فهرست مطالب سیدمهدی موسوی شهیدی

Taiwan is one of the countries whose political and legal independence is not recognized by the United Nations, and the main reason is China's opposition to this country as an independent political entity in the international arena and institutions such as the United Nations. China considers Taiwan an island owned by a rebellious government within the last seven decades and, like Hong Kong and Macau, it must return to the territory of the great Chinese nation and people, but the United States rejects this view and it has always supported Taiwan and has paved the way for the formation of a geopolitical challenge between the two countries and even the countries of the Pacific region. The purpose of this study is to examine the economic success of Taiwan as the fifth largest economy in Asia and its geopolitical challenge with China and US intervention through cooperation with Taiwan in military, political and economic dimensions in order to achieve its national interests in these dimensions, to use it as a tool against China, to contain and engage China, and to slow down economic and military development, as well as to enable its presence in the Pacific.  A descriptive –analytic research method was used. The data were collected through library research including national and international resources. The findings of this study show that China will not relinquish its rights over Taiwan under any circumstances and will enhance pressure on Taiwan by increasing its military, economic, technological and political power in the national and international arenas to fulfill its aim which is adding Tiwan to China even if through war with  with Taiwan and the United States, By mastering the Pacific logic, the United States will use all its efforts and capacity to prevent Taiwan's accession to China, both domestically and internationally, to control and monitor China. The United States, on the other hand, is committed to defending Taiwan and is willing to pay any price, even a war with China.

The Zionist regime has attempted to break out the geopolitical isolation with the doctrine of peripheral unity and to establish relations with other countries Since the 1960s. Areas such as the Mediterranean, North Africa, the Caucasus, and Central Asia were given priority by Israel. In the present study, the descriptive-analytical method was adopted to examine the periphery doctrine of Israel in the Caucasus and Central Asia as two important geopolitical areas in northern Iran. Our study indicates that the Zionist doctrine, despite a good start, failed to establish sustainable regional partnerships with five countries (i.e., Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Armenia, Uzbekistan, and Turkmenistan). In contrast, the Israel periphery doctrine in Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan has been somewhat successful than these five countries. In this regard, the main Israel stimuli for relations with Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan is including the supply of energy resources (40% of Azerbaijan and 25-25% of Kazakhstan), the existence of two countries with a Muslim majority population, a secular structure and the use of this as a leverage, the sale of weapons, as well as the co-border of these countries with Iran, and the using military and cyber capacity for eavesdropping. It is also worth mentioning that Israel remains a minor commercial partner for Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan, despite the uproar created by commentators. Russia, Turkey and Iran are the biggest trading partners of Kazakhstan and Azerbaijan (Iran's commercial ties with Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan in 2020 were about ten and three times more, respectively, than the Israel’s). A more precise analysis of arms sales also shows that Israel is not a major supplier of arms to either Azerbaijan or Kazakhstan, and Russia plays a key role in this context.

The current research seeks to investigate the unstable geopolitics around Iran affecting the national economy. Factors such as the geopolitical situation, being located at a crossroads, surrounded by arid semi-desert territories, the security concerns of neighboring countries, and the various internal conflicts during successive centuries, have put the country instability of national security and deprived the country's economic development that requires stability and sustainability and security-oriented thinking in governance has been one of the constant concerns of Iran's rulers from the distant past to the last two centuries. The research method is descriptive-analytical and collecting required data for writing and analysis is based on library research utilizing valid domestic and international references and texts. Findings reveal that the Iranian economy for centuries, especially during the three periods of Qajar, Pahlavi, and the Islamic Republic, has been involved in a fundamental and ongoing problem called unstable geopolitics in and out of its territory and the government has not been able to build lasting security in the country. The lack of lasting security and the inability of governments to overcome it has caused great economic and political costs for the country so far. Although Iran has always faced the geopolitical challenge of surrounding insecurity and various internal conflicts, this challenge has barricaded forming desirable conditions for the national economy during the last two centuries when countries were busy building their national economy. It can be said that the main challenge of Iran yesterday and today is the domination of the security discourse over the economic discourse, a vital issue for the country's development process.

The divisions of the country are the container and framework of the structure of the administrative organization of the country at different levels. In Iran, the division of the country's space into smaller units has a long history and since the formation of the first territorial government until today (more than 2500 years), has been used to manage and control the territorial space by governments. In this research, the course and trend of the divisions of Iran in the pre-Islamic historical period (Medes, Achaemenids, Seleucids, Parthians and Sassanids) have been studied analytically. In this regard, the questions examined in this research are: What was the process of country divisions in ancient Iran? What were the most important factors affecting country divisions in ancient Iran?  Examining the divisions of Iran in historical periods on the one hand can be a step towards recognizing the divisions of the country, the criterias affecting the divisions and the limits of authority of the units in the historical periods and on the other hand, can be from the experiences of those periods to improve the system of current divisions the country used. The results of the study show that the most important components affecting the divisions of the country include historical considerations, geographical area, cultural geography (ethnicity and religion), political considerations, security and military considerations, access and communication structure, adherence to aspects for example: Geography, economic considerations, topography and natural geographical features and boundaries of the land. The most important suggestions that can be made for the current system of state divisions are to pay attention to the history of state divisions, decentralization and delegation of powers, decision-making and implementation of policies to the levels of lower divisions under the supervision of the central government. To the cultural geography in the system of national divisions, attention to qualitative criteria in the system of national divisions, attention to the administrative structure of the city, political centralism - administrative and economic decentralization, the need to pay attention to considerations and potentials in improving the levels of national divisions, especially  attention to territorial unity and security and political considerations in the divisions of the country.The political organization of space shows how human spatial interaction is constructed in order to play political roles in the environment and space. One of the issues of political organization of space is the division of the country. Country divisions include the division of the country into different regions through the establishment of contractual borders. In fact, the division of a country is an act that aims to divide the country into smaller units in order to govern it. The model of political management of space and political divisions of territory is always considered as the two main dimensions of administrative-political divisions because administrative-political divisions on the one hand how to plan for land management according to the view of people and government on the political structure and geographical situation, on the other hand, the division of the country includes the division of territory into smaller administrative areas and attention to its special features for better management of the country.

The research method is "applied" in terms of purpose and "analytical-comparative" in nature. In this research, on the one hand, historical, geographical and social sources related to the historical periods of ancient Iran have been studied and on the other hand, the current system of divisions of the country and its most important weaknesses in the sources have been extracted. The method of collecting information is in the form of libraries and taking notes from the studied sources. The method of data analysis is also performed qualitatively. Finally, in accordance with the strengths of the country's divisions in ancient Iran and the weaknesses of the country's divisions in the current era, suggestions have been made to strengthen and improve the current system of divisions. The innovation of this research is in examining the structure and criterias of the ancient divisions of the country and presenting suggestions based on that period for the current system of divisions, which has not been done in any research.

In this study, the process of divisions of  Iran in the pre-Islamic historical period has been studied. The study of the transformation and process of  political organizing space and country divisions in these periods requires a correct understanding of the geographical, political, social and demographic contexts and conditions of the territory of Iran.The criteria for the division of the country in ancient Iran were influenced on the one hand by the geographical situation of the territory of Iran and on the other hand by the king, who was at the head of the administrative and state organization. During this periods, geographical, political, security, military, social and economic factors have been influential in the divisions of the country. But in each period there were factors that had a greater impact on the divisions of that period. A review of the historical periods of ancient Iran shows that the most important components affecting the divisions of the country include historical considerations, geographical area, cultural geography (ethnicity and religion), political considerations, security and military considerations, access and connections structure, adherence to aspects for example: Geography, economic considerations, topography and natural geographical features and borders of the territory.

The most important suggestions that can be made for the current system of divisions based on the system of national divisions in the historical period of ancient Iran are: attention to the history of national divisions, decentralization and delegation of powers, decision-making and implementation of policies to levels Lower national divisions under the supervision of the central government, attention to cultural geography in the system of national divisions, attention to qualitative criteria in the system of national divisions, attention to the administrative structure of the urban, political centralism - administrative and economic decentralization, the need to pay attention to considerations and potentials In raising the levels of national divisions, especially paying attention to territorial unity and security and political considerations in national divisions.

Afghanistan is a country located in the east of Iran and has had ups and downs with Iran throughout its history. An examination of Afghanistan's relations with Iran at a time when the Taliban have taken control of the country has shown strained relations and tensions between the two countries. Given the Taliban's dominance of most of Afghanistan, it is important to identify areas that could lead to conflict in Iran's relations with the country. Therefore, this descriptive-analytical study seeks to identify areas of conflict between Iran and Afghanistan at present using the theory of Jeffrey Camp and Robert Harkawy. The results of the study show that the most important areas of conflict in Iran-Afghanistan relations are currently in four dimensions: demographic trends and illegal migration from Afghanistan to Iran (more than two million illegal immigrants), religious conflicts and Ethnicity between the two countries (conflict between pro-Sunni terrorist groups in Afghanistan and Iranian Shiites), territorial disputes and the resulting disputes (dispute between the two countries over the Helmand River and the two countries' non-compliance with the 1973 agreement on it and differences between the two countries The country is about Islam Qala) and the dependence of Sistan and Baluchestan water on Afghan water (destructive economic, social and environmental consequences such as migration, rising unemployment and environmental degradation in Sistan and Baluchestan province due to water shortages).

After the Persian Gulf, the Caspian Sea is considered the most important geopolitical, geostrategic and geo-economics region of Iran. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, Iran, which had maritime borders with four countries in this sea, has always openly and practically pursued the policy of demilitarizing the Caspian Sea. Despite Iran's efforts, the movement of countries in the Caspian Sea has been towards militarization and equipping more military infrastructures in the Caspian Sea, which can be the basis for Iran's geopolitical challenge in this field in the future. Therefore, this research with a descriptiveanalytical method and using up-to-date foreign sources, while examining the process of militarization of countries in the Caspian Sea, seeks to answer the question what are the most important geopolitical challenges of Iran caused by the growth of militarism in Caspian countries. The results of the research indicate the movement of the countries surrounding the Caspian Sea in order to strengthen their military base in the Caspian Sea after the collapse of the Soviet Union. This militarization, especially on the part of Turkmenistan and Azerbaijan, is considered a geopolitical and geostrategic challenge for Iran, considering their sea and land borders. In addition to the militarization of the Caspian Sea, the military cooperation of Israel and NATO with Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan in the field of buying and selling weapons, Azerbaijan's disputs with Iran over oil fields, Azerbaijan's efforts in line with ethnicism; Israel's use of Iran's borders with Azerbaijan and Turkmenistan for eavesdropping and espionage relations, the possibility of a war among Russia and Turkmenistan and Azerbaijan due to the Trans-Caspian pipeline are other geopolitical challenges for Iran due to the militarization of the Caspian Sea.

The region and its issues are considered as one of the interdisciplinary topics in areas such as geopolitics and geopolitics, international relations, and regional studies, and in analyzes, It works. In political geography, the process of political organization of space is of paramount importance at the regional level. A regional political organization is a human organized environment whose political goals are often to control and monitor resources for regional needs, such as: conflict management, order creation, unity, conflict resolution, Externally, and finally security is created. In the same way, issues such as politics, economics, security, and culture are best seen in the political organization of the regional space. The objective representation of the political organization of space in the region is an organization or a regional union with various goals. Like echo This paper uses the descriptiveanalytical method to express the point that a region is organized as a political entity. The results of this research show that the political organization of a regional space is usually carried out within the framework of one or more organizations or regional unions within its territory and borders. The formation of regional organizations, the Greater Middle East, and so on can be explored in the form of political organization of the regional space.

The purpose of this study is to investigate the geopolitical differences in the Persian Gulf region. Today, the Persian Gulf is known as one of the most important geopolitical areas in the world. The geo-economic importance of the region due to the existence of energy resources, good communication position and geopolitical structure of the region has led to historical and civilizational differences between the countries of the region as well as differences between trans-regional countries in relations with countries. The method of this research is "applied" in terms of purpose and "descriptive-analytical" in terms of nature. Using John Coliner's theory, which focuses on geopolitical differences, this study seeks to answer the question of what factors and components lead to geopolitical differences in the Persian Gulf region? The findings of the study indicate geopolitical differences in the Persian Gulf region in the dimensions of territorial disputes (claims and disputes over borders, land and maritime territories), strategic disputes (disputes between countries over strategic places and points such as Arvand River, Abu Musa and the Strait of Hormuz), economic disputes (disputes over energy resources and common offshore fields), environmental disputes (disputes over the marine environment and water scarcity in the region) and cultural disputes (historical-civilizational disputes and Ethnicity) which has led to competition and geopolitical tensions in the relations of the countries of the region and the involvement of supra-regional powers in the Persian Gulf region. The results of the study indicate the geopolitical differences between the countries of the Persian Gulf region include five dimensions: "territorial, economic, strategic, cultural and environmental". The most important consequences of these differences are "failure to form a comprehensive regional organization", "lack of collective security approach", "First and Second Persian Gulf Wars", "geopolitical rivalries" and "proxy wars" are present.

Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia are undoubtedly two important and determining countries in the Middle East and Persian Gulf region, which typically have vicissitudinous relations. Over time, geopolitical relations of countries have been constantly evolving through several factors such as wars, changes in the regional and the global system, revolutions, and changes in power balances. Over the past four decades (after the Islamic revolution), Iran-Saudi Arabia geopolitical relations have been changed due to a wide range of geopolitical factors which can be found in a variety of internal-external geopolitical factors. This descriptive-analytical paper aims to study the pattern of geopolitical relations between Iran and Saudi Arabia after the Islamic Revolution of Iran. Islamic Revolution in Iran, September 11 attacks, Islamic-awakening, the peaceful end of Iran–Iraq War, energy geopolitics, Shia Crescent, Iran's access to nuclear energy, Regional and international developments such as the coming of Mohamed bin Salman in Saudi Arabia and Donald Tramp in the United States and the key role of transnational powers have been the most factors affecting this geopolitical relations.

Geopolitical relations are the relations between political units based on the context of geographical web sites.This descriptive-analytical study tries to identify the most important settings and contexts of geopolitical relations between political units at the scale of the Persian Gulf regions. Identifying the contexts and fields of relations between the countries located in the Persian Gulf region is of great importance due to the geopolitical and geo-economic position of this region in the structure of world power. In this research, first the theories and approaches of relations have been studied and their common chapter has been extracted in order to identify the areas affecting the relations of countries and then these components have been implemented in relation to the Persian Gulf. The results of the research show that the most important contexts and fields of geopolitical relations between the countries in the Persian Gulf region are in four dimensions: hydro-political, geopolitical, geo-economics and geo-culture. The most important factors influencing the relations between countries include the geopolitical position of the region, territorial claims of the countries in the region to each other, ideological orientation in the region, bipolar geopolitical structure, conflicting security approaches, water shortages and common border rivers, geopolitical codes Conflict, competition for regional hegemony between Iran and Saudi Arabia, disagreement on some common maritime borders, existence of the Strait of Hormuz, unequal geopolitical weight of the countries in the region, failure to form a comprehensive regional organization, religious and ethnic ties have located among the countries of the region.

Geopolitical relations are relationships between states and countries based on geographical contexts. In fact, the difference between geopolitical relations and political relations is the geographical background of geopolitical relations. In geopolitical relations, contexts are relationships based on geographical components and contexts. The purpose of this study is to model the most important geopolitical contexts. The research method in this study is based on theoretical purpose and descriptive-analytical nature. The most important geopolitical contexts were identified based on the study of nineteen theories and approaches presented by theorists and scholars of political geography, geopolitics, political science, international relations, and the environment. Then, the most important contexts and areas of geopolitical relations are presented in five dimensions of "interaction, opposition, competition, influence and domination" and finally a model is proposed for the contexts and fields of geopolitical relations.IntroductionThe results show that the most important geopolitical contexts and fields include geo-cultural contexts (ethnic groups in neighboring countries, religious affiliation with peripheral countries, historical and civilization factor, ideological factor), contexts and fields of Geopolitics (territorial issues, geographic location, regional hegemony, security approach, geopolitical weight, alliances, regional geopolitical structure, geopolitical codes, neighborhoods and the number of neighbors), geo-economic contexts (Underground and fossil resources, international straits),fields and contexts of hydro-politics ( International rivers, common maritime boundaries and environmental factors).One of the most important issues in geopolitics is "geopolitical relations". A geopolitical relation is the study and analysis of the effects of geographical components on the relations between states and international relations. Geopolitical relations are relationships between states and countries based on geographical contexts. In fact, the difference between geopolitical relations and political relations is the geographical background of geopolitical relations. In geopolitical relations, contexts are relationships based on geographical components and contexts.In general, geopolitical relations are those that are established between states and governments and political actors based on a combination of factors of politics, power and geography. Therefore, in order to understand the specific phenomena that occur in geopolitical relations between countries, geographical factors need to be taken into account. Geography plays a pivotal role in geopolitical relations and provides the impetus for shaping the political will of the relationship as well as influencing the level of actor power (Hafez Nia, 2006, 362). On the other hand, dominant ways of behavior between states, because of various types of relationships, vary in the range of patterns including 'interaction', 'domination', 'influence' and 'competition' and 'confrontation'. Today, geopolitics, geopolitical relations and their analysis are mostly done at the transnational scale.Therefore, the study of the pattern of geopolitical relations on three international, regional and global scales can be discussed. But what matters most is the context and of geopolitical relations. In this research, the most important contexts of geopolitical relations are studied based on the study of theories and approaches and finally the contexts for the dimensions of geopolitical relations as well as the proposed model for the fields of geopolitical relations between countries are presented.MethodologyThis research seeks to theoretically explain the contexts and fields of geopolitical relations between countries. From Newman's point of view, by referring to more general ideas and abstract principles in terms of cause and effect, theoretical explanations describe why a particular event occurs.The purpose of this study is to model the most important geopolitical contexts. The research method in this study is based on theoretical purpose and descriptive-analytical nature.In terms of the purpose, this research is basic. In basic research, the purpose is to discover the facts and to understand the phenomena that lead to the increasing human knowledge. In this research, identifying the components and areas that influence its geopolitical relations is known as a basic research. The components and contexts were identified based on the review of nineteen theories and approaches presented by theorists and scholars of political geography, geopolitics, political science, international relations, and the environment. Research method was descriptive-analytic and the data were collected through library resources. The data were also analyzed qualitatively. Qualitative research is introspective, political, subjective - reflective - interpretive, theory generating and human-centered. The main objective of the study is to explore the conceptual factors (backgrounds and contexts) that influence the formation of geopolitical relationships.Results and discussion On one hand, some theories and approaches have emphasized on one component in geopolitical formation and relationships, such as Huntington's Clash of Civilizations , Geo-economy's (Edward Lutwac's) theory, Muhammad Khatami's Civilization's Dialogue, and the theory of Louise Richardson. Some theories and approaches included several components, such as: Mackinder's Heartland Theory, Spykman's Rimland Theory, ‎Alfred Thayer Mahan's Maritime Power, Wallerstein's World System Theory, " Theory of Power Systems (Brzezinski), Kaplan's theory of the Chaos of the Future, Peter Hagget's Theory, Thomas Homer Dixon's Theory, Regional Conflict Theory (Jeffrey Camp and David Harvey), Theory of Conflict (John Robert Prescott), and the Approach to Geopolitical Conflict (John Collins).The study of theories and approaches shows that each of the theories emphasizes on one or more of the geopolitical, geo-economic, hydro-politics, and geo-cultural components, and no theory encompasses all four components together.Relations between countries took different forms along the temporal dimensions and geographical characteristics of countries. The dimensions of geopolitical relations between countries vary in terms of interaction, competition, domination, influence and opposition.ConclusionThe results show that the most important geopolitical contexts and fields include geo-cultural contexts (ethnic groups in neighboring countries, religious affiliation with peripheral countries, historical and civilization factor, ideological factor), contexts and fields of Geopolitics (territorial issues, geographic location, regional hegemony, security approach, geopolitical weight, alliances, regional geopolitical structure, geopolitical codes, neighborhoods and the number of neighbors), geo-economic contexts (Underground and fossil resources, international straits),fields and contexts of hydro-politics ( International rivers, common maritime boundaries and environmental factors).

The study seeks to explore the geo-economic and geopolitical functions of the two American and Chinese global actors in the Asia-Pacific region. China as the greatest economic and military power of the Pacific region and, for the next decade, as one of the world's only superpowers, is a Western member of the Pacific and has many interests and economic and military partners in the region. . The two countries are playing a role with two models of cooperation and competing in the Pacific. With increasing economic, technological and military power in China, US concern over the country is increasing. On the one hand, the United States can not take advantage of China's large geo-economic capabilities for its dynamic economy and, on the other hand, China's rapidly expanding economic and military power and the geo-nuclear, territorial, border and security disputes that China has with its Pacific neighbors, the pretext of intervention And provides US oversight in the region. The findings of the research show that the great geo-economic potential of China and the huge benefits that China's growing economy and market, and the role of the country's global role in the global arena will give the prospect of geo-economic cooperation between the two countries more than geopolitical competitions in this century Although the United States will not be able to take advantage of the geopolitical benefits of the Pacific region

The geopolitical position of countries is constantly evolving under the influence of various factors such as war, revolution and change in the balance of power. Iran and Azerbaijan have been countries that their relations have changed greatly over the past three decades. They are located next to each other and have a special position. This special situation throughout history has caused rivalries and tensions in their relationships. But in addition, their ethnic, religious, historical and economic commonalities can be mentioned as a potential for cooperation. This article uses a descriptive-analytical method to understand the geopolitical relations of the Republic of Azerbaijan with Iran in the fields of competition, tension and cooperation. Azerbaijan is located in a region that due to its geographical features and proximity to Iran has always been considered by world powers and its geopolitical study can be useful in making political, economic, cultural and military decisions of our country and useful to reduce possible future conflicts. Considering the geopolitics of the two countries, The results show that areas such as the Aras River, the transfer of Azerbaijani oil to world markets, the Nagorno-Karabakh crisis, Azerbaijan's relations with the United States and the Zionist regime, hostile and provocative actions against Iran's national security have led to tensions and rivalry between the two countries. In contrast to the geopolitical entanglement of the two countries, the appropriate capacity for geo-economic cooperation, the geopolitical bottleneck of Azerbaijan, geographical coherence and proximity, cultural, social and religious interactions have provided the basis for cooperation between the two countries. Finally, the model of geopolitical relations between the two countries and suggestions for the development of interactions between the two countries are presented.

Oil is the most political and most important good in today’s world economy undoubtedly. Rant phenomenon and rentier governments have been a subject of great interest as a reason for rentier governments between researchers. Rant can be described as an income which is earned out of economic activities including benefit of investments and wages effortlessly and a rentier government is a government that earns more than 42 percent of its income from foreign rants. On the other hand most of Persian Gulf countries have experienced a single product (oil) economy duo to their geographical positions that leads to formation of rentier governments in this area. In the present study effect of geographical factors on formation of rentier governments and influence of these governments on area political geography (area country geo-economics positions, countries competition, area convergence) were studied and finally it is concluded that although oil trade and oil sell income have led to improvement of agriculture in Persian Gulf area, geopolitical powers competitions, military activity expansion and area countries divergence have been results of this single product economy.
Rent income or reward and habits means that the product is not productive labor, Term and rent ceiling first by an Iranian economist Hossein Mahdavi was in the 1970s. This term, however, before the 1970s, writers like Adam Smith, David Ricardo and he was saying, But the rentier state theory and functioning of the Mahdavi in political economy first and then by economists such as Hazem Bblary and Giacomo were used Lvsyany Mahdavi and ideas in the form of a reference in the field of political economy theory emerged. One of the founders and exponents of the theory of rentier state in the Middle East, beginning in August consistory that political economy and conflict in the government and people of Iran spoke of the rentier state function And the theory applied in the case of Iran, the Pahlavi era
Generally based on the revenues from oil rentier state theory on the one hand and the government's inability fair distribution of income and obedience to democratic rule on the other hand, there are fine tools. The theory analysis and stability conditions and the ravages of oil-rich countries (especially the Persian Gulf countries) to work on the structure of government rents and shaping foreign relations of the state with focus on the classes or class structure of society . Lam and Vanchykvn from Yale University in empirical research have shown how underground resources can be established dictatorial regimes.
In addition, William Asher and Douglas Yates also enjoying the rentier state theory argue that government officials by sales revenue rich underground resources could be some unofficial and illegitimate purposes to easily track And social and economic policy without taking into account the interests of the community in the fall. Rentier state theory also has been hypothesized Proponents of this theory works like Kieron Chaudhry, Philip Dawkins and Hazem Beblawi has been proposed.According to this theory as a rentier state in return for implicit and tacit agreement with the non-taxation of society to achieve They also regardless of representative government, or in other words, economic priorities and political priorities replacement. Beblawi as one of the rentier state theorists in this regard, believes that government control rentier policy communities will disappear and not just as a subject for serious discussion but not discussed in informal and hidden Based on what was said Persian Gulf states, despite the differences in their government by geographical factors (natural, human and political) area as a bed and basic infrastructure has been formed. Geographic factors such as geographical location, climate, soil and agricultural conditions, characteristics geopolitical and geo-economic Zhyvanrzhy dictatorships in shape and then went on rentier state's role.
Geographic governance structure of this type of government has led to political systems in the region, particularly in Arabic countries under the command of the king with a focus on tribal, tribal, religious and government leaders, due to the specific geographical conditions and oil revenues from the orientation as the logic of politics and statecraft for their own survival and the survival of their government; This system of government is also the major interests of society or country is not considered in most cases and other layers of society participation in the political structure of this Is impossible or very limited. Meanwhile governance structure and continued access to oil revenues makes rentier political disorder, despite poor governance, inadequate distribution of power, there are internal disputes, lack of coordination in the political system, political instability and insecurity of other state characteristics in the region.
Moreover, the strong economic ties between the countries in the region with an oil-based economy always leads to a threat to regional security with greater ease, and countries that are each considered as a serious economic rival to the Feel the need for more trans-regional threats against each other to be consistent.

One of the ways to expand cooperation in today's world is Convergence with the model of regionalism. At the regional and global existing order, each country's national security comes more easily through the efforts of the government and people to obtain and increase national wealth than through efforts to build and collecting hardware facilities and create an atmosphere of insecurity and fear and threat. Historically, from the early seventeenth century, to pursue any conflict that occurring in Europe, Scientific and instrumental elites raised convergence in various forms, including the creation of a federation for peace. Since then it has also been considered international cooperation and convergence by countries and global powers. Although the Cold War era had put regional cooperation and integration as a function of the relationship between the two dominant poles in the world, but this was not prevent the formation of regional integration and successful experiences in this regard in the eighties and regionalism and regional cooperation in international relations became a substantial and stable principle for all countries around the world. The supporters of regionalism say: the homogeneities of the political, cultural, social, economic and geographical along with the other components of unifying, it's possible for Independent governments in the region- even to the extent of a continent-wide- that benefit from its spiritual and material resources with suitable cooperation. The main research method for the importance of subject in the current situation is descriptive analytical, while enjoying compared in a large scale. It has been trying to use the library data, including the important and reliable internal and external resources in the knowledge of international relations, political science, political Geography, political economy and political history of Iran to prove the approach of this paper, and it is also taken the point of views of experts in this field to strengthen the scientific reasoning. According to Karl Deutsch the process of integration in a regional organization is like an assembly line which was shaped during history. This process has a central core, that Includes one or more of the larger political unit, more advanced, more developed and more powerful.The political and economic capabilities are decisive for integration, and its responsive and compatibility to the needs and values of smaller units is necessary to maintain integration. New regionalism, especially after promising movements of European Union was invigorated to this mutation from the nineties. At first European countries which were in the new conditions, began integration process. Then this process was created in Latin America, Southeast Asia and Africa. Regionalism in the parts of non-European, third world and developing countries, did not the nature and objectives of the integration process in Europe. Even integration in the Asia-Pacific region has not been as well as integration model in Europe. So that, there is not capacity and necessary political will for a deeper integration and political unity in any of these areas.During this period, Iran has been able to establish eco-regional organization in cooperation with Turkey and Pakistan but this organization has not been able to achieve economic, political and security aims. We review this issue briefly. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, Iran, Turkey and Pakistan, who are members of the ECO Treaty tried to affix former member states of this Union and current member of the CIS to this Treaty and were able to increase the number of countries to ten members. However, despite the importance of more than before regional cooperation in the past decade, ECO Economic Cooperation Treaty with ten members can register much success in its repertoire Yet. In fact, from a critical perspective, Iran, Turkey and Pakistan are the most powerful eco members, everyone follow its own especial programs. More, Turkey sees itself as a European country and all its political and economic power were used for membership in Europe Union. On the other hand, Pakistan has also a look at its economic relations with East and West, and to equip its economic resources for coordination with the international economy is more important to strengthen cooperation with Echo. Regionalism in International Politics refers to the development of economic cooperation, political and cultural ties between governments and other actors geographic areas. Basically region is defined as the combination of geographical proximity, the high degree of interaction, institutional framework and a common cultural identity. Accordingly, the Islamic Republic of Iran as an important and influential country in the regional strategic with the end of the war, especially with the rise of the construction government so far, although there has been some ups and downs, but always with the approach of regionalism and regional cooperation and benefiting from capacity and international organizations, has been attention to this important issue. Despite these efforts in their desired goals of regionalism approach cannot take required advantage. Because Iran because of its geopolitical situation, including is Located at between the crises of Iraq and Afghanistan, and neighborhood to the focus of the Persian Gulf crisis, Caucasus and Central Asia, South Asia (India and Pakistan) and a major player in Lebanon challenges and Syria crisis, in every possible way with regional and international security issues is in direct contact. The Islamic Republic of Iran has spent all its efforts and activities in political life for the defense of political independence and to maintain axial discourse. Hence it can be said; it is only political unit in the Middle East that the beginning is a security unit, then a political unit, and at the end is a mineral, commercial and economic unit. It seems until it cannot introduce itself like the most influential countries in the world as an actor by trade and economic approach in the issue of regionalism (at least the first step in changing the approach and announcement and executive policies) significant results will not achieve.

The present research discusses and examines the constituent of social security feeling in geographical contexts. In order to assess social security feeling in the villages of Sakhtsar district in Ramsar city through using descriptive -analytic methods, systemic problem solving as well as tools have been used for archival data collection and field survey on a sample of 20 villages. Spatial analysis has been conducted by specialized software «Arc GIS» using Analytical Hierarchy Process (AHP) and interpolation and clustering. Finally, the Social Security Index resulted in four different outcomes. Financial and physical security index in the study area are so significant, while reputation security represents a moderate level. But the study of environmental security in the area has been visibly the most affected.