زاهد غفاری هشجین

Countries play a role based on three components, internal power, role-playing within regional systems and intelligent acting in the international environment in order to achieve a better and more favorable position in the international system. It is necessary to play a correct role in the field of regional equations, strategic environmentalism based on accepted criteria. As long as an actor achieves a correct and principled understanding of herself and the regional environment in which she is placed, her activism cannot be principled and regular and in line with its vital interests and goals; Therefore, achieving strategic environmentalism and choosing the right strategy in various situations in facing foreign policy issues is one of the main requirements for governments to play a role in the future.

The current research was carried out with the aim of "strategic environmentalism and strategic assessment of Iran's role in the Middle East region" using the SWOT analysis model. This research is fundamental in terms of purpose and mixed in terms of method, and data collection has been done by two methods of environmental survey of texts and also by using expert questionnaire.

The findings of the research show that the assessment and evaluation of Iran's position in the regional environment is in a defensive state but improving, but internal weaknesses and external threats have created extensive limitations in the direction of taking advantage of the strengths and opportunities for Iran's active role in the regional environment

As the largest Muslim assembly, the Hajj is a multifaceted and international event. Throughout the fifteen centuries since the rise of Islam, this responsibility has had significant effects on the Shia political culture due to its diverse functions and dimensions. Examining the position and function of Shia political culture in the Hajj might demonstrate how this religion affects Muslims in general. The author of this study uses the qualitative method of source analysis with a descriptive-analytical approach and data collection through note-taking to answer the question of what role, if any, Shia political culture’s components play in the functions of the Hajj. This study will examine the impact of three fundamental components of Shia political culture—seeking justice, opposing arrogance, and taqiyya)—on the Hajj. The research findings indicate that Hajj has transformed into a platform for demonstrating opposition to tyranny and the solidification of the desire for justice. It has also given Muslim nations a chance to confront corruption head-on in a united, dignified manner and to support the movement of the oppressed against arrogance.  All of these developments are a result of Shia political culture.

Following the American invasion of Afghanistan in 2001 and the subsequent overthrow of the Taliban government, extensive efforts were made to rebuild the Afghan nation-state and establish a democratic political system. However, over the past two decades, these endeavors failed to foster the formation of a national unity government. Moreover, the initial impetus behind the U.S. intervention, namely ousting and destroying the Taliban, gradually receded in priority. This shift became evident particularly after Trump assumed office, as the policy of withdrawal from Afghanistan and negotiations with the Taliban gained momentum. Upon Biden’s inauguration, the policy of withdrawal from Afghanistan accelerated, despite both the Pentagon and the Afghan government stressing the necessity of continued American support for Kabul. This approach provided the Taliban with a good opportunity to swiftly seize control of various districts across Afghanistan, culminating in their complete domination and the resurgence of the Islamic Emirate. Accordingly, various analyses emerged to explain the re-domination of the Taliban in Afghanistan. While the re-domination is undoubtedly influenced by a combination of external and internal factors, the pivotal role of external factors has been emphasized, overshadowing the examination of internal factors. Although America’s withdrawal from Afghanistan seems to have catalyzed and expedited this process, the primary causes of the Taliban resurgence in Afghanistan lie within internal dynamics. In this respect, the present study aimed to investigate the internal factors contributing to the resurgence and re-domination of the Taliban in Afghanistan. The main research question is: What are the reasons behind the Taliban resurgence in Afghanistan through the lens of Dekmejian’s theory of periodic movements?A great number of researches have delved into the Taliban government and its trajectory in Afghanistan (e.g., Hossein-Khani, 2019; Shafie, 2018; Shafie & Eiduzayi, 2012). More specifically, the Taliban resurgence in 2021 has been the subject of analysis in several studies (e.g., Arian, 2022; Bagheri-Dolatabadi, 2022; Dehzad, 2022; Moghaddas, 2022). These studies explained the various internal and external factors behind the emergence and development of the Taliban, as well as their subsequent reassertion of control over the Afghan state. However, there is no comprehensive and systematic study grounded in a theoretical framework.Relying on Dekmejian’s theory of periodic movements, the present study aimed to analyze the resurgence of the Taliban in Afghanistan as a fundamentalist response. Dekmejian posits that the nature, scope, and intensity of fundamentalist responses are contingent upon the six attributes of the crisis environment, including identity crisis, legitimacy crisis, misrule/coercion, class conflict, military impotence, and culture crisis (Dekmejian, 1995, p. 6).

As a descriptive–explanatory inquiry, the present research relied on a library–documentary method to examine the Afghan crisis environment and the reasons contributing to the re-domination of the Taliban.

Since gaining independence, Afghanistan has experienced a tumultuous political and social history. Key milestones before 2001 include its separation from Iran, the Soviet invasion leading to the establishment of a communist government, the subsequent Soviet withdrawal and rise of the Mujahideen government, and finally, the collapse of the Mujahideen regime and the emergence of the Taliban government. Furthermore, Afghanistan’s societal landscape is characterized by its diversity and ethnic mosaic, where religion holds considerable sway. Following the 2001 fall of the Taliban, the ensuing two decades heralded a move towards the establishment of the Afghan nation–state. However, numerous challenges led to crisis milieu in Afghanistan, including fragmented identities, a lack of integrative national identity, weakness of the central government, challenges in the democratic process (esp., in elections), failure to establish a national unity government, systemic corruption, inefficiency, repression and violence by security and military forces, deepening class divisions due to ethnic and religious reasons, military dependency, failure to establish a national army, hastened modernization, and disregard for ethnic and religious values and norms by the central government. Meanwhile, the Taliban capitalized on the weakness of the central government—particularly in providing security and facilities to marginalized and remote areas, notably those inhabited by Pashtuns—thus garnering significant support from specific segments of the populace. In line with Dekmejian’s theory of periodic movements and the attributes of crisis environment (see above), the Afghan crisis environment paved the way for the resurgence of the Taliban as a fundamentalist response to the prevailing crisis conditions. Notably, the Taliban adeptly used the fusion of ethnic and religious identities, maximizing Afghanistan’s social capacities to advance their goals as an Islamic ideological movement.

While various external and internal factors contributed to the resurgence of the Taliban in Afghanistan, it appears that the primary impetus lies within internal contexts and factors. The hasty withdrawal of American forces, though a significant external variable, merely accelerated the process rather than being the root cause, catalyzing the Taliban resurgence as a fundamentalist response to successive social crises. Although the Taliban’s performance following the establishment of the Islamic Emirate serves as a pivotal yardstick for evaluating developments in Afghanistan in 2021, it is essential to recognize that examining the foundations and contexts underpinning Islamic movements within the political, social, cultural, and economic milieu of a given society offers a more realistic criterion for the analysis of stances and decisions concerning Afghanistan’s future.

The collapse of the Soviet Union and the independence of its republics had significant effects on the policies of the neighboring countries in various political, cultural, economic and social fields, so that each of the neighbors tried to establish deep relations with these countries based on their interests. In this regard, the Republic of Azerbaijan, as one of the newly independent countries, due to its geopolitical, geoeconomic and geocultural position, was able to attract the attention of countries such as Iran and Turkey in order to strengthen their relations with the government and people of Azerbaijan. Due to the establishment of secular governments in the Republic of Azerbaijan, Islamic movements have not yet been able to provide a suitable model for adapting their Islamic and national values. Therefore, the Republic of Azerbaijan is witnessing the confrontation of different discourses to model political relations. This research seeks to answer the main question, what is the contrast between the discourse of Shia political Islam, especially the discourse influenced by the Islamic Revolution of Iran, and the discourse of Turkish neo-Ottomanism in the Republic of Azerbaijan? The current research is based on the theoretical framework of the discourse and the application of the descriptive-analytical qualitative method. Considering that Shiite political Islam and Ottomanism each have elements and components of the same discourse, they can be analyzed in the form of discourse analysis. Discourse analysis can be considered as the discovery of apparent and hidden meanings in discourse streams that appear in different linguistic and meta-linguistic forms. The findings show that the discourse of Shia political Islam is an authentic discourse in the Republic of Azerbaijan and the discourse of Ottomanism is considered as a rival discourse. Thus, as we have stated, each discourse has a central sign and floating signs that make it cohesive. The central sign of Shia political Islam discourse is velayat al-faqih. Also, the floating signifiers of this discourse can be considered as republic and government, rule of law, justice, independence, freedom, anti-tyranny. On the other hand, the central signifier of the discourse of Ottomanism can be considered as liberal political Islam. This type of Islamism entered Turkey's political arena with the victory of the Justice and Development Party in the parliamentary elections of 2002. Liberal political Islam believes that the majority of Islamic rulings are in the field of individual rulings and issues, and Islam does not have a plan for political and social management, and only a small part of it is in the field of government. Liberal political Islam believes in the secularity of the Turkish government, but opposes the removal of religious symbols from public places, such as banning women's hijab in public places. They are not trying to establish an Islamic government. In fact, they have a kind of conservative Islam. Also, nationalism, secular government, democracy and balanced relationship with East and West are the floating signifiers of the discourse of neo-Ottomanism. Considering that the political system of the Republic of Azerbaijan is secular on the one hand, and on the other hand, it is considered the second Shia country in the world, the Islamic Republic tried to support the Shia people of Azerbaijan and finally strengthen its relations with the Republic of Azerbaijan. In this regard, it also took extensive measures, but the government of Azerbaijan, by changing its foreign policy approach, turned towards the Zionist regime, the West, and Turkey, and also narrowed the space for Shiite Islamists and tried to suppress them. For example, the Islamic Party in the Republic of Azerbaijan, despite the cancellation of its activity license by the government and the arrest of its leaders, has always shown that it has a high level of mobilization ability and enjoys relatively wide support. Therefore, it is considered a significant threat to the government and as a result, it plays an important role in the political life of this country. At the same time, Turkey is promoting and promoting its liberal political Islam model in Azerbaijan with the tendencies of neo-Ottomanism. The influence of the secular reading of Islamism and the religious tolerance of Ottomanism is growing among the young generation and Muslim intellectuals. Despite the restrictions placed on the Shiite parties, the government of Azerbaijan has not imposed any ban on the activities of secular Islamism in Turkey and on the contrary has officially supported them. In fact, this movement has kept itself away from any political confrontation and has pretended that it is not seeking to overthrow the political structure of Azerbaijan. In general, it can be said that there is a kind of indirect confrontation between these two political-Shia-Islam discourses based on velayat-faqih and the liberal political Islam of Ottomanism in the Republic of Azerbaijan.

The study and analysis of the Arbaeen Walk, which has gained special prosperity in recent years, has been noticed by researchers. In this research, the question has been investigated whether the Arbaeen Walk has the capacity and ability to become a new global social movement. The purpose of this research is to identify the intellectual and spiritual capacity of the Arbaeen walk as an Islamic and Shiite phenomenon in order to introduce Islam and Shia in the current world.The importance of the issue is in identifying the spiritual capacity of this event as an Islamic and Shiite phenomenon and thus helping to introduce Islam and Shia in the current world. This research is a type of qualitative research that was conducted with the document analysis method. To collect data, documents, books, articles, magazines, publications, internet data, news reports, travelogues, virtual tweets, and all works related to Arbaeen and modern social movements, as well as non-written documents such as films, audios, have been used. The theories of New Social Movements have been used in this research. The results and findings of this research show that according to the elements and components of modern social movements expressed by thinkers such as "Alain Touraine", "Ronald Inglehart" and "Alberto Melucci", Arbaeen discourse has the ability to become a global new social movement. Some of movement maker elements and characteristics of the Arbaeen Walk are: identification, spiritualism, efforts to converge and create global solidarity and co-reliance.

This study was conducted with the aim of "identifying and analyzing the research activities of faculty members in the field of political science of public universities in Tehran within the framework of the regulations for promoting the rank of faculty members. 

The current research is a type of analytical evaluative research, which was carried out using the library study method. The population of this research includes all the members of the political science faculty of the government universities located in Tehran, whose number was 174 at the time of the research. To select the sample, the stratified sampling method is used according to the volume. Among the statistical population, 119 people were estimated as a statistical sample using Cochran's sampling formula. The data collection of this research is related to the time efficiency of 2015 from the time of the implementation of the latest scientific promotion regulations until the end of 2019. The data has been analyzed using SPSS version 26 and Excel software. 

The results of research activities based on the promotion regulations showed that the number of research articles in the study period with a maximum of 43 articles, with the number of 43 articles indexed in the ISC database, 8 articles indexed in Scopus 2 articles are indexed in Web of Sciences and 2 articles are indexed in JCR. During the study period, a maximum of 7 articles were analyzed, with 7 of them being related to promotional articles and 2 related to promotional articles. The study period yielded a total of 19 complete articles from valid scientific conferences. Out of these, 12 articles were related to domestic conferences, while 17 articles were related to international conferences. Carrying out research projects in the study period with a maximum of 4 research projects, of which the number of projects inside and outside the institution is 3 and 4, respectively. The publication of books in the studied period is with a maximum of 37 book volumes, of which the authorship and composition of the book is the most with the number of 12, followed by the translation of the book with a numerical number of 8 and the title of book correction with a numerical value.contract Guidance for theses and doctoral dissertations with a maximum of 41 items, which are 32 and 15 respectively for the master's thesis and doctoral dissertation. The maximum presentation of theorizing chairs of the course under study is with a numerical value of 2, which is scientific-promotional chairs of criticism and scientific innovation in the scientific field, theorizing in the scientific field with a numerical value of 2 and presenting the results of the chairs in conferences with a numerical value of 0. Also, the ratio of books to articles in the study period is one fifth. The frequency of article publication, based on the academic rank of professors, associate professors, and assistant professors in the course under review, is 43, 33, and 17, respectively. In the field of specialization, almost the most areas of lack of expertise and international relations among faculty members in the field of political science are related to these two fields. The meaning of the field lacks research expertise, lack of order, intellectual coherence and a research procedure and focus, and a special and central specialized field with a numerical value of 24, which means that (20.16%) faculty members are in no specialized research field. They do not have them and also the field of international relations with a numerical value of 24 (20.16%) followed by political thought in Islam and Iran with a numerical value of 6 (5.04%) has the highest specialization field.

The promotion system of faculty members plays a crucial role in organizing their performance and is considered the most objective manifestation of scientific board. The literature suggests that improving the scientific order requires attention to both the quantity and quality of joint efforts. The study's results indicate that the promotion system includes multiple elements, but the imbalance in evaluating activities and the excessive weight given to research papers without any limit undermines its effectiveness.

The role of party leaders in socio-political dynamics is one of the most important issues for researchers in political and social sciences. The historical course of developments in Iran shows that the role of elites in Iranian political culture has often been accompanied by a tendency to be personality-oriented and excessive attention to the individual abilities and capabilities of political figures, as well as disregard for the rules and structural requirements governing party activities. Among these, the similarities and differences around the concept of Axial personality in Iranian political parties in the two periods before and after the Islamic Revolution are important. This article, while examining the causes and factors affecting the prevalence of Tendency to personality phenomenon in Iranian parties, tries to answer the question: what are the components of Tendency to personality in Iranian political parties before and after the Islamic Revolution? The present study has investigated the role of influential factors such as the structure of the political system, party structure, party ideology, mass media and the pattern of relations with foreigners in the pre-revolutionary and post-revolutionary periods with a comparative qualitative analysis method. The findings show that the components related to each of these factors are different in the political parties of these two periods and Tendency to personality in them has substantial differences.

World politics has entered a new phase of its life after the collapse of the bipolar system. Due to the complexity and increasing uncertainties of the international environment, the failure of unilateralism and the relative decline of hegemony, diversity in formal and informal actors, theoretical, conceptual and semantic differences in international relations and the emergence of emerging powers have added to the chaos of this environment. Contemplation of what the future of international order will look like after the transition period and what place countries and emerging powers will have in it is one of the most important theoretical issues and debates among scholars and politicians. All countries want to achieve a more desirable position and a greater share to play a role in the future of the international system. The present study seeks to answer the question that based on the perspectives and narratives about the future of world order and based on the convergence and divergence between the emerging and traditional powers of the international system, which disciplines will be more desirable in the future of the international system, and what are the preferred scenarios for the future of the international order?The research has a futures research approach using the analysis of the structure and strategy of the actors and the data analysis has been done through the Maker software. The statistical population of the study includes 25 university experts who have been selected by purposive non-random sampling.The research findings indicate that although the future of international order is ambiguous due to the complexity and fluidity of the environment and numerous uncertainties, based on the activism of emerging powers in interacting and competing with traditional powers, the tendency of the actors indicates the emergence of a multipolar, multicenter system and world regions more than other perspectives.

Social dissatisfaction in Iran, particularly over the past decade, has been widespread and profound, as confirmed by national surveys. A review of the last four decades reveals the emergence of social discontent and political unrest in various manifestations and at different times. In certain instances, such as in 2009, the protests have posed a threat to the survival and stability of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Indeed, an analysis of the frequency and duration of social protests demonstrates the growth and prevalence of social dissatisfaction within Iranian society.Social dissatisfaction can manifest itself through apathy and non-participation, as seen in the decline in political participation during the Islamic Council and presidential elections in in the recent decade, particularly in 2019 and 2021. A review of relevant research shows a lack of deep insight and comprehensive understanding of social dissatisfaction as a multi-faceted issue in Iran, which can be a major obstacle to insightful policymaking for successful and cost-effective management of social dissatisfaction.The present research aimed to analyze and elucidate the underlying factors that contribute to social dissatisfaction, and subsequently develop strategies for effectively managing and mitigating the issue within Iranian society. The objective can ultimately enhance the efficiency of the decision-making process and policymaking in order to effectively address social dissatisfaction and protests. Accordingly, the main research questions are: What are the causal factors underlying social dissatisfaction in the Islamic Republic of Iran? and what are the potential solutions to solve the issue?

The present research employed a mixed methods research design. The documentary analysis method was utilized to examine and analyze various perspectives and approaches, as well as to investigate the evolution of the phenomenon of social dissatisfaction in Iranian society. Moreover, the method of causal layered analysis (CLA) was used to analyze and explain the underlying causes that contribute to social dissatisfaction in Iran.This method incorporates the examination of four distinct layers: the litany, social/systemic causes, discourse/worldview, and myth/metaphor. The litany layer represents the surface level, encompassing the most evident and objective aspects of the future. The social/systemic layer involves exploring the technological, social, economic, historical, political, and environmental causes associated with the subject matter. The discourse layer encompasses efforts to comprehend linguistic, cultural, and social structures that shape and pertain to the future. Lastly, the myth/metaphor layer delves into the investigation and exploration of schemas, mental images, and underlying narratives.The researchers collected the data by administering an open semi-structured questionnaire to a total of 10 experts. The collected data was subjected to review by 5 additional experts, who were asked to confirm the identified causes and related factors with the ultimate aim of ensuring the validity and reliability of the data. Based on the degree of consensus and frequency, the identified causes were categorized into three levels: systemic, discursive, and metaphorical. Furthermore, the researchers developed scenarios of social dissatisfaction by sharing the collected data with 5 experts, who were requested to envision future dissatisfaction scenarios in the 2031 horizon across three categories: desirable, possible, and probable.

After conducting a review of relevant literature and collecting insights from 10 experts, the present study examined and analyzed the causes and factors contributing to social dissatisfaction the Islamic Republic in three layers: systemic, discursive, and metaphorical. At the systemic level, various factors were identified and discussed, including the prevalence of poverty, increasing discrimination, widening class gap and increasing Gini coefficient, evolving societal lifestyles, widespread feelings of deprivation, unjust distribution of national resources, and unsustainable development, etc.In the discursive layer, various causes and factors were identified and analyzed, including the historical mistrust towards the political sphere, the duality of the Islamic Revolution and the Islamic Republic of Iran, the Shia culture and thought, the modern thought and worldview, the discourse of transformation, the discourse of Western development, and the alienation of political governance, etc. Moving to the metaphorical/mythical layer, factors such as the portrayal of the government as a bandit in Iranian culture, the usurpation of power by the state, the metaphor of the Alavi government, and historical transformation-seeking were recognized and discussed as influential elements in the development of social dissatisfaction.Moreover, in accordance with expert opinions, three scenarios (desirable, possible, and probable) were formulated and constructed regarding the future of social dissatisfaction in Iran. In the desirable scenario, effective reformist measures and the realization of the right to protest would lead to a reduction in social dissatisfaction, putting protests within a legally recognized framework. In the possible scenario, considering the continuation and exacerbation of underlying causes of dissatisfaction, we would witness the accumulation of social dissatisfaction and the emergence of intermittent episodes of violent social protests. Finally, according to the probable scenario, civil disobedience would arise as a result of the prevailing security-focused approach and the rising costs of engaging in protests.

Social dissatisfaction remains a significant issue in Iran, posing considerable challenges to political stability and national security. Effective policymaking and management concerning social dissatisfaction initially requires a comprehensive and accurate understanding of this complex issue. In this line, the present study used the CLA method as an effective approach to examine different causal layers and drivers and their impact on social dissatisfaction. The results indicated that the Islamic Republic of Iran aims to move towards its desired scenario, which involves reducing dissatisfaction and implementing a persuasive and systematic approach to managing social protests. However, given the current circumstances, attaining this scenario proves to be challenging. Instead, the possible scenario entails the continued accumulation of dissatisfaction and ongoing social protests, which will pose a significant challenge to the political stability of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Protests will be characterized by increased violence, potentially leading the political system to adopt a hard approach in suppressing and managing social unrest. This, in turn, may exacerbate radicalism and further fuel social dissatisfaction. The probable scenario, characterized by intermittent and costly protests as well as civil disobedience, presents an alternative outlook for the future of social dissatisfaction. In this scenario, social dissatisfaction manifests itself through intermittent protests that occur at various intervals and in response to specific events. As social dissatisfaction continues to evolve and persist, some citizens may resort to civil disobedience and divergence from official values and norms.

Partisanship in Iran is the phenomenon that not only has been unable to provide the desired functions and goals, but also its formation, continuation of the life of parties, functions of membership and determination of their policies, It has always been associated with disadvantages. This research aims to provide a brief overview of the history of Abadgarane irane eslami, investigate its discourse elements in different periods of time, present their articulations and compare them to each other. Therefore, the method used in this research is analytical-documentary, and the author is committed to collecting and analyzing data by using descriptive-analytical approach and using the fishing tool. In answer to main question, in the beginning of the formation and entry into the political arena, the population of Abadgarans was able to achieve significant results in the elections of the city and village councils and also in the elections of the 7th Assembly of the Islamic Council. In the following, this trend entered the arena of competition in the 9th presidential election with the slogan " Seeking justice" and was able to take over the position of the head of the executive branch. After this remarkable success, the population of Abadgaran suffered internal divisions and weakened. Its members dropped out and continued its life under the name of "Jamiyate abadgarane irane eslami", and finally, in the election, 1400 of Abadgaran entered the election campaign by being members of the Unity Council and choosing the discourse of "Economy, Security, Culture".

The event of Ashura, following the last Prophet (peace and blessings of Allah be upon him), marked a significant turning point in history towards the ultimate perfection of the monotheistic rule on earth, which we refer to as the new Islamic civilization. In this regard, it had effects and achievements that, at some point in time, become evident according to the available capacities. The Arba'eenpilgrimage, as one of these events, has garnered the interest of a significant number of Shiites and followers of Hazrat Aba Abdullah al-Hussein (peace be upon him) in recent years. In this article, we attempt to examine the concept of Wilayatin the political thought of Imam Khamenei (Madzalah al a'la) and explore the goals and process of the Islamic Revolution. We also analyze components such as strengthening the emotional connection with the guardian and promoting the culture of self-sacrifice, brotherhood, hospitality, and dominance. On the ethnic and linguistic prejudices among believers and their manifestations of denying the guardianship of infidels, such as anti-tyranny, recognizing the enemy, and preparing for jihad and defense, in order to establish a foundation for the manifestation of guardianship, the question arises: "What is the role of the guardians in the Arba'een pilgrimage in the realization of the new Islamic civilization?" To conduct this research, the qualitative method of document analysis was employed. The data collection tool was utilized to gather the necessary data. Based on the studies, it can be said that the Arba'een pilgrimage is a manifestation of the three levels of Wilayat (gaurdianship) from the perspective of Imam Khamenei (Madzalah al a'la). The Arba'een pilgrimage also plays an important role in creating a strong emotional connection with the guardian. It fosters solidarity and unity among believers while challenging the rule of the infidels. Furthermore, it can contribute to the realization of a new Islamic civilization.

The Islamic revolution was able to achieve victory with the ideals of justice, republicanism, legalism, honor, independence, freedom, Islamism, and the like, and the establishment of ideology, constitution, and system building also emerged on this basis. The challenge of many political systems in realizing the goals of their ideology and belief system is the stagnation and freezing that has occurred following social changes and generational changes in the society and reduces its social control and persuasive power, which can lead to to conflict between the state and the nation. Something that can happen or exist for the Islamic Republic of Iran as well. In this regard, the leader of the Islamic Revolution has linked ideology and ideals by proposing the two concepts of " Explanation Jihad" and "Demanding" and tries to preserve and perpetuate what the ideology of the Islamic Revolution is based on. The question of the present research is: "What is the relationship between the two concepts of demanding and explanation jihad in Ayatollah Khamenei's system of thought?" The method of collecting information is documentary, and data analysis is also based on the documentary analysis method and using the opinions of thinkers such as Mannheim in analyzing the relationship between ideology and utopia, Inglehart and Roche in generational and social change, and other theorists to explain the relationship between the concept of demanding and explanation jihad the truth in Ayatollah Khamenei's thought. The researchers of the article came to the conclusion that in the thought of Ayatollah Khamenei, explanation jihad means understanding the ideology of the Islamic Revolution in the society, and demanding means seeking idealism and constant dynamics in the ideology of the Islamic Revolution.

This article is carried out with the aim of "pathology of the research activities of political science faculty members of Tehran state universities in the framework of the higher education system". Data collection was done by reviewing the theoretical foundations and regulations related to the promotion bylaws, then with semi-structured interviews and questionnaires. The field data of the research was collected after semi-structured interviews with 43 faculty members of the political science field in the qualitative section with The method of open coding and the use of content analysis and Maxquda software were analyzed. After examining the qualitative data, extracting the initial codes, reviewing, examining and classifying them in several stages, four main categories and nine subcategories were finally obtained. After analyzing and reducing the meaningful units of 64 initial codes to 363, the frequency of themes in the pathology department of the research activities of the faculty members in the field of statistics and finally the pathology pattern was extracted. The findings of the research in the qualitative part about pathology indicate the effective role of the individual factor "scientific ability", research factors "targetedness and central problem = practicality", "specialism and mental creativity" and "quality". and the validity of journals" as well as damages related to scientific communication. Also, research challenges and obstacles were counted as "individual, organizational, economic and political". In the quantitative part, using a researcher-made questionnaire resulting from semi-structured interviews, the content validity of which was confirmed and collected by 8 political science professors

What and how the relationship between science and religion is one of the most important challenges in the field of science and knowledge in the Islamic world and especially in our country. According to the famous classification that is agreed upon by many thinkers in this field, this relationship can be divided into four categories: conflict, differentiation, interaction and unity. This research seeks to answer the question by using the library study method and by adopting a descriptive-analytical approach, what are the criticisms of some Muslim thinkers under the four relations between science and religion? Based on this, under the relationship of the conflict between Ahmad Kasravi and Mehdi Bazargan, under the relationship between the differences between the views of Abdul Karim Soroush and Mustafa Melikan, under the title of the interaction between the opinions of Hossein Al-Attas and Ali Paya, and finally under the relationship of the unity of Hossein Nasr's opinions, a brief review is carried out. has taken. The results obtained from this research indicate that under the relations of conflict, differentiation, interaction and unity, the views of some critics can be seriously criticized, and as a result, there is a logical and maximum connection between science and religion and the production of religious science. Only possible is desirable.

Yemen is the most impoverished Arab country in the Middle East, which has been embroiled in civil war, foreign aggression, and economic sanctions, despite the expectations of its people to achieve better conditions in the 2011 social movement. One of the reasons for the importance of the issue of Yemen is its strategic position in the region, as well as the political and ideological discrepancies that have arisen over it among some of the governments in the region. The purpose of this article is to study the causes of the continuation of this crisis for 10 years which made it a daily occurrence. The authors seek to answer this question: what factors have led to the continuation of the crisis in Yemen between 2011 and 2021? The article hypothesis refers to two factors of structure and agent based on the Structuration Theory of Anthony Giddens and examines the interaction between the two in the form of structuration in Yemen. For this purpose, the library method has been used to collect data and the analytical-explanatory method has been used to write the article. The research findings show that the interaction of two categories of structural factors (Yemeni internal structures, regional and international and geopolitical power balance) and agents (Yemeni bankrupt government, regional actors, non-governmental actors, and the United Nations) has caused this crisis to be continued; Thus, the multiplicity of variables and the complexity of the internal situation in Yemen and the Middle East environment prevent to imagine a bright future for an early end to the crisis.

After the Islamic Revolution, one of the most stable models of regional order in the Middle East, has been the competition between the Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia. However, one cannot speak of fully establishing this pattern of bipolar order in the Middle East. And the Middle East regional order may change dramatically over the next ten years. The present study seeks to answer the main question of what the future scenarios of regional order in the Middle East will be like by 2030,and what is the favorable scenario for the Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia under these patterns of regional order?In order to provide answers to the questions with a futuristic approach, the method of identifying and analyzing the impulses affecting the formation of regional order and identifying weak surprises and weak markers was used through interviewing experts using Mick Mac software. The research findings consistent with the effect of key drivers and analysis of power blockades in this region indicate that a wide range of scenarios can be proposed regarding the Middle East regional order,but the most desirable order for Iran is the hegemony of the revolutionary order and the most probable scenario for the Islamic Republic is the continuation of the balance of power scenario in this region. In contrast, the most favorable scenario for the pro-Western order is the hegemony of the Western-Salafi order and the most probable scenario for the pro-Western order is the continuation of the balance of power scenario.

Bahrain is a country in the south of Iran and the Persian Gulf and has an important role in regional equations. After independence from Iran in 1971, this country has always sought to improve its security and independence by resorting to regional and supra-regional powers. On the other hand, Israel seeks to achieve it by making agreements in the Persian Gulf Important and influential political achievements for the United States and especially for its powerful ally, the United States, and for him and the United States, this is a desirable goal. The present study, with a descriptive-analytical method and the use of documentary sources, seeks to answer the question: What are the consequences of the normalization of Israel-Bahrain relations on the Islamic Republic of Iran? is. The findings of the study indicate that Bahrain has expanded relations with Israel in order to gain US strategic support and to enhance its regional position and to counter the threats that lie ahead, and for Israel to improve its position. Regionally, coming out of diplomatic isolation and forming a front against the Islamic Republic of Iran has expanded relations with the countries of the Persian Gulf. Therefore, it is necessary to carefully analyze the intentions of Israel in normalizing relations with Bahrain to take the necessary measures and strategies in order to neutralize and even confront the hostile goals of the Zionists towards the Islamic Republic of Iran.

After World War II, the United States had many plans to be present in the strategic region of West Asia, but with the victory of the Islamic Revolution, not only Iran left the main circle of US allies in the region, but also the formation of Islamic movements and the formation of the Resistance Front. It was provided that one of the important components of this front was the confrontation with arrogant policies. With the martyrdom of the commander of the Quds Force by the United States, the policy of severe revenge was announced by the Supreme Leader and followed by the Iranian-led Resistance Front. Due to the strategic importance of this policy, in this article, we have tried to extract the different layers of this policy by using the method of qualitative content analysis and by examining the statements of the Supreme Leader of the Islamic Revolution, and finally the strategies for its realization are counted. According to the results, the life and martyrdom of Sardar Soleimani have effects and results. In addition to the general aspect of Sardar Soleimani's revenge, the policy of hard revenge has four layers and the issue of software overcoming arrogance and expelling the United States from the region as the main The best layer of this policy depends on the realization of cooperation in the Islamic world and the achievement of the six strategies extracted.

This article intends to examine the positions and process of resource mobilization of the National Council of Iran and the Rah-e Kargar Organization, which are respectively the most important monarchist and left-wing Marxist groups opposed to the Islamic Republic. The theoretical framework of the present article is based on Charles Tilly's theory of political mobilization, in which, based on the variables of collective action, organization, interests, resource mobilization, opportunity / threat and repression / facilitation, the resource mobilization process of these two groups is comparatively examined And will present their similarities. Also, the positions of these two groups towards the Islamic Republic will be considered in a comparative study. This study seeks to answer the main question of what is the process of positions and mobilization of resources of the Labor Organization and the National Council of Iran towards the system of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The findings of this study, using a qualitative method of documentary analysis, indicate that the positions and process of political mobilization of the two groups have major differences in such a way that the possibility of any alliance and close cooperation is ruled out due to fundamental differences between them; However, both of them equally want to overthrow the Islamic Republic and replace it with their own political system.

Looking at the process of change and the history of political movements in the previous centuries, especially the Constitutional Revolution, which were intended to change and transform the structure of the systems governing human societies, we understand correctly. Let us find that all cultural and revolutionary actions, actions and currents have always been mobilized and organized from special origins that had a religious and political color and smell. Therefore, the present study examines the political role of religious organizations as an old organization in the process of forming movements and charting revolutionary and cultural uprisings in the fight against oppression in the Shiite constitutional movement. Therefore, this article seeks to answer the question "What is the political role of religious bodies in the process of formation of the constitutional movement?" In this regard, the method used in this research is descriptive-analytical and has been used to collect data from existing books and articles. The findings of the study show that religious delegations, as one of the organizing networks along with other organizations, have played a key role in the formation of the constitutional movement. In this regard, we can mention the political functions of the role of the media, the center of holding political gatherings, oral culture and critique of the ruling power of the political functions of the religious bodies of the constitutional period.

After the Islamic Revolution, Iran-Saudi Arabia relations have changed from strategic allies to strategic rivals. Political scientists have often considered the difficult aspects of this competition. But after presenting the concept of soft power in academic forums, it is essential that analysts seek to identify Saudi soft power threats against Iran. Therefore, the purpose of this article is to analyze the consequences of Saudi soft power for Iran.

This study negatively analyzes the threats of Saudi soft power and positively prepares the ground for the implementation of the strategy against the consequences. So the question is, what are the consequences of Saudi Arabia's soft power for the Islamic Republic of Iran?

Using a qualitative method and in the form of a documentary analysis method, the authors hypothesize that the sources of Saudi soft power in the three economic, political and cultural spheres are far from the criteria of soft power and are more rigid.

 Economic resources of Saudi soft power (oil as a tool and source) (1) Use of oil tools to create internal pressure and reduce external influence of the Islamic Republic of Iran (2) Provide the necessary resources to strengthen the Salafi and Takfiri current in the region In the political sphere, the sources of Al Saud's soft power (assuming the role of Umm al-Qura for itself and maintaining the monarchy), (1) seeks to weaken Iran's allies in the region, and (2) divides Shiites and Sunnis within the country. In the area of ​​Saudi cultural resources (Wahhabism and cultural diplomacy) (1) it causes media attacks against Iran in the region and (2) promotes Wahhabism.

The research conducted on the subject of soft power of Saudi Arabia was not mainly related to the Islamic Republic of Iran and did not include the component of economic resources. Therefore, a theoretical assessment of the consequences of Saudi soft power against Iran in this study indicates That they are hard in nature rather than soft in nature. Therefore, they do not have the necessary efficiency.

The Arbaeen Hosseini Walk can be considered as the largest human gathering in the history of humanity, so it is very important to study its various dimensions. Arbaeen Hosseini, as the most important meeting place for Shiites and even other Muslims in the world, has significant dimensions and capacities, each of which needs to be carefully studied. Given that the issue of anti-arrogance is one of the most important components of Shiite political culture and consequently the Islamic Revolution, this article seeks to answer the question of what are the dimensions and capacities of anti-arrogance of Arbaeen Hosseini's walk? (Problem) According to the subject under study, the method used in this study will be of qualitative and documentary type. Method). Based on the obtained findings, it can be said that the Arbaeen March has serious capacities to promote and promote the dimensions of arrogance among the freedom seekers of the world and can pave the way for the spread of Islamic awakening among the nations of the region. Dimensions and components that are: the system of divine guardianship, knowledge and insight, being popular, continuity, dignity, courage, endurance, unity and defense of the oppressed (findings).