دانیال رضاپور

Following the Islamic revolution in Iran, the dominance of the discourse of political Islam and the increase of its impact on the Pakistani society during the last few decades, and due to ideological and security issues, the two friendly and neighboring countries could not have acceptable relations. For this reason, the general opinion considers the nature of relations between Iran and Pakistan as critical, unreliable and divergent, and different geopolitical alignments in the region have pushed the two nations further apart. Considering this issue, the main question of the research is as follows: “what factors have increased the differences and competition between Iran and Pakistan after the Islamic Revolution?”. The research hypothesis indicates that “the most important factor in the competitive nature of Iran and Pakistan relations is the security and political conditions derived from the incompatible and challenging environment of the neighborhood and the geopolitical competition of the two countries in the region of Southwest Asia”. Among the incompatible geopolitical challenges and competitions between the two countries, the ideological and ethnic issues, the border and the India-Saudi factor can be mentioned. The research method is descriptive-analytic and data gathering procedure is based on documentary-library sources.

Instability in the West Asian region and the increase in uncertainties and fluid coalitions have caused a large amount of the field of vision of political decision makers in the region to decrease. Based on this, the present article has been written using a combination of Walt's threat balance theory and Bauman's blue modernity theory as an alternative approach in understanding the roots of alliances in West Asia. According to the above topics, this article seeks to answer the question, on what basis do the Arab states of the West Asian region enter into alliances with each other, and what variables influence their alliances? The hypothesis of the research is presented as follows: the presence of threats (real or imagined) at different levels of analysis, increasing the feeling of insecurity in turbulent times such as the developments in Arab countries, determines the preferences of governments regarding regional cooperation and the formation of coalitions. In contrast, the influential variables in coalitions are regional and international conflicts and concern for political survival in Arab states. In the present study, the approach of descriptive-analytical research and its method is process research and sample research as qualitative research methods. Documentary and library sources and reliable sources in the field of regional politics have also been used in the collection of information.

Deep geopolitical changes in the Persian Gulf region have a significant impact on the relations of J.A. Iran and Kuwait have had. The geographical location and strategic importance have turned this region into one of the most important geopolitical regions in the world, and the active presence of regional and extra-regional actors has directly affected this relationship. This research seeks to evaluate the behavioral pattern of Iran and Kuwait in the Persian Gulf region, especially after the Islamic Revolution, because the strategic environment and perspective of the geopolitical arrangements of the Persian Gulf have changed with the strategic developments derived from the Islamic Revolution. In this regard, the main question of the research is raised as follows: What is the behavior pattern of the Islamic Republic of Iran towards Kuwait in the Persian Gulf region after the Islamic Revolution? Using the concept of geopolitics, it is argued that Tehran's behavioral pattern to maintain the balance of power in the Persian Gulf sub-region after the Islamic Revolution is to expand eration of the Kuwaiti government with Saudi Arabia, the dispute in the Arash gas fields and the dee spread of disputes in the Persian Gulf, especially between J. A. Iran and Kuwait. We do this based on the descriptive-analytical approach using the method of process research and sample research as qualitative research methods, which have been used in the collection of information from document-library sources and authentic cyberspace websites.

The Caucasus region has received less attention from scientists and decision-makers in the Eurasian region than in the past few years because the security studies of this region are currently affected by the armed conflict in Ukraine and the turmoil in the Middle East. However, the Caucasus region, especially the South Caucasus, suffers from acute geopolitical fragility due to internal and external reasons, and since the intensification of the rivalry between the tsars (Russia) and the Yankees (the United States) after the Cold War reached its highest level. has arrived, the process of their conflict and cooperation in this sensitive part of Eurasia deserves attention. Therefore, while examining the bilateral relations between Moscow and Washington in the Caucasus, the authors try to explain and explain the current situation of this region and the logic of cooperation and competition between the past few years. Therefore, the main goal of this research is to answer the question that what policies did the tsars and the Yankees adopt regarding the crises in this region and what were the reasons and logic of these two countries' policies? The hypothesis that is raised in response to this main question is that different ideas of how to gain strategic, security and m Also, this research focuses on the logic of cooperation between the United States and Russia in relation to the processes of resolving ethnic and political conflicts in Abkhazia, South Ossetia, and Nagorno-Karabakh, which is aimed at maintaining the perceptual structure of the international system.

Research and the Purpose of the Research:

Given the foundational nature of anthropological discussions in shaping the perspectives and actions of states in international politics, it seems essential to propose alternative approaches. One alternative approach that has gained increased attention is the Confucian intellectual tradition, particularly as it aligns with the strengthening inclination towards non-Western and indigenous theories, alongside China's rising power in both material and symbolic realms of the international system. Therefore, this article addresses the question of what interpretation of human nature is presented in Confucian tradition and how this interpretation is reflected in China's perspective on the international system. The argument of this article posits that, within the Confucian tradition, humans are regarded as inherently moral and relational beings. This means that benevolence, altruism, and responsibility towards others are seen as moral virtues rooted in human essence. Humans become aware of and inevitably actualize these virtues within the context of relationships, interactions, and social roles, which they incorporate into their decisions and actions. These interpretations of human nature have somewhat manifested in China's foreign policy, reinforcing principles such as pacifism and war avoidance, multilateralism, non-interventionism, and a limited and cautious approach to international responsibility.

 This important task will be conducted based on a descriptive-analytical approach using trend research and case studies as qualitative research methods. For data collection, we will utilize documentary library sources and reputable websites in the virtual space.

 Considering the position of this tradition in Chinese society, some Confucian teachings, particularly regarding the nature of humanity, have manifested in China's perspectives and actions within the international system. It can be said that China's foreign policy reflects Confucian principles concerning human nature and the notion of "being morally virtuous and benevolent." In this context, Wang Yi, the Chinese Foreign Minister, expressed his diplomatic stance of treating all countries equally within the framework of declared policy, emphasizing that "those who hold more power should not necessarily have the final say on the international stage." This somewhat egalitarian concept in Chinese diplomacy is closely related to four virtues from Confucian literature: benevolence (ren), a tendency towards righteousness (yi), adherence to rituals (li), and wisdom (zhi) (Chang & Prior, 2016). According to Confucian teachings, many conflicts and wars in international relations arise from self-interest and disregard for moral norms. Therefore, China, as a power, has shown little inclination towards engaging in war and has pursued a strategy of war avoidance and peace-seeking in its foreign policy during the modern era. Searching for common grounds for cooperation while respecting differences and disregarding political systems and semantic frameworks of countries has become part of Chinese diplomacy. Even when faced with the United States and its efforts to isolate China internationally, China avoids confrontation and seeks pathways for de-escalation. The avoidance of interventionism and the tendency to adopt an ideological stance are not unrelated to Confucian anthropology and a communicative, collectivist interpretation of human nature. In China's political culture regarding relations with other political entities, there is an emphasis on finding commonalities while preserving differences. It is said that the goal of interaction is to achieve harmony and stabilize relations rather than impose specific values (Samuel, 2023). In Chinese diplomacy, reciprocal relationships hold significant importance and determine how individuals view their relationships with others. From this perspective, pluralism is fundamental, and change must occur voluntarily.

 In the Confucian tradition, humans are considered inherently moral and relational beings. This means that benevolence, as a moral virtue, is rooted in human essence, and human beings, through relationships, interactions, and social roles, become aware of and inevitably actualize this virtue in their decisions and actions. Traces of Confucian teachings on human nature are reflected in China's perspectives and actions, which, although unconsciously, have led to distinct behavioral patterns. China's avoidance of war, inclination towards de-escalation even with rival states, multilateralism, and non-alignment with interventionist approaches, as well as its limited and cautious international responsibility, which are identifiable patterns in China's foreign policy, are primarily based on a sound theoretical foundation and stem from the Confucian interpretation of human nature. China's culture and civilization are not limited to the creation of concepts and perspectives in foreign policy; one of the greatest examples demonstrating the position of Chinese culture and civilization in its foreign policy is the creation of identities with far-reaching and significant effects. China is recognized as one of the oldest and greatest human civilizations. This extensive historical background has created a unique identity for Chinese policymakers in the present era, through which they engage in foreign policy. Chinese nationalists or indigents, who emphasize Confucian traditions and their application, are an example of the influence of civilization and culture on China's identity and foreign policy. Accordingly, the position of culture and in the present, China is the only country whose modern leaders make decisions based on its history. The above factors collectively indicate the significant position of Chinese civilization and culture in the country's foreign policy, indirectly shaping and guiding it by creating specific worldviews and identities oriented toward Chinese civilization. As mentioned earlier, Chinese culture, which stems from the country's ancient civilization, is the most important source of China's soft power, comprising an uninterrupted long history accompanied by a multitude of traditions, concepts, perspectives, and values such as order, benevolence, compatibility, and harmony. From a broad perspective, the central core of Chinese culture is the concept of harmony. This value has encouraged Chinese leaders to invite the world to build a harmonious world; an idea pursued abroad in parallel with China's domestic policies.

As one of the important global actors, Russia has experienced offensive and defensive roles in its lifetime due to the developments in the regional environment such as the Arctic and its power. The importance of the North Pole in this century became apparent when Russia sent a submarine to a depth of 4261 meters in the Arctic Ocean on August 2, 2007, and installed the country's flag on the bottom of this ocean. Russia, in addition to having the best border with the Pole the largest amount of resources estimated in this region, and the largest ice fleet in the world due to the unique geographical location of the North Pole compared to it, in terms of aristocracy in different regions of this country for Any possible military attack has a strategic position. The main research question concerns the principles and strategic nature of Russia's policies in the Arctic region. In response to this question in a descriptive-analytical way and according to the principle of explaining strategies based on interests in the framework of power, Russia's strategies in this region are based on the conditions and the origin and source of the threat. and include a set of strategies, including strategies derived from domestic policy for the exploitation of economic and environmental benefits, foreign policy including the strategy of tension and strong reaction in the face of threats caused by the hegemon (NATO expansion) and its allies. It is a coalition strategy with extra-regional actors (China). As one of the important global actors, Russia has experienced offensive and defensive roles in its lifetime due to the developments in the regional environment such as the Arctic and its power. The importance of the North Pole in this century became apparent when Russia sent a submarine to a depth of 4261 meters in the Arctic Ocean on August 2, 2007, and installed the country's flag on the bottom of this ocean. Russia, in addition to having the best border with the Pole the largest amount of resources estimated in this region, and the largest ice fleet in the world due to the unique geographical location of the North Pole compared to it, in terms of aristocracy in different regions of this country for Any possible military attack has a strategic position. The main research question concerns the principles and strategic nature of Russia's policies in the Arctic region. In response to this question in a descriptive-analytical way and according to the principle of explaining strategies based on interests in the framework of power, Russia's strategies in this region are based on the conditions and the origin and source of the threat. and include a set of strategies, including strategies derived from domestic policy for the exploitation of economic and environmental benefits, foreign policy including the strategy of tension and strong reaction in the face of threats caused by the hegemon (NATO expansion) and its allies. It is a coalition strategy with extra-regional actors (China).

Deep geopolitical changes in West Asia have significantly impacted the relations between Iran and the UAE. The geographical position and strategic importance of this region have made it one of the most critical areas in the world, with the active presence of regional and extra-regional actors directly influencing this relationship. This research aims to evaluate Iran's behavioral pattern towards the UAE in West Asia, particularly following the developments arising from the Islamic Awakening and the Arab-Israeli normalization. The events of 2011 and 2020 have transformed the balance of regional power, strategic environment, and the geopolitical arrangement in West Asia. The central research question is: What has been the behavioral pattern of the Islamic Republic of Iran towards the United Arab Emirates in the West Asian region? Using the concept of geoplinomics, it is argued that Tehran's behavioral pattern aims to maintain a balance of power in West Asia while expanding economic and trade relations with the UAE. However, geopolitical concerns, such as territorial disputes over the three islands, normalization of relations with the Israeli regime alongside military agreements and information exchanges, and the weakening of the resistance axis, along with the UAE's close cooperation with Western Arab states, have increased tensions in West Asia, particularly between Iran and the UAE. This study employs a descriptive-analytical approach, utilizing trend analysis and case studies as qualitative research methods, and gathers information from documentary-library sources and reputable online platforms.

The war imposed by Iraq against Iran is considered one of the most important international events in the late second half of the 20th century, and despite the extensive support of regional and extra-regional countries to the Baath regime, unfortunately, there is no complete research on the role and position of the Baath regime. Large regional countries including Saudi Arabia have not been investigated. The following article is devoted to the reasons for Saudi Arabia's support to Iraq during the imposed war with a comparative study and historical analysis and claims that the structural requirements based on the Islamic Revolution and the state of the balance of power at the regional level are the most important determining factors in Saudi Arabia has continued to support the Baath regime. Based on this, in this research, by examining the causes and support structures formed after the start of the war, it is devoted to the study of Saudi Arabia's role in the geopolitical structures of the West Asian region during the imposed war. In this framework, the research question is based on the basis of what was the position of Iraq's long-term and attrition war in the 1980s against revolutionary Iran in Saudi Arabia's threat balancing strategy? Arab rulers of Iraq led by Saddam in order to balance against the threats and influence of revolutionary Iran in the West Asian region. Is. The research method is analytical-explanatory and the theoretical approach of threat balance will be used to analyze the issue.

The West Asia region has always been of great importance to major powers, and it remains a core focus of research in this field. This article aims to explain China's balancing policy towards Iran and Saudi Arabia over the past decade, with a specific focus on regional balancing. The main research question posed is: What objectives does China pursue in West Asia and the Persian Gulf through its balancing strategy between Iran and Saudi Arabia? The study employs qualitative methodology and data collection through library resources to demonstrate that China seeks to secure its energy needs through long-term contracts and investments in these two countries. Additionally, China's foreign policy aims to counter visible and hidden conflicts with the American order in all regions worldwide, including the Persian Gulf. By respecting the sovereignty of Iran and Saudi Arabia, China aims to foster harmony, to support the security of both countries, to understand their security concerns, and to adopt a regional balancing policy in West Asia. In conclusion, China's approach towards Iran and Saudi Arabia reflects its strategic interests in the region. This research contributes to a better understanding of China's foreign policy towards West Asia and it provides insights into future developments in the region.

Today, the international order is going through important changes at the macro and regional level. The entry of the international order into the post-American transition period and the environmental dynamics at the regional level bring with it fundamental uncertainties, which have inspired the change of the role of many actors at the regional level and specifically the Persian Gulf region. Turkey can be mentioned among the most important of these activists. This article examines Turkey as a new actor in the security issues of the Persian Gulf. The question raised here is why the Justice and Development Party led by Erdogan wants to play a large security role in the Persian Gulf. The hypothesis that is raised in response to this question is as follows: geographic proximity, independent foreign policy, the emergence of advanced defense industries and the desire to share defense technology, and the reputation of the Justice and Development Party as a reliable partner. Committed, reliable and capable in the past decade in various geopolitical arenas such as North Africa, Levant and South Caucasus, Turkey has made Turkey consider itself as a new security actor in the Persian Gulf region. Also, answering these questions in an explanatory and analytical way provides a comprehensive and at the same time accurate perspective of Turkey's potential security role, as well as the context of systematic reasoning that evaluates Ankara's aspirations, will and capacity to play such a role. , explains.

The separation of Crimea from Ukraine and its annexation to the territory of the Russian Federation in 2014 and the special military operations of the Russians against this country since February 2022 as linguistic symptoms suggest that Russia is seeking to expand its sphere of influence in the foreign region as much as possible؛ It is close and at the same time preventing the presence of the West in NATO in order to increase its security factor in it. Therefore, due to the fundamental difference in linguistic symptoms, the confrontation between Russia and Ukraine has not only not decreased, but has also developed strongly in the West's support for Ukraine's policies. On the other hand, considering that the issue of discretion or the will of Russian policymakers in the post-historical world is still based on two elements of historical (geopolitical) and ideological mentality in the region, it has eliminated the possibility of a quick regional solution against Russia's interests. Having said that, the question of the article is expressed in this way that according to the will of the power to develop the foundation with different forms of linguistic text; What has been the consequence of deconstruction against the interests of Russia by Ukraine in the near abroad? With the help of linguistic propositions, the answer to this conflict is proposed in such a way that Ukraine's attempt to separate from the centralist regional security complex led by Russia has the same consequences as the separation of the Crimean Peninsula from Ukraine and the declaration of independence of the Russian-inhabited regions and the tearing of this country into pieces in 2023 had. The method of writing the article is explanatory-analytical and the necessary information has been collected using library sources.

Since the Islamic world is the strategic depth of the Islamic revolution, it seems to be a strategic necessity to pay sserious attention to the development of Islamic movements through the hegemonic plans of the domination system. A network of revolutionary activists in the world arena, influenced by these teachings and within the framework of the axis of resistance against the domination system, are active. Although the axis of resistance as a concept accepted in the political space has always been a subject of discussion, but this axis has been considered as a combination of strategic alliance, security society and ideal network, considering its long-standing anti-hegemonic view against the United States and its regional allies are known in West Asia. What holds this complex coalition network together is a broadly shared normative vision of regional order that exists in member-centered discourse, guided by an ideal heritage, and actualized through spatial practice. The question of the research is raised as follows: What factors strengthen the link between Iran and Hezbollah and the axis of resistance in general? The authors' argument is that the historical-cultural links along with the simultaneous use of intelligent power in West Asia have not only strengthened the relationship between Iran and the resistance front and stabilized the battle of the war fronts ,but also by using the principles of Nomos (religion, religion-law-principles) and key places in southern Lebanon bordering the Zionist regime, J.A. Iran has been able to deepen its strategic influence and deterrence at the regional level. In this article, the spatial concepts of resistance and memorial spaces created by the two actors of the Islamic Republic of Iran and Hezbollah are discussed. Our argument is that nomos (religion-law-principles) is useful as an alternative conceptual tool for understanding the manifestations of order alongside more mainstream approaches.

Success in the rapid advancement of development along with economic pragmatism has caused India to become one of the most dynamic countries in the world economy and secondly to be considered as an emerging center of wealth and power in the world. On the one hand, the economic development requirement of this country and extensive transformations in the international system have imposed a new direction on the foreign policy of this country in the Middle East and towards Israel and Iran. In this article, we focus on the reasons for changing India's Middle East policy from a policy that was defined in the light of the principle of non-alignment in the Cold War era to a policy that was redefined based on the new needs of India's national interests. Therefore, according to the above premises, the main question of the article is raised as follows: What changes have been made in India's foreign policy towards Israel and Iran, considering the options facing India? The hypothesis of the article, using the theory of balance of interests, is that the foreign policy of India in the Middle East has changed from an ideological and third-world policy based on the principles of non-commitment to a policy of multiple and multilateral commitments based on the necessity of access to oil and energy resources. And gas, markets, and military weapons.  This article is written based on the descriptive-analytical method and uses virtual sources, specialized publications, and in terms of the subject area of this article, it examines India's policy towards the countries of Iran and Israel until 2023.

Russia is a country with long-standing ties to the African continent, so that Russia's role in the Black Continent can be analyzed in terms of its geopolitical and geoeconomic considerations and the idea of Russia's "glory" derived from the tsarist empire. Russia is now trying to realize the idea of the glory of the tsars and to play the role of a great power on the African scene, given the situation, given the reluctance of the United States to intervene directly in African affairs. This article answers the question of what goals and interests Russia is pursuing in Africa and why Moscow has been active in African countries in recent years to achieve its desired interests? The authors' hypothesis is that Russia seeks to enhance its role as a major power on the African continent; In practice, however, this role is largely limited to efforts to help balance, arms and conflict resolution in African countries, educational assistance, and economic benefits. This research has a descriptive-analytical aspect and data collection has been done to do it by library method.

Russia has been seriously seeking to improve relations with the Arab Gulf states since Putin's second term. And of course, this effort has been accompanied by the relative success of the Gulf states. Therefore, this research seeks to answer the question: Why is Russia, first of all its main attention to issues of the near and extend of NATO, and secondly, a country is mainly a renter, has been struggling to strengthen relations with countries that have come from countries Are they completely rentiers who have traditionally been the main US allies in the Persian Gulf, and have they also accepted this improvement? In this regard, using the soft power balance theory, it is said that Russia views the Persian Gulf as one of the best areas for establishing a soft international balance against the United States and seeks to align its small allies with hegemony. To raise the level of American unilateralism in the world. Similarly, after the events of the US invasion of Iraq, the policy of promoting democracy, the lack of serious US support for Mubarak, and the implementation of the document, the countries of the region have tried to partly become independent of the United States and create a soft balance of power in the region against the United States. The writing method is an explanatory-analytical form and is collected using library resources and information.

After nearly six years of the start of the Ukraine crisis and the overthrow of the pro-Moscow government in Kiev, various views on Russia's behavior in the Ukraine crisis is still being presented. This research is intended to investigate why and how the Ukraine crisis continued from 2013 to 2018. Accordingly, Russia's strategy in Ukraine and the reasons behind it, make the main concern of this study which is addressed through ASCOPE model using hybrid warfare. Hence, the main question of the study involves how the Russian Federation used information warfare to influence the civilian population of Ukraine. In response to this question, the authors hypothesize that Russia's main goal concerns gaining the position of a superpower again and change the balance in its favor in competition with the West. As achieving the goal is no longer possible through symmetrical and traditional methods of warfare, Moscow has resorted to the new generation of warfare, i.e., hybrid warfare, using its wide-ranging tools such as cyber-attacks and communicating false news. Employing the ASCOPE model, the researchers have investigated the region, structures, capacities, organizations, individuals and the events of the 2014 crisis in Ukraine. The methods through which the Russia gained control of some regions by attracting parts of the civilian population, are also considered. This descriptive-analytical research is based on collecting data extracted from reliable scientific sources including books, scientific-research articles and Internet sites.

Iraq is a country that is part of the Arabian Middle East geopolitical region and on the other hand is one of the most heterogeneous ethnic and linguistic countries. The warlike actions of former Iraqi officials, the persistence of political instability, the emergence of favorable and reproductive contexts for extremist and extremist groups are among the issues that pose a challenge and threat to Iran's national security. However, post-Saddam Iraq should be considered the center of Shiite power and influence because powerful currents such as the supreme Shiite authority, Sadr and other Shiite political groups enjoy high influence in the Iraqi political process. To this end, Iran has largely maintained long-standing relationships with several pro-Shia political parties and with Shia militias. The political and religious interpretation of these relationships has often been established as a basis for the future strategy of Iraq in its post-war Iraq. In light of the above, the research questions are as follows: 1- What role did Iran play in the defeat of ISIS? 2- How has Tehran benefited from its long-standing relations with Iraqi political parties and militia groups? 3. What are the sources of Iranian power in Iraq and how do these resources help Iran to develop strategic partnership with Iraq? In response, it can be argued that Tehran has used various means of power to achieve its goals in Iraq, from its historical relations with Iraqi political parties and militias to its economic and religious ties with it. In this regard, the authors believe that due to the numerous means of Iranian influence in Iraq, their proper use and management have had positive and lasting gains for the achievement of Iran's objectives in Iraq, and despite some problems, the best, most legitimate and At the same time, the most sustainable form of supply has been the target. The purpose of this paper is to identify and identify the sources of Iranian power in Iraq for appropriate strategic management and to achieve results. It's defensive.

With the end of the war, the geopolitical structure of the great Eurasian region of Russia, China, the United States and the European Union has engaged in competing for Ukraine and the South China Sea. From the perspective of Moscow and Beijing, the expansion of the United States, NATO and the European Union to the East was aimed at limiting the regional influence of Russia and China. As a result, Ukraine and the South Sea of ​​China have also led to a conflict zone between Russia, China and Western actors over regional influence and even a factor in the disagreement between the United States and the European Union, which is the basis for intensifying tensions and increasing Uncertainty has been created in the Greater Eurasia region. By stating this introduction, the authors suggest that their main question is that the tensions and geopolitical disputes between the United States, the European Union and Russia over the Ukrainian crisis, and the US-China differences with China in the South China Sea and the failure of the European Union with hegemony On the multilateral relations of these countries? The hypothesis of the article is that the disagreements and tensions between the European Union, the United States, Russia and the hegemonic demands in the Ukrainian crisis, the intensification of US-China divisions, and the political, economic cooperation of the EU with the two countries Russia and China, while weakening the European Union's security relations with the United States, have provided the ground for transition from a monopoly to a multi-polar system. The research method in this paper is descriptive-analytical and a tool for collecting library and virtual information

The Middle East is one of the most important, sensitive and complex regions in the world. What makes this region stand out in all its dimensions and areas is its unique political, economic, cultural-social, geographical and geopolitical features. These conditions have somehow overshadowed the structural equations of the region under the dialectical influence of the interaction of political, economic, cultural-social and security components and power in relation to other actors in the region, so that the increase of cooperation of these governments in this interaction space, eventually led to the formation of an organization called the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council in 1981 in the Persian Gulf regional system. The Persian Gulf Cooperation Council is one of the most important regional organizations in the regional environment of Iran, and Iran's policies have always played an important role in the orientations and goals of the council. In this regard, the members of the Council considered the developments in the Middle East, especially the establishment of a democratic and Shiite government in Iraq and the developments of the Islamic Awakening as a shift in the balance of power in favor of Iran and increasing power and influence in the regions of Iran. Movements in the regions of Iran see their lives and survival in danger.  This has caused them to use all their facilities and tools to counter the growing power of the regions of Iran. Understanding the real tensions between Iran and the Saudi-led PGCC countries along the Shiite-Sunni lines in the PGCC has been shaped most regionally and internationally. These differences also undermine Iran's efforts to improve relations with council governments in recent years. Since Hassan Rouhani came to power, he has repeatedly proposed peace initiatives for Saudi-led PGCC member states. Not only has this pragmatic policy not been very successful, but Iran-Saudi Arabia relations have become much colder than before. Relations between Iran and the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council have worsened since the Barjam nuclear deal. Iran's regional expansion and the siege of Qatar, while changing the power structure in the Persian Gulf region, created more tension and insecurity in the region and increased the scope of confrontation between Iran and Saudi Arabia, especially after Trump's unilateral withdrawal from the UN Security Council and the announcement of "maximum pressure policy." He turned against Iran. Although several smaller Gulf states have taken a more balanced approach to their relations with Iran, the main policy of the council is by Saudi Arabia with a new configuration of Middle East policy that sees a rare tripartite convergence of interests was regulated against Iran between Saudi Arabia and Israel. and the United States under Trump. According to the actions of the Cooperation Council and foreign interventionist powers, Iran's policy towards the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council is mainly based on three considerations: First, it hopes to turn enemies into friends, improves Iran's isolated position, and resolves the security-geopolitical dilemma in the Persian Gulf region. Second, Tehran's goal is to develop trade relations with its Persian Gulf neighbors and promote Iran's economic development, and third, to cooperate with Iran to reduce US influence in the Persian Gulf and weaken its hostility to Iran. Therefore, this article uses a method of analytical research to review the regional and international policies of the Islamic Republic of Iran from a historical perspective to explain the relations with the neighbors of the Cooperation Council in the post-Iran-Iraq period. The question that arises is what has been the main component and axis of Iran's policy after the Holy Defense, especially during the presidency of Mr. Rouhani towards the PGCC? . This study shows that during Mr. Rouhani's administration, improving relations with the PGCC has been the main focus of Iran's efforts to improve security in the Persian Gulf region. However, a number of structural obstacles, historical distrust, and Iran's movements in the region have severely hostile Tehran's relations with the Cooperation Council and have further increased insecurity in the region as Iran's growing influence in the Arab region coincides with its anti-hegemonic policy. This means that Iran's peace initiatives with the Cooperation Council have faced major obstacles, and Iran's success in reducing tensions and promoting peace plans with the PGCC has not been useful.

success in rapid development with economic practice has led india to become one of the most dynamic countries in the global economy and secondly to be regarded as a new powerhouse of wealth and power in the world . The necessity of the country's economic development one hand and the broad change in the international system imposes a new orientation on the foreign policy of this country in the Middle East and to Israel and Iran. , for changing the policy of the Middle East policy, the policy adopted in the Cold War era was defined in the light of the principle of non - commitment to a policy that was redefined by the new urgency of the Indian national interest. therefore , according to the above arrangements , the main question of this paper is that , considering the alternatives to india , the foreign policy of india with regard to israel and iran has changed . the hypothesis of the paper is that india's foreign policy in the Middle East region from ideological policy and the third world based on non - commitment principles is based on policies based on the necessity of access to energy and gas resources, markets, military weapons. The present paper is based on the descriptive - analytic method and by the use of virtual resources , specialized publications , and in terms of subject territory of this paper examines the policy of India 's multiple commitments towards the countries of Iran and Israel

The purpose of the present study is to review the military policies adopted by Iran in approach to a new form of diplomacy called military diplomacy and its impact on Iran's foreign policy. The method of study is descriptive-analytic and the results showed that since military diplomacy is a new method of representing military power to avoid conflict and acts as a deterrent and means in the hands of the officials of the foreign policy to foster the power of negotiation, adopting such an approach by the Islamic Republic of Iran strengthens this country to pursue its goals in the foreign policy and consequently, improve its power-security in the realm of regional transformations.

The Islamic Revolution has created a socio-cultural transformation in Iranian society that emphasizes cultural tools and dialogue in communication and interaction with other governments and nations. Based on the teachings of Islam, Ayatollah Khamenei, the Supreme Leader of the Islamic Revolution, attaches a special role and position to cultural elements in the social and political spheres. By emphasizing the innate and divine values ​​that are common to all human beings, he has sought to awaken and educate the people and create unity among Muslims based on universal cultural values. Also Iran and, of course, its foreign policy have always considered certain cultural, identity and ideological principles due to their combination of two rich identities and cultural backgrounds, "Iranian source" and "Islamic source". This article, after examining the capacity created through civilized and religious sources and other cultural components for the foreign policy and diplomacy of the Islamic Republic of Iran, deals with the type of view and position of cultural diplomacy in Ayatollah Khamenei's thought. The main concern of this article is to answer the question: "What are the criteria for strengthening cultural diplomacy in the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran according to the instructions Ayatollah Khamenei?" To answer this question, this article; It tests the following hypothesis: "The components of power-creating civilization in the context of cultural diplomacy are the basis for improving the performance and realization of the goals of the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the age of globalization."

The geo-economic situation and the amount of oil and gas reserves in the Republic of Azerbaijan, along with Russia's disputes with near abroad from 2006 to 2014, and the disruption of the gas of the European countries, was a factor in pushing the European Union to seek new energy resources to Azerbaijan. The present paper examines the causes, context, and also the role of the energy variable in the European Union's cooperation with Azerbaijan over the past few years. The main question of this article is the question of what place Azerbaijan has in the EU diplomacy of energy? In response, it is hypothesized that "Russia's political use of energy resources to pressure the European Union, as well as the growing need of the Union to import energy resources, will provide conditions for increasing EU cooperation with Azerbaijan through the Southern Gas Corridor has brought And increased union bargaining power. The findings of the study show that the union, in its awareness of the asymmetric dependence on Russian energy and its consequences and security threats, has sought in recent years to reduce these threats by connecting with Azerbaijan and diversifying its energy resources.