علی اشرف نظری

After the victory of the Islamic Revolution, the alliance among the revolutionary discourses broke apart. The producers of the political-jurisprudential discourse within the state and the revolutionary Islam of the People’s Mojahedin Organization, each defined the basis and the goal of the revolution differently, and considered themselves the leader of the revolution and the other as an obstacle in the way of the achievement of its goals. These stances inevitably pitched them against each other. With the intensification of this confrontation, violence intensified as well. The antagonistic confrontation between the political forces and the government inflicted huge damages on the Iranian revolution that was in its early stages. The question of the present research is as follows: What were the reasons for the antagonistic confrontation between the government and People’s Mojahedin Organization? In order to answer this question, Laclau and Mouffe’s theory and method of discourse analysis have been employed. The findings of the research show that each of the discourses of jurisprudential-political Islam and the revolutionary Islam of the Mujahedin considered the "other" as an “alien” and "enemy" of the revolution and sought to reject and eliminate it. Thus, an armed conflict broke out between the two enemies.

The objective of this research is to analyze psychological development in public policy and sustainable development in Iran. This descriptive-analytical study employs the analysis of data collected through library research to elucidate the topic of the present research.Development is a complex process influenced by multiple indicators. Various theories have been proposed concerning development, each emphasizing specific aspects of the causes and factors contributing to development. These theories have focused on indicators such as geography, politics, international conditions, and others. One of the most crucial dimensions of achieving development, namely the role of psychological factors in the process of public policy formulation in Iran, has been less explored compared to other dimensions of development. Therefore, the present research addresses the role and position of psychological factors in Iran's development as a strong motivator for this investigation within the process of public policy in Iran. The findings indicate that despite the involvement of various individuals and institutions in the process of public policy formulation in our country, there are shortcomings in this area, particularly the minimal emphasis on the psychological approach. In other words, the psychological approach has not been addressed to the same extent as other sociological, political, and cultural approaches in development. Therefore, it can be concluded that psychological development, by fostering reconstructed attitudes, leads to the realization of good governance and development based on desirable policies in Iran.

In this sense, identity and the emergence of crisis have been one of the most important social and political concepts after modernity in sociological studies. This concept was considered as an element of social life after the industrial revolution and changes in the social life of modern humans. Cities, as the platform of social life, which have provided a distinct and new life for today's humans, have been influential in different aspects of the fluidization of identity. Therefore, the main question of the current research is: How does the fluidization of human identity occur in the context of the new city? The main hypothesis of the current research is: "The increase in the role of the new city in the identification of today's people has reduced the coherence and integrity of the identity, which leads to the fluidity of multiple identities". In this research, the ideas of the French thinker Henri Lefebvre about the city and space were chosen as a theoretical framework, and the data analysis method is the discourse analysis method of Laclau and Mouffe. The documentary method has also been used in the data collection method.

A discourse leaving its own discourse order and entering the political discourse order takes place due to its stimulation by one of the active discourses in the political discourse order. The meaning of being provoked is that this inactive discourse is placed in an alienating relationship with the ruling discourse in the political discourse order, and the ruling discourse tries to find an identity by rejecting it. From the day of the constitutional revolution until today, different and conflicting narratives of the evolution of the concept of identity are presented. We are different types and forms of nationalism and sense of religious, cultural, ethnic and political belonging. IN this research, an approach and understanding of politics is presented in the form of the "discourse transformation" model, according to which, sociological developments and new orders in society and the liberation of the subject's abilities, which through the establishment of pre-identities Certain and completely objective social relations that have been suppressed. It is possible to appear. : Affected by the importance of central ideas in the field of individual and civil rights, as well as the centralization of new and critical thoughts regarding citizens' freedom and right to choose, witnessing an increase in the focus on citizens' individuality and subjectivity. [Individual] We are them.

The concept of crisis is rooted in German intellectual tradition, and has a long history that can be traced back to the reactions of Romantic thinkers to the philosophical ideas of Immanuel Kant. This enduring concept—as a byproduct of Kantian philosophy and Romanticism—persisted throughout the 19th century and reached its zenith in the early 20th century, and coincided with the burgeoning modernity and modernism. Carl Schmitt and Karl Löwith were the two prominent advocates of the idea of crisis during the 20th century, and presented a criticism of the fundamental principles of modernity and questioned its legitimacy by using the secularization thesis as their primary interpretive tool. The main objective of this essay is to reconstruct the debate between Carl Schmitt, Karl Löwith, and Hans Blumenberg on the legitimacy of the modern age and present an argument in its defense as Blumenberg might have done.The Romantic scholars’ reaction to Kant, which underlies much of the concept of crisis, was shaped by their dissatisfaction with what they perceived as Kant's overly rationalistic philosophy. Romantics championed a worldview that emphasized emotion, nature, and the sublime, which they saw as neglected by Kant's emphasis on reason. This led to a period of intellectual crisis that lingered and evolved as the result of subsequent philosophical developments and social changes. Schmitt and Löwith in their unique ways viewed the advent of modernity as a crisis. Schmitt as a political theorist and jurist saw the crisis in the transition from the traditional forms of governance and social organization to the modern liberal democratic rule. For Schmitt, the essence of this crisis lay in the perceived loss of political unity and authority, which he saw as being undermined by the pluralism and individualism of modern democratic societies.This essay will follow the intellectual journey of these three thinkers, shedding light on their debates about the legitimacy of the modern period, and will present a defense of Blumenberg's interpretation, arguing that the secularization thesis and the associated concept of crisis rely on a form of historical substantialism. This substantialism, which views historical periods as homogenous entities with essential characteristics is problematic. It oversimplifies the complex historical processes involved in the transition to modernity and neglects the heterogeneity and dynamism within each historical period. In conclusion, the authors will argue that the defense of the modern age, as Blumenberg elaborates, is not only possible but necessary. It will challenge the foundational assumptions of Schmitt and Löwith's critiques, arguing for a more nuanced understanding of modernity that acknowledges its complexity and dynamism and recognizes its unique legitimacy. This defense will proceed on the thesis that Schmitt and Löwith's discussion, which explains modernity according to the secularization thesis, involves a kind of historical substantialism which is apparently unjustifiable.

In recent years, we have witnessed the emergence of "life" with its political force, at the center of social and political campaigns around the world with the demand of "life", and this has made the necessity of analyzing the political agency of "life" in the political science inevitable .In order to analyze the political agency of life in our time, the hypothesis of this paper is that with we encounter an ontological turn that "Economy" should become a political phenomenon. This is not through an interpretation of economics as the knowledge of maintaining "balance" in the performance of an "economic enterprise" which is dominant in conventional (mainstream) economics; And it is not achieved with an understanding that considers economy and politics as two areas independent of each other, the superstructure or infrastructure of a social order; Rather, it requires the analysis of how the "person" is politicized through the economization of his approach to "the culture of the self". An analysis that is finally an area of political knowledge that has been able to include the economic issue within its scope, that is, it considers the economic drive as the guiding factor of governing "self" which is a part of the general regime of governance. We have proposed a form of "critique of political economy" that will be able to interpret the realm of general economic categories as the realm around which the struggle for the production/reproduction of individual and social life takes place

In today's world, employment as an ontological and knowledge-based matter is of increasing importance, which has presented the study of various fields in countries, the labor market as a challenging matter for students and graduates of fields. Political science in Iran as an imported and purposeful field has also followed this and employment policies are always raised as a concern. Considering the problems that the Iranian society is facing in terms of political sociology, the application of political science Prayers can be considered as a way to overcome. Now, according to the mentioned cases; By studying the gap between self-perception and employment challenges in Iran's political sciences, this article explains the reasons and consequences of this gap on the future of the relationship between scientific elites and government decision-making institutions.The research method in this article is qualitative and inductive analysis (arriving from observations to reasoning). Also, the tools of information gathering include library and document study, structured interviews based on the Cochran model in the form of questionnaires from 150 students and graduates of universities and think tanks. At the end of this research, the data has been analyzed as follows: In political science in Iranian society, the lack of logical connection between the decision-making structure and the political science community can be considered, and this means that a common and correct understanding must be formed to solve problems between these two structures

Sense of belonging and identity in the context of "national identity" is a reflection of the transformations that took place in the modern era. Identity is understood as the influence of relationships between us and others. Identity needs difference to explain and establish its behavioral patterns, and in the continuation of each identity discourse, it transforms differences into an "other" or "outsider" in order to defend its scope and boundaries. In Iran, the Constitutional Revolution can be considered the starting point for the emergence of modern identity discourses in the social and political spheres. Therefore, the application of the concept of identity emerges in this period and its effects can be seen in all political and social events that took place in Iran. The main question of the present paper is: What has been the relationship between the subject and the discourse structures in the identity discourse of contemporary Iran? The hypothesis is that the subject and the identity are meaningful under the influence of the structure power from the Constitution to the Islamic Republic, so that in each period we see the subject weakening and disappearing, while over the last two decades, the role of the structure has gradually it become less and less. Importantly, in this period, subjects have a more active and serious role as carriers of identity. The innovative thesis of the present article is that in the last two decades, for the first time in the history of contemporary Iran, we have witnessed a decrease in the role of structures and strength of the role of the "personal subject" (in Touraine‎'s words). The method of data collection in the present study is documentation and data collection tool is taking notes from original sources.

This research applies a descriptive-analytical approach to explain historical aspects and consequently interprets the data regarding the left movement and left wing women based on the Anthony Giddens's construction theory in the second Pahlavi dynasty.In this regard, after examining the developments of the left movement and the political and social activities of left wing women, we will try to answer the question that what effects the political and social actions of left wing women have had on the process of political development in Iran in the second Pahlavi dynasty?To answer the above question according to Giddens's construction theory, There is a mutual relationship between structure and agent which based on, the left wing women as agents of the left movement had potential to influence the political structure of the Pahlavi dynasty and play a role in establishing a developed political system.As result, this research reveals the political and social actions of left wing women, due to the political structure of the Pahlavi regime and the domination of dictatorship, had no effective role in the process of political development and establishment of a democratic system.

Studying the dimensions and aspects of politics is basically complex, difficult, and controversial. In the study of politics, we are often confronted with different and sometimes paradoxical ideas, narratives, and arguments about political phenomena. Naturally, answering these questions and evaluating the nature of the issues raised requires learning techniques and methods that help us for methodical research. Interviewing is one of the most common methods of data collection, which is unfortunately less used in the field of political science in Iran. Addressing new interview methods, such as online interviewing and new communication capabilities, is an inevitable necessity for data collection. The importance of which became clearer to us in the Corona period. The main question of this paper is what types of interviews have the capacity to collect data and understand political attitudes, and how should the interview process be conducted? The main purpose is to be able to introduce the dimensions and aspects of interview-based research, types of interviews and discuss how to conduct the interview process. Therefore, an attempt will be made to consider the methods of collecting interview data in three structured, unstructured and semi-structured formats, the advantages and disadvantages of the interview, the types of interviews, and the interview-centered research process.

Despite efforts to increase women's participation in social and sometimes political spheres in various societies, including Iran ،women still play a small role in Iran's political power pyramid and women's political participation at the elite level have key obstacles..Therefore, this research intended to provide policy solutions tries to explore and study the most important obstacles to women's access to political-executive positions in the IR with a descriptive-analytical method and using the technique of referring to theoretical sources and qualitative interviews with political elites and relevant experts. The findings showed that obstacles to women's access to political-executive positions are patriarchal perceptions by shaping the political area  and decreased women's political self-confidence and experience.

The process of modernization expanded so much that it covered the whole world and modern culture excelled in the realm of art and thought through the globalization trends. But on the other hand, as the modern identity continues to expand, it is divided into a large number of scattered parts, and this fragmentation of the prism leads to the formation of various forms of social subjectivity and cultural identity. The central question of the article is: through what developments has the phenomenon of globalization and technology led to the strengthening of subjectivity and the weakening of traditional structures of meaning production? The following article shows how Iran has been affected by the growth of new ideas and thoughts since the day of the constitutional revolution. Those are the ideas that have become widespread in the light of globalization and the expansion of social network technology and have challenged the hegemony of power structures and ideological institutions by creating new actors. The emergence of new actors has been associated with the emergence of a new way of social action, and the present research tries to identify and explain these new forms of action by using the framework of discourse analysis

Understanding the personality traits of political leaders and their perceptions and ideas on politics is one of the basic issues in the field of political psychology. How emotional-psychological conditions affect people on the one hand and structural-situational factors on the other, are the decisions that have been made and why option "A" was chosen instead of option "B"? The importance of this matter is that it can provide the basis for personality analysis, understanding of attitudes and behaviors and relative predictability of the political sphere. "Operational code" is one of the useful and practical techniques for the methodical analysis of political figures and understanding the psychological nature of their attitudes, beliefs and actions, the texts of their private or public statements through the study and analysis of diaries, letters, speeches, notes, interviews and press conferences and secondary sources or reports of government activity by external observers such as journalists, historians or political commentators.The importance of this article is the methodical use of operational code analysis with the aim of not being satisfied with the psychobiography genre and examining the psychological characteristics of the individual while paying attention to the situation. The main discussion in related to operational code analysis reflects this cognitivist proposition that beliefs as "mental representation of reality" are important in explaining global politics in various ways, which are not considered in neorealist, neoliberal, and constructivist theories. While leaders can act to change the balance of power, domestic and international institutions and cultural norms in the long term.The nature of cognitive theories differs from rational choice models and structural theories of foreign policy regarding the role of beliefs as causal mechanisms. Instead of passively reflecting the reality, they examine the leaders' decisions by shaping the leaders' perception of the reality and act as cognitive and motivational bias mechanisms that distort and block the information, slows down or recasts incoming information received from the environment. This role for beliefs is especially notable when the environment is uncertain, that is, when information is scarce, ambiguous, contradictory, or so abundant that it is difficult for leaders to organize and process. Also, when new information conflicts with the leader's prior beliefs based on old information, stereotypes, or other cognitive biases associated with threats to self-interest, or when triggered by strong emotions such as fear, anger, shame, hatred. In this paper, while introducing the operational code analysis method, its dimensions and analytical nature in relation to Putin's personality will be examined and criticized.

The main question of this paper is how Putin understands the nature of politics and what does he know, what does he feel and what does he want about the exercise of power in Political affairs? The main idea is how beliefs interact with "mental representations of reality" and enable decision-making processes by shaping leaders' perceptions.  In this paper, while introducing the operational code analysis method, its dimensions and analytical nature in relation to the personality of Vladimir Vladimirovich Putin will be examined and criticized in the form of understanding his philosophical and instrumental beliefs.

  An operational code analysis method for analyzing Putin's personality using a "complete and verbatim file of public conversations", including speeches and interviews, classifications of statements concludes that Putin's beliefs are issue-specific and shows that a combination of competing on some issues and participation in others is consistent with his diverse operating code. In fact, Putin reflects "the traditional and instinctive feeling of Russian insecurity" and the philosophical origins of Putinism, however diverse they may be, are all based on two pillars: the idea of ​​empire and the justification of war. His operational code indicates that he will mimic his environment like a chameleon.

Putin cannot be expected to act in a normative manner when those involved with him do not. Putin will reciprocate "bad" and "good" behavior, and the failure of cooperation is likely to be bitter and long-lasting. One aspect of Putin's behavior that seems to be an integral part of his self-image is his emphasis on predictability. Putin operates on the assumption that forecasting is a two-way street. You cannot be unpredictable and instead expect the world to be predictable. This is consistent with Putin's central philosophical belief in the "duality" of political life: predictable and coordinated when it is orderly, arbitrary and ruthless when it is not. Putin focuses on "Historical Russia" as the basic legitimacy of his political authority (charismatic and historical legitimacy). He clearly identifies and then defends an official historical narrative that promotes ethno-centrism in relation to the concept of state and civilization (triad of nation, state and civilization). The need for continuity, stability and order and avoiding "ontological insecurity" and "ontological anxiety" related to displacement, trauma and tragedy are the main drivers of Putinism. Putin avoids appeals to ideology and is by no means a revolutionary, preferring, as we can see, the flexibility of a pragmatic approach. During his time, Russia has become a country that has been called "lone power". Russia has no real allies and has damaged its most important link, Germany. According to Russia's official discourse and according to foreign policy practice, Putin's strategic goals seem to be twofold: First, Putin insists that Russia be recognized as an independent strategic and autonomous actor in the international system. Second, Russia seeks to preserve its exceptional identity as a great power and its status, honor, respect, prestige and equality, which makes it possible to achieve the first and the most important goals which are internal stability, the status quo of the elites and the continuation of Putin's power in Russia. Like all human beings, Putin is a complex actor who operates in an ambiguous and unpredictable situation. Furthermore, our data support the interpretation of Putin as an opportunist rather than a grand strategist.

The operational code analysis method is one of the most widely used techniques for understanding and systematically analyzing the nature of political personality and understanding their attitudes, beliefs and actions by paying attention to the psychological characteristics of people and at the same time paying attention to the situation. The findings of the research show that Putin should be seen as an opportunist and not a great strategist, that although he is good at designing tactics, there is no strategy in between and he cannot be successful in the long run.

The governance gap is one of the most important political damages that can occur in a political system. These gaps arise due to the lack of a general agreement on the sources of power and how to distribute it, and arise from the inability of the political elites to provide a correct understanding of these issues. Therefore, when a military is faced with this injury, it suffers major problems in various fields, both domestic and foreign. In the Islamic Republic, in spite of the over-discourse of the Islamic Revolution for relatively long years, there has been no consensus among the political elites in various fields or it has been very weak, and this has led to the creation of various sub-discourses. These sub-discourses in conflict with each other have blocked the way to the correct policy making and have caused confusion in domestic and foreign policies. The present article, with the discourse method, while referring to these sub-discourses, seeks to understand the results of this governance gap in Iran's policies in the region and the Islamic world with the hypothesis that: "The governance gap in the Islamic Republic of Iran causes a decrease in the influence of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the region and This issue weakens the position of aligned Islamic countries and strengthens competitors."

One of the later concepts constructed by Foucault is the dispositif. In this study, we mean the dispositif of mechanisms of heterogeneous elements such as discourses, institutions, architectural structures, regulatory decisions, laws, administrative actions, scientific propositions, philosophical, moral and humanitarian propositions that strengthen and maintain the exercise of power in society. In this research, after a brief study of this concept in Foucault's intellectual system and introducing the views of some theorists towards this concept, we will identify and introduce a dispositif in history called "the dispositif of eclecticism of Iranian and Islamic elements" in the Abbasid period. what is meant by the dispositif of eclecticism of the elements of Iranianness and Islamism is that about a century after the arrival of Muslim Arabs in Iran and due to historical necessity, when the forces and groups influencing Iranian identity realized that neither with mere emphasis on Islamic identity nor By focusing only on Iranian identity, they can not influence the Iranian people, each tried to combine and eclecticism the elements of Iranian and Islamic identity in order to produce ideas that are both popular with the Iranian people and the religion of Islam.

This article is an effort based on critical discourse analysis and is carried out by the descriptive-analytical method. The results show that The Reformists and Principlist do not have the same attitude to the political participation. Based on the Guardianship of the Islam Jurist in the field of political principles, the Principlist believe in appointment and consider the legitimacy from top to bottom. They consider the voting of people is a confirmation to them. They also believe that approbatory supervision is necessary and try to develop Islamism rather than republic. On the other hand, the Reformist consider the political participation form bottom to top and they believe that it results in political development. They believe that the government should be formed based on people’s opinion and compared to Principlist, they believe less to approbatory supervision. They emphasize on the importance of republic. In order to determine their own destiny, they try to take the advantage of political participations including voting in elections, establishing societies and organizations, media activities, guild activities, etc. Anyway, the researches show that different patterns can be considered in the field of competition and political participation in Iran.in iran in iran in iran in iran in iran

In the last two decades, the debate on the dimensions and issues of ethnic studies in Iranian society has been growing. As can be seen, we have various intellectual debates and the publication of specialized papers in scientific journals. But what has received less attention in this field is the explanation of the methodological foundations of ethnic studies and the understanding of recent theoretical-methodological developments in this era. It is necessary to study this issue because if we don’t learn the basics and methodological principles of ethnic studies, we will not be able to properly represent ethnic identities and understand and analyze their issues. The main question of the present article is what is the nature of the methodology of ethnic studies and how can we systematically understand the intellectual and cultural backgrounds of different ethnic groups? The main hypothesis is that a deep description and qualitative understanding of ethnic life will be possible through the documentation of human interactions and relationships in everyday life in the ethnographic method. The author’s main goal is to prioritize the study of the methodological foundations of ethnic studies and to propose new methods such as critical ethnography, visual and virtual ethnography, digital ethnography, postmodern ethnography and ethnicity, and Post-humanism ethnography. I hope we can better understand the theoretical-methodological perspectives of this field in light of the profound and rapid developments that have taken place

This article deals with the place of psychological development in Iran's public policy. The necessity of this issue is because the explanation of a series of psychological factors will determine the reasons for the realization of development policy. The purpose is to explain the indicators of psychological development and in the general policy of development. In the importance of the present discussion, it should be said that value, belief, norm, behavior and rationality play a fundamental role in examining the results of the public policy process in Iran. The question here is what is the place of psychological development in public policy making? The hypothesis states that psychological development by institutionalizing indicators such as value, belief, norm, behavior and rationality in Iran can lead to sustainable development of the country. The theoretical framework, inspired by the theories of psychological renewal, seeks to consolidate the proof of the hypothesis. Therefore, with the help of descriptive and analytical method, the desired indicators have been explained. The results showed that the development of psychological indicators and good governance lead to the realization of general development policies in Iran.

The ideas and thoughts of great thinkers are boundless, and their intellectual foundations effects on the construction of thought and the nature of the transformation of other societies. Michel Foucault (1926-1984) is one of the most controversial theorists in the second half of the twentieth century, whose intellectual innovations have been seen from different perspectives and in different societies. A text that has been actively seeking to exploit Foucault's intellectual categories to represent a new interpretation aimed at answering the questions of Arab societies in the intellectual-philosophical field over the past three decades. Each of Foucault's commentators has tried by applying modern methodologies and presenting a new reading of his heritage, historiography of Islamic thought and the design of modernism and pluralism in his intellectual project with the aim of overcoming the existing problems in these societies. The focus of the present paper is the introduction, theoretical critique, and analysis of Michel Foucault's book “In Contemporary Arab Thought”, written by Al-Zawawi Baghura and translated by Majid Manhaji. Negah-e-Moaser press published the Persian version of this book in 2020.

The vacuum of an appropriate theory for the outcasts, blacks, refugees, and women has always been evident in the history of thought. After the student movements of the 1960s, measures were taken to overcome this shortcoming, but no suitable theory was proposed in the field of politics. Using the ideas of her predecessors, Mouffe took steps to fill the gap. This article seeks to answer the following two research questions: 1. What new perception does radical citizenship in Chantal Mouffe’s anti-essentialist approach create in the field of politics? 2. What steps should be taken towards radical citizenship in the political community?
Using a qualitative approach, and the method of conceptual content analysis, first citizenship and the principle of compromise in democracy in liberal tradition, and then Mouffe’s concept of citizenship in radical tradition are discussed. By rethinking politics, hegemony, and antagonism, Mouffe has sought to provide new political alternatives to transform antagonism into agonism in a way based on democratic tolerance. Within the framework of the logic of equivalence, she considers immigrants and blacks as citizens who can be called citizens through the democratic process. In the context of non-discrimination, she believes that citizens, regardless of gender, religion, skin color or transgender issues, can enjoy citizenship rights within the framework of radical democracy, but ethnic-religious groups and fundamentalists are suppressed. Mouffe maintains that we need a populist left front which achieve consensus on the revival of the idea of citizenship in order to radicalize (and strengthen) democracy. Influenced by postmodernism, she has considered the existence of various types of idealism in the field of citizenship in human beings in the West.
In addition to Moufee’s distinct understanding of the meaning of the political, her argument on citizenship —which has centered around how to see and define citizens— has been among her ideas which have influenced other thinkers. In her works, Mouffe tries to criticize and deconstruct the politics of liberal democratic discourse, and present new political alternatives based on a constructive approach. Mouffe discusses the idea that liberal thought contemplates about politics in an economic way, and is never able to understand the specificity of the political. In contrast, radical democracy emphasizes the particularity, the existence of different forms of rationality, and the role of tradition (i.e., behavioral traditions). Citizenship in liberal theory should be called monocultural citizenship, which neglects distinct cultures in the society and its cultural pluralist nature. This type of thought has caused antagonistic radical citizenship to be proposed as an alternative to compromise-based liberal citizenship.
Using an anti-essentialist, poststructuralist approach and combining these perspectives with the views of Antonio Gramsci, Mouffe has presented an alternative anti-essentialist approach, which can create a "chain of equivalence" by paying attention to the demands of the working class together with the demands of new movements with the aim of achieving "common will" in order to "radicalize democracy" by understanding the plurality of struggles against different forms of domination. In accordance with Schmidt’s arguments, Moffee considers the political as conflict and does not consider this conflict to be separate from politics. Mouffe believes that the acceptance of conflict as an intrinsic part of politics is the origin and background of radical democratic politics. It is on this basis that she establishes a close link between the political and antagonism, and then tries to present a different definition of the political by proposing the concept of agonism versus antagonism. Moffee believes that the desired political identity in radical democracy requires the creation of radical democratic citizens. This belief is based on a certain understanding of pluralism and the fundamental role of power and conflict. Mouffe's conceptualization of democratic citizenship suggests that politics is not about radical transformation at all, but instead it is a constructive response to social frustration. Moffee's citizenship is equal to feeling and logic, and there is a possibility of political mobilization through passion and feeling, which have indeed led to the formation of new social movements such as Al-Qaeda. She  argues that fundamentalist groups such as Al-Qaeda and ISIS cannot be included in the domain of citizens due to their violent nature.

The Kurdistan region has more than 600 kilometers of common border with Iran, which are culturally and historically compatible and have a deep influence on each other in the field of democracy. The question of the research includes: is the formation of political opposition in the Kurdistan region a sign of the transition of this region towards democracy or authoritarianism? The hypothesis suggests although the emergence of the opposition is a sign of minimal democracy, its formation, stabilization, and weakening are proof of the authoritarian structure and functioning of the two main parties in this region. The research method is qualitative (library documents). The results show that the formation of the political opposition in the region was a reaction to the authoritarian rule, but at the same time, it was a sign of the movement of the Kurdish society towards a kind of political and party pluralism.

In recent years, the working class community has been in a special and complex situation. On the one hand, there is no job security (temporary contract), mismanagement, low income and wages, the phenomenon of unconventional privatization, and finally the economic downturn due to Quidditch disease and on the other hand the lack of independent trade unions. Semi-governments that do not have bargaining power have met. Every day, these factors have significantly increased the class gap between wage workers and other societies. And every day, we are witnessing labor tensions in parts of Iran. The present study seeks to answer these questions in a descriptive-interpretive manner. What happened to the workers? Why did the workers, despite having the largest share of labor organizations than before the Islamic Revolution, have the largest share in protesting in recent years? After the end of the imposed war, the phenomenon of privatization was one of the main causes of economic unrest. It was left to those who did not have the necessary managerial ability, and very soon these enterprises went bankrupt and lost. The workers of factories and industries had the largest share in holding Coherent and incoherent gatherings and gatherings have taken place in recent years, so that they have tried to pursue their union and livelihood goals and objectives by influencing the decisions of decision-making authorities through the manifestation of their collective action. It was their living conditions, not their share of political power!

In global societies whose issues have affected all aspects of private and public life, we are witnessing the spread of populist and specialist processes. On the one hand, we are witnessing growing universalism and homogeneity, and on the other, identity groups in the form of particularism and construct various forms of nationalism and a sense of religious, cultural, ethnic and political belonging. Providing an appropriate response to such a situation becomes even more important when we see the fragmentation of experience, fluidity and constant change, the importance of large financial, technological and media organizations instead of institutions, the end of the age of order, and we are at the beginning of the age of change and the rise of the risk society. Influenced by such a dual situation in which universalism (in the form of common moral-political values) and particularism (the independence of minorities and communities) are confronted with the question of how can we live and interact with each other? is very important. These responses, in the form of reviving the specific practices of the past, creating a world free of time and space constraints and preserving differences, and resorting to a kind of procedural democracy with the aim of accepting the rules of the game, ensuring respect for individual and collective freedoms and the institutionalization of tolerance are presented. The three central positions of the book are the subject, intercultural communication, and democracy. The starting point of the book is the personal subject, the path it takes, the intercultural connection and its goal, democracy. The main purpose of this article is to describe critique and evaluate the book Equality and Difference; can we live together?

In this paper, by explaining the different dimensions of policy capacity (policy line), the factors affecting women's political participation at the elite level, In the years 1997-2020, It was studied in three perspectives: individual, organizational and systemic, and in analytical, operational and political dimensions. The need to discuss the explanation of pathology in this area is one of the major policies of the country. The main question is to find the factors influencing political capacity in women's political participation at the elite level and Innovation of research in explaining the most important attitudes and dimensions of policy capacity that has led to the status of women's political participation at the elite level in these years. Because the research is exploratory, no hypothesis has been presented to report the facts without bias. This research has been done using Q_method to classify and score the propositions taken from the research literature. The statistical population includes 40 people who are effective in implementing policies related to women's political participation at the elite level in public and private organizations, as well as individuals selected through these decisions. The results show that the most important influential factors are individual attitude in the analytical dimension and organizational attitude in the analytical dimension and the least effective systemic attitude in the operational dimension.