination of economic, socio-religious and political factors and the crisis of legitimacy and the continued intervention of foreign countries to support or suppress terrorist groups have fueled insecurity and increased conflict. Factors have led to the emergence of non-state violent actors in the Arab world.

 Following the changes in the structure of international power, the sphere of influence of the international powers has also changed, and, consequently, new regions of power have been formed in the world. One of the most important new areas is the Southwest Asia. Southwest Asia is, in fact, the intercontinental zone of the three continents of Asia, Europe and Africa, consisting of five geopolitical areas: Central Asia, the Subcontinent, the Caucasus, the Persian Gulf, and the Middle East. In this geopolitical area, due to the South-East Asia and East create linkage to the Middle East and Europe, the neighboring world powers, the Central Asian region and the Caucasus. So that, Pakistan has been referred to in most geopolitical views (Mehrabi & EghtedarNejad, 2014: 200-201). The Islamic Republic of Pakistan became independent in August 1947 after the independence of India. it has not been so calm since its independence. Today it is home to more than 180 million people in Asia's populous countries. Pakistan has always been engaging in long-standing rivalry with India (Ganguly & Kapur, 2010: 10), and in addition to border disputes on the Kashmir issue with deep historical and religious backgrounds, for many other reasons, this country has witnessed much unrest after independence. [The complex social and political environment in Pakistan, the ethnic and tribal nature of its social structure, militarists involvement in political affairs, the interference of foreign powers, and above all the religious conflicts with tribal rivalries with the interference of foreign powers, in particular the United States and Saudi Arabia, have been a good environment for Wahhabism growth (Rashydi & shahghale, 2012: 94)]. Given these reasons, there are many extremist groups that have emerged in Pakistan that threaten not only their security, but also the security of the region and even the world, which Iran is also exposed to. Accordingly, the research question is that after the independence of Pakistan, what factors contributed to a security crisis therein?

In the organization of research, firstly, should be addressed to the Third World National Security Theory. And then, the issue of the independence of the developments in this region, or the dependence on the security system of Saudi Arabia, India, Iran and the US will be evaluated in the context of an appropriate categorization with the Southwest Asian School of Security. Finally, the components of this theory on Pakistan and its impact on the political and security environment of the actors involved in the region will be assessed as a conclusion with the explanatory and descriptive method.   

Pakistan has a multifaceted identity, which has suffering coupled with political instability, the inability of the central government to exercise domestic power, the increasing power of ethnic-religious loyalty, and the plight of civilian identity. Of course, sectarian extremism in this country alone is not due to the internal status of the country, but it can also be caused by regional developments (Sadri Alibaloo et.al. 2014: 10). All of these factors, in particular, the level of illiteracy and weakness of the economic fabric of these areas, have caused violent movements against the central government, which itself is in severe disruption in domestic structures. Therefore, the Pakistani government has little control over the borders of the country, and these instabilities directly threaten the security of the country (Fair & Chalk, 2006: 337). Based on the Third World Security Studies approach, the following factors together have seen internal conflicts in Pakistan that gradually diminished the legitimacy of this government: the social and religious situation, the economic situation and the legitimacy crisis of the government. In such a situation, the security of Pakistan has also declined by reducing political coherence. Hence, if we are to look at the domestic issues of Pakistan in terms of the Little Indicators, we find that the country, through ethnic and religious conflicts, along with the weakening of the central government, has led the nature of the government to a few states in which legitimacy is weakened and there is no legitimate authority and power. Despite government repressions, there are constantly conflicts between different groups with each other and with the central government to expand its influence and power. In the external dimension, Pakistan has experienced countless downsides over the past few decades; a long-standing controversy with three direct military confrontations with India over the region of Jammu and Kashmir, the traditional influence on Afghanistan's development, direct support and Indirect from dozens of radical religious groups in the region, disagreement and cooperation with Iran, strategic partnership with the United States and alignment with arabic countries of the Persian Gulf are among the characteristics of Pakistani foreign policy, which paves the way for the role of the various actors (Ketabi et.al 2016: 10). 

Security conditions in Pakistan are affected by instability in many areas, and the potential for conflict in the country is increasing. The impact of transnational threats or transnational challenges, such as radical Islamism, is only part of the equation, and these increase the risk of direct conflict between countries in the region, including with Afghanistan. Non-traditional security challenges impose the greatest risk to regional stability. Hence, the security of South Asian countries is more threatened by domestic actors than threatened by foreign actors. Of course, in some cases, the combination of complex and multi-layered internal and external factors leads to a security crisis, and internal crises such as the weakness of legitimacy, the lack of integration and weakness of the nation state provide the context for political divisions. The South Asian security environment also suggests an asymmetric balance of power in which is evident the intervention of a strong country on weak country in the form of support of strong country from a particular group or activity against it or the desire of a particular group within a weak country to benefit from alliance with a strong country for overcoming rivals. The role of Saudi Arabia, India, Iran, and the United States can be analyzed from this perspective. For America, countering terrorism and the non-expansion of geopolitical influence of China, Russia and Iran is important. On relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and Pakistan, it is necessary to mention, due to its geographical and its cultural-identity affiliations, has not been taken into account. This is the point that was repeatedly expressed by Iranian foreign policy analysts as a weak point. The most important factors that focusing on ideological interests in the relations between the two countries over the years provide as follows: Mistakes caused by lack of attention to diverse regional capacities, lack of attention to religious differences and lack of expert decision making and lack of use of specialists. These issues undermined the economic and cultural interests. Therefore, for strategic alignment with Pakistan, the Islamic Republic of Iran can adopt a cultural-economic approach to relations with the countries of the region, while avoiding disagreements, cultural commonalities and economic needs of the parties should be taken into account.

Iraq is one of the most heterogeneous ethnic and linguistic countries in the geopolitical Middle East. The provocative actions of former Iraqi officials, the continuation of political instability, the emergence of favorable conditions for the birth and action of takfiri and extremist groups, and the presence of supra-regional powers are among the issues that pose a challenge and threaten the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Is considered. Post-Saddam Iraq should be considered the center of Shiite power and influence, because powerful currents such as the supreme authority of the Shiites, Sadr and other Shiite political spectrums have high influence and power in the Iraqi political current. The rise of ISIS and its rise to power in Iraq and the formation of a security crisis in Iraq and the high probability of its spread to neighbors, including Iran, led the Islamic Republic of Iran to take an active strategy to face this regional and global security crisis. According to the above issues, the research questions are as follows: 1- What role did Iran play in defeating ISIS? 2- What are the sources of Iran's power in Iraq and how do these resources help Iran to cooperate and strategically ally with post-ISIL Iraq? 2. What has been the position of Iraqi political parties and popular mobilization groups in the country in terms of strategic unity and cooperation? The purpose of this article is to identify the sources of Iranian power in Iraq for proper strategic management and achievement in post-ISIL Iraq; The method used in this study for analysis and conclusion, descriptive-analytical method and its theoretical framework is intelligent power.

The purpose of the present study is to investigate bilateral ties between India-Eurasia (Russia and the United States) and India-Oceania in new world conditions and also to assess the gradual transformations of India effective in the above 2 regions using the theory of geopolitical region. The hypothesis is that bilateral relations in the triangle of India, U.S.A and Russia is of special importance with regard to the growing history of India in the international realm and an ongoing competition between the U.S.A and Russia to remain faithful to India. Furthermore, with respect to the efforts of New Delhi to become an influential world power, India will have to do more trades; therefore, it makes use of its close relations with Washington and Moscow. The method of the study is descriptive-analysis and the results showed that deteriorating relations between Russia and the U.S.A is a hindrance to achieve trilateral cooperation. Despite traditional friendship and mutual trust between India and Russia, it seems that relations between the two countries cannot meet the realities today. Although Washington and Moscow regard relationship with New Delhi as a sign of growing regional ties in India-Pacific Ocean and Eurasia, they face with a special resistance from the Indian counterpart when it comes to developing ties. China is considered as a key variable in the triangle model between the U.S.A, India, and Russia.