مجید بزرگمهری

The Rohingya people are the native inhabitants of Arakan (Rakhine) land in Myanmar, who have faced a series of crimes by the Myanmar army and government. Based on the norms and regulations of international and customary international law and the principles of international criminal law and considering the incidents that occurred against the religious minority group of Rohingya Muslims, the continuous violation of human rights and the occurrence of the crime of genocide by the Myanmar government are a matter of fact. There are numerous examples of deliberate actions, which prove the governmental steps to eliminate the Rohingya group, and deliberate measures, which cause the international responsibility of the Myanmar government. Iran has raised three specific positions regarding the Rohingya Muslim crisis.The major question of the research is to evaluate the occurrence or non-occurrence of violations of international criminal law, the crimes of genocide, and crimes against humanity by the Myanmar army and government against the Muslim minority in Rakhine state.The hypothesis emphasizes the definite occurrence of violations of humanitarian law and international criminal law, especially committing crimes of genocide and crimes against humanity. The purpose of the research is to examine one of the important cases of violation of Muslim rights in today's world, which has not been noticed by international legal societies. It tries to discuss briefly the Iranian positions on the Issue. The analytical-descriptive research method is based on official docs and undeniable facts, especially the documents issued by the International Criminal Court.

Atatürk and Reza Shah started the modernization program in Turkey and Iran almost simultaneously. Despite the historical similarities in the field of corrective measures of both personalities, the aforementioned process brought different results in the two countries; Compared to Reza Shah, Mustafa Kamal faced more success and the mobilization of the opposition was less widespread. The present study seeks to answer the question that compared to the simultaneous modernization project of Reza Shah and Atatürk, why Mustafa Kamal was more successful in institutionalizing reforms. Based on the findings of the research, Atatürk was able to implement his plans by adopting the Fabian approach (branch by branch and gradual, and striking method within the Fabian strategy) in the context and historical background of Turkish society. On the other hand, Reza Shah Pahlavi, without taking into account the historical and social situation of Iran's society at the time, could not provide infrastructure power in the society to support his policies with the simultaneous and radical plans. In this article, we will answer the research question in a brief manner by addressing the historical background of the reforms in the two countries, and then by using a qualitative and comparative analytical-historical-comparative method.

Future -oriented understanding of Holy Quran or any other divine text can be defined understanding of it, outside the context and time of its revelation. This understanding and how it is formed inside a person is very important. Understanding is mostly defined within an extra-religious approach and is synonymous with hermeneutics, while interpretation is mostly done within intra-religious approach and proceeds based on theological presuppositions. The purpose of this article is to investigate the role of these two approaches as how they can affect understanding of revelation texts. The main question of the research is: What is the role of different perspectives of understanding the texts on the understanding of the revealed texts, including the Holy Quran?
The research method is content analysis of texts related to the research problem. First, the schools of understanding of texts have been examined in three stages of ancient hermeneutics, middle hermeneutics and late hermeneutics. Although the origins and concerns of various schools of thought have been originated from Bible, we can find traces of similarities between some futures –oriented understandings of the Holy Qur'an with the ancient hermeneutic school, in which the text still has considerable weight. In middle hermeneutics and with the formation of the Renaissance and the changes that have occurred in the perception of human, this is human as he to derivate what the author intended in his text.
In philosophical hermeneutics, people enter into a conversation with the text based on their concerns, presuppositions, and preconceptions. Since the existence of human beings can change during their lifetime, in practice it should be said that it is impossible to imagine a future-oriented understanding from the text of revelation. Or that it should be defined in the present tense, which is different from person to person and even during that time for that person. Therefore, the future-oriented understanding of the Holy Quran will be a function of the time and conditions in which man is located, and it seems that this way of understanding is not compatible with the immortality of the teachings of the Quran.

In the field of futurology research in the revelatory texts, various research works have been done in academic centers. What has been paid less attention in these researches is dealing with the presuppositions that should be taken into consideration. The futurological understanding of the revelatory text, as its name suggests, is based on the three pillars of the quiddity of understanding, the quiddity of future, and the quiddity of the revelatory text. In other words, depending on what understanding and perception we have of the phenomenon of understanding itself, what perception and imagination we have of the future, and how we consider the revelatory text as a text and what we should expect from it, makes our futurological understanding different. In this regard, in the first part of the article, an attempt is made to address the point that the researches that have been carried out in the futurological field are based on what perception and expectation of the Holy Qur'an and how this perception and expectation can be used in futurological studies. In the next section, we are focused on the concept of the future and how the understanding of the future that emerges in different paradigms affects the futurological understanding of the revelatory text. In the next section, we are focused on the concept of the future and how the understanding of the future that emerges in different paradigms affects the futurist's understanding of the revelatory text. This study shows that the concept of the future has been moving from something objective, rigid and external to something subjective and rooted in people's beliefs today.

The special conditions governing the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council, especially the strong influence of Saudi Arabia in the policies of this council and the general dependence of its members' political systems on the West, and the multitude of actors present and effective in the Yemen crisis, have created complex conditions in the region that practically prevent the creation of the constructive process in establishing peace in Yemen. Yemen suffers greatly from economic poverty, war and the presence of foreigners. The purpose of the article is to explain one of the important and current issues of the Islamic world and to analyze the influence of one of the regional organizations in the Islamic world, the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council, on regional developments and the influence of Saudi Arabia in this organization. How the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council works in the Yemen crisis is the central question of the article.

This research has been prepared in a descriptive-analytical way using documentary-library sources.

The findings of the research indicate that the member states of the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council, due to the influence and influence of Saudi Arabia, are fighting against the nationalistic and Islamic trend in Yemen and do not allow a comprehensive national government to emerge in the region. This council has failed to fulfill one of its duties, which is to establish regional peace and stability.

The current research has reached the conclusion that the policies adopted by Saudi Arabia and the UAE and the adherence of the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council to Riyadh's agenda have practically created the space for insecurity, disintegration, extensive destruction of Yemen's human and economic resources, and the mass killing of the people. It has created the guilt and defenselessness of Muslims and finally the proxy presence of extra-regional governments and terrorist groups.

Innovation in advertising methods and tools proportionate to the artificial intelligence and digital age is among the most effective components in understanding the nature of advertising in the wars to come. The knowledge of war advertisement policymakers regarding delicacies and complexities of advertisement, especially in times of crisis such as war, is crucially important in developing and choosing policies. Our main question is how to develop a process model (multiple movements) of advertisement policy during the war such that the advertisement activities could lay the foundation, be efficient and effective, plus prevent scattered work and dispersion in execution, as well as imposing unnecessary expenses upon the country with emphasis and view of the future. This research seeks to obtain a process model (multi-flow) of advertisement policy in the Islamic Republic of Iran in case of war. It aims at illustrating the efficiency and effectiveness of the advertisement activities of the organizations and institutions in charge of advertising in the county and identifying and introducing the influential promoting and hampering factors in case of future probable wars. Research assumption proposes the policy model of multiple movements and points out the necessity of establishing a specialized organization to plan war advertisements in the future modern wars. This study is carried out based on a content analysis study model that assesses the related contexts and documents and analyzes their content. This study concluded that it is necessary to establish a specialized organization to plan war advertisements for future modern wars.

Holding elections in democratic societies is the most obvious symbol of popular participation in the right to self-determination. According to Article 6 of the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran (IRI), the affairs of the country must be governed by citizen participation in the election of the President, members of the Islamic Consultative Assembly (Majles-e shorā-ye eslāmī, the Parliament) deputies and the like. In 2016, the current Supreme Leader (Rahbar), Ayatollah Khamenei announced the general policies of the elections and signaled the implementation of paragraph 1 of Article 110 of the Constitution that were determined after consultation with the Expediency Discernment Council of the System (Majma-e tashkhis-e maslehat-e nezām), which was established in 1988 to resolve conflicts between the Guardian Council (Shorā-ye negahbān) and the Parliament. These efforts show the importance of the elections in the IRI’s political system to ensure the rights of the electors and citizens involvement in politics by providing them with opportunities to influence public policy by their votes.The Guardian Council is one of the IRI’s supervisory bodies, which was created on 20 February 1980 by the decree of Imam Khomeini, the founder of the IRI and its first Supreme Leader.The Guardian Council consists of six jurists appointed by the Supreme Leader, and six jurists who are appointed through the nomination of the head of the Judiciary and the approval of the Islamic Consultative Assembly (ICA). According to Article 99 of the IRI’s Constitution, the Guardian Council is given the responsibility of monitoring referendums and the elections for the Assembly of Experts of the Leadership (Majles-e khobregān-e rahbari), the presidency, and the Islamic Consultative Assembly. The GuardianCouncil’s crucial task is to oversee the entire election process including scrutinizingthe qualifications of the candidates, and so on.The electionmonitoring authority must have the appropriate characteristics required for rigorously and utmostly safeguarding the integrity of the election, and the rights of voters and candidates. The principles of the independence of a supervisory authority from the executive branch, and its impartiality are among the essential features that the Guardian Council as the main election monitoring authority should possess. The twin objectives of this research are to contribute to the discussions of constitutional rights and the issue of election supervision in the IRI, and to evaluate one of the fundamental ambiguities or doubts in the country's electoral system. One of the issues raised is that according to the clarity of the principles of the constitution, especially Article 60, which describes the key officials of the executive branch and the mechanism of appointing the members of the Guardian Council, the degree of the independence of the election monitoring authority from the main components of the executive branch is insufficient and flawed. The Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran does not provide a clear definition of the executive branch. However, the issue of executive authorities in the country has been mentioned and explained in Articles 57, 60, 110 and 113 of the Constitution. According to Article 60, "the functions of the executive, except in the matters that are directly placed under the jurisdiction of the Leadership by the Constitution, are to be exercised by the president and the ministers." Thus, Article 60 explicitly states that the exercise of executive power through the Supreme Leader is more effective than the powers of the president and the ministers. From this point of view, the IRI’s executive branch has two pillars, one of which is its leadership position led by the president and the cabinet. Article 113 declares that "after the office of Leadership, the President is the highest official in the country. His is the responsibility for implementing the Constitution and acting as the head of the executive, except in matters directly concerned with (the office of) the Leadership." Article 113 twice explicitly mentions the position of the Supreme Leader as an important pillar of the executive branch in the country, once when it stipulates "after the Supreme Leader" and for the second time when it specifies, "except in matters directly related to the Supreme Leader". It is clear that the IRI’s election monitoring authority is independent only from one pillar of the executive branch (i.e., the president and the cabinet), but it is not independent from the other important and influential pillar of the executive branch. The impartiality of the supervisory authority could not be assured in all circumstances because of the fact that it somehow owes its existence to the second powerful pillar of the executive branch. The research questions to be addressed in this article are: 1. To what extent is the Guardian Council, as the main authority for monitoring elections in the country, independent from the executive branch? 2. What are the effective solutions to eliminate the shortcomings of the process of monitoring electoral system in Iran? In the hypothesis, it is asserted that the integrity of the election and the observance of the rights of the voters and candidates are influenced by the nature of the election monitoring authority, particularly its independence from the executive branch and its  impartiality. For hypothesis testing, the authors use the method of qualitative conceptual content analysis to study official documents such as the Constitution, and opinions of different legal experts as well as the views expressed by researchers who have analyzed the shortcomings of the country’s election process. The findings of the present study will contribute to the discussions of some of the inadequacies of the country's electoral system, and the efforts aimed at the reform of the electoral process needed for political development in the country.

The recent and significant shifts in Saudi foreign policy from an aggressive stance towards Iran and Syria to a policy of dialogue and engagement especially after the Democrats came to power in USA, raise questions about the reasons of the shifts. While Saudi officials have previously declared that the negotiation with Iran is useless and not possible, today they try to recover their relations with Tehran. Accordingly, the present study aims to evaluate the foreign policy of these two major poles of the Islamic world, and therefore, seeks to elaborate the reasons of the conspicuous and significant shifts of Saudi foreign policy towards Iran.

As a methodological framework, the study uses the method of document content analysis. The opinions and views of experts as well as the official and unofficial positions of Riyadh have shaped the basis of our analysis.

The Democrats' rise of power in USA as well as Iran's determination on its policies have changed Saudi foreign policy.

Numerous factors have led to this change in Saudi Arabia's approach, including accepting Iran's regional power and surrendering to the realities of new regional circumstances.

Assessing the three characteristics of the development in the world today regarding to women's rights, including gender development, combating gender inequality and combating the gender gap, are the main axes explaining the alignment and promotion of women's rights in countries and members of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation(OIC).OIC has tried to present its sympathetic of women's rights in accordance with Islamic law and international custom and treaties through the documents like, the 2005 Ouagadougou Declaration and the Organization's Action Plan for the Promotion of Women's Rights and various other documents. . In the 7th Conference of Islamic Ministers on "The Role of Women in Promoting Development for Member States" in the session entitled "Empowerment of Women in Member States: Challenges and Prospects" in 2018, 16 important resolutions on improving the legal, economic, social and Women's security were adopted. The major question of the research is the evaluation of women's rights in the policies of the Islamic Cooperation Organization during the last two decades. The member countries of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation, in spite of structural differences in economic, cultural and legal levels, have encouraged the three indicators of development in women's rights in line with human rights developments in the world.The method of the study is based on the descriptive-analytical approach as well as the content analysis. Relying on original documents of OIC and reports has been the basis of data and analysis.

Analysis of propaganda in contemporary conflicts is not possible without understanding the concept and dimensions of two forms of war propaganda, including "methods of psychological warfare" or the category of "propaganda methods". The eight-year Iran-Iraq war and the two wars known as the First and Second Persian Gulf Wars in the last four decades in the West Asian region are examples of these conflicts in which war propaganda in the form of psychological warfare and propaganda has played an important role.The central question of the research is that the process of war propaganda in the eight-year war between Iraq can be evaluated in which formats, including psychological warfare methods or propaganda methods?Theoretical explanation of the methods of psychological warfare on the one hand and propaganda methods on the other hand constitutes the theoretical framework of this research.The research hypothesis acknowledges that the propaganda policies of the parties to the conflict have used the methods of both forms, namely psychological warfare and propaganda. In this regard, the Iraqi government in the Iran-Iraq war has been more successful in using psychological warfare and propaganda methods against their enemy.The present study tries to study the developments of war propaganda during the mentioned war by descriptive-analytical method and comparative view and by collecting the necessary data and information in a library manner.

Although the People's Republic of China and the European Union have deep differences on issues such as the position of the state in the Chinese economy and human rights, it must be acknowledged that in recent years the two sides have enjoyed the most dynamic and complementary economies. They have engaged in global integration, bringing to the fore significant strategic cooperation. It is worth noting that the cooperation between FEMA, which has been more than any other factor in trade and direct economic investment, in turn has led to a large impact on the type of US-EU relations between Beijing and the EU. The question posed by the author of the leading research with a descriptiveanalytical approach and based on the theoretical assumptions of liberal institutionalism seeks to answer why it is arranged in such a way that the visible and hidden effects of expanding economic and trade relations between China and the EU on How is the relationship between the United States and the European Union assessed? The hypothesis raised by the above question suggests that, on the one hand, the emphasis on a multilateral system based on international law has led to a common commitment between Chinese and European officials, and that, on the other hand, President Trump has chosen a strategy. Protectionism and withdrawal from trade agreements have emphasized that Europe's relations with Washington have largely cooled. The result of the transformation that has taken place is that the strengthening of Sino-EU relations has weakened EU-US relations.

The election of Donald J. Trump as President of the United States in November.08.2016 raised many questions about the future of American foreign policy, including the effect of electing a leader who rejected many of the long-standing principles of American foreign policy in his campaign speeches. Given that the Trump administration carried the heritage of Republicans and Democrats in foreign policy, what could be the future of US foreign policy? Perhaps many observers would conclude that Trump's foreign policy lacked any particular structure, coherence, or strategy in recognizing a president like Donald Trump. He lacked the usual order and sudden changes in the course of action.In foreign policy, Trump has pursued an America First agenda, withdrawing the US from the Trans-Pacific Partnership trade negotiations, the Paris Agreement on climate change, and the Iran nuclear deal. He imposed import tariffs which triggered a trade war with China, moved the US embassy in Israel to Jerusalem, and withdrew US troops from northern Syria. Trump met with North Korean leader Kim Jong-un three times, but talks on denuclearization broke down in 2019. In addition to these cases, expressing friendships with Putin, peace talks with the Taliban, ignoring human rights issues in relations with Saudi Arabia, unilateralism in many policies, and disregard for the views of its key European allies, among many other cases, all evoke a picture of foreign policy confusion.The question that arises is whether we have witnessed fundamental changes and the adoption of new models in foreign policy in the macro and strategic foreign policy of the United States during the four years of Trump, or has this policy been a continuation of the previous trend? .In this research, the descriptive-analytical method and referring to the opinions of experts have been used. An attempt has been made to evaluate US foreign policy in the short period of Trump in the light of a combined conceptual framework. A combination of realistic theories, the first type, and family similarities can help explain the continuation of major US foreign policy strategies under Donald J. Trump`s administration.The ultimate goal is to assist American studies in the field of international relations courses and to provide a clearer picture of US foreign policy"

The topic of Turkish-Israeli relations is considered as one of the important issues in the regional, Middle East and Islamic world studies. The Republic of Turkey was the first country among the Islamic countries in the Middle East that has recognized the Zionist regime as a country and has established diplomatic relations with it in 1949. Relations between the two countries have a strategic nature based on the security needs of both sides. These relations have continued despite the political changes in Turkey and the emergence of the AKP, a party of an Islamic nature and policy.Israeli officials from every party, including Benjamin Netanyahu''s far-right Likud party, have pursued the policy of maintaining ties with Turkey. The military-security cooperation agreement between the two countries has been in force since 1996 and has not been repealed.Our major question is structured on the convergence and divergence factors, which have shaped the nature of Turkish-Israeli relations during the two last decades (2000-2019). Based on the theory of regional security complex, the framework of Turkish-Israeli relations has been analyzed. The descriptive-analytical model has been opted as the research method. Our analysis is relied on the documents, comments and reports of the experts.The concluding remarks state that in the current situation, Turkey and Israel continue their policy of alliance and co-operation, although this alliance is not sufficiently coherent and both sides use their leverages to force the other party to co-operate in certain circumstances.

The AKP’s policy towards Palestine is the main core of this article. The Turkish authorities have tried to play as the mediator in the Palestinian-Israeli conflict and have attempted through various political and economic initiatives to support a peace agreement between both sides. However, after the 2008 Gaza war, the AKP government’s foreign policy stance towards Israel began to change, at least officially. This war, alongside to other events such as 2009 Davos, the 2010 Low Chair and the 2010 Mavi Marmara, produced a public political conflict in the Turkish-Israeli relations. This tension extended from the 2008 Gaza war until the normalization deal between the two countries in June 2016. But this political tension did not have very impact on the other current fields of cooperation between Ankara and Tel Aviv. This emphasizes clearly that both countries were pragmatic in maintaining efficient and strategic ties. The major research question can be stated as the following: What has been the Turkish government's policy on the Palestinian issue between 2002-2020? In addition we want to assess the proximity and distance of Turkey's policies from Iranian perspectives and positions. In order to provide a deep analysis, away from repetition, speeches or the bias to one of the parties, this research is relying on proofs and investigations. Based on a documentary research, we attempt to form our analysis by a content analysis combined with a descriptive explanatory.

The positions and foreign policies of great powers have always had a tangible impact on the international and regional systems. The Yemeni crisis began in 2011 on the one hand due to national issues and internal problems and popular dissatisfaction, and on the other hand due to regional and transnational developments, and took on a new form in 2015 with the arrival of transnational actors. Among the transnational actors, the United States, the Arab League led by Saudi Arabia, the UAE, and Iran play a more prominent role than the other actors. The main question is how the US policy and position on the Yemeni crisis is assessed? The research hypothesis states that the main policy of the United States is to create a balance of power between Saudi Arabia and Iran, and in this regard, to provoke tensions and conflicts between the parties involved to reduce Iran's power and Saudi Arabia's greater dependence on the West. The US approach suggests that escalating tensions are increasing the Arab Gulf states' dependence on the West and US weapons, and that the oil and human resources of the Islamic countries in the region are being spent on destroying each other, a policy that Israel strongly encourages. In the present study, we are trying to analyze the data using descriptive-analytical methods and document analysis. The theoretical framework of the research is focused on using the theory of regional contour and SPIEGEL systems, especially the system of intervening foreign actors. The ultimate goal of the study is to assist the Iranian foreign policy apparatus in planning regional policies.

The Organization of Islamic Cooperation is the second largest intergovernmental organization after United Nation in terms of membership and is mantle of collective voice of the Muslim world. The OIS is supposed to safeguard and protect the interests of the Muslim world in the spirit of promoting international peace and harmony. This article mainly focuses on the role of OIC in ongoing conflict in Yemen. Nowadays, the Houthis play an outstanding role in the Yemeni political and regional equations. Since the start of Saudi-led airstrikes, Muslim countries have been asking OIC to intervene as mediator for bringing peace and normalcy in Yemen. It is a historic opportunity for OIC for de-stigmatizing itself of being a moribund organization. The article examines the heavy shadow of Saudi Arabia`s intentions on the positions of the Organization of Security Cooperation to counter Iran's influence in Yemen (2015-2019) How can we assess the policies and the positions of OIC on this very important case? If is the OIC manipulated or affected by the policies of Saudi Arabia? The context analysis is opted as methodology and due to its up-to-date and rich documented literature; it enjoys a distinct label in comparison of previous and old works.

Over the last three decades, a quiet revolution has taken place in the way societies are to be ruled. In this line of change, the societies are in transition to good governance (GG). The exact profile of this new administration paradigm is still fuzzy, but with the passage of time, its essential characteristics become more clearly delineated. Therefore, the futuring of GG to map and clarify its comprehensive image in line with recovering the human agency and responsibility in shaping the desirable future was put on the agenda of the present study.

Having applied meta-synthesis as a modern approach in qualitative research, the present study compiles the fundamental principles, pillars, and indicators of GG as well as maps and represents GG comprehensive image.

The investigation of GG from the viewpoint of futures studies indicates that the essentials of GG converge around five principles of accountability, transparency, participation, rule of law, and efficiency as well as five pillars of civil society, government, the legislature, executive, and judiciary. Furthermore, the GG indicators, resulting from operation of principles in the context of pillars, are realized through the responsiveness towards present as well as future generations, access to information, merit-based system for elections and appointments, just legal system, clarity of decision-making procedures and standards, etc.

The futuristic reading of GG as a managerial-political theory and paradigmatic pattern donates its specific capacity in steering of modern societies as well as maintaining and improving the freedom, welfare and well-being of present and future generations.

The Yemen conflict has been widely seen as an extension of the Iran–Saudi Arabia proxy conflict. Politics and Stance of Two Permanent Members of the Security Council, the Russian Federation and the People's Republic of China in the face of the Yemeni crisis are important in determining whether the two world powers exercise a pro-Western policy and support for Saudi Arabia or Iran's position? In the Syrian crisis, Russia was in line with Iran in maintaining the regime of Bashar al-Assad but here the situations are different. The key question is what are the policies and positions of the two permanent members of the Security Council, Russia and China, on the Yemeni crisis? In this research, by using descriptive-analytical method and document content analysis, we try to answer the main question. The focus of this research is to rely on documentary reports and examination of the various political, security and economic dimensions of the issue. The text of all Security Council resolutions and "Voting Process" reports that have been relevant to the discussion has been extracted, studied, translated and analyzed.

Given the competitive environment of the oil market, successive developments in the Middle East and Southwest Asia, Saudi Arabia's foreign policy is of paramount importance for a number of reasons, especially after King Salman came to power and the rise to power of Crown Prince Ben Salman. And has found influence in regional equations. The radical analysis of the formation of Saudi foreign policy contributes significantly to the regional studies of the Middle East and Southwest Asia, and the political studies of the Islamic world. The central question of this article is about the roots of how Saudi Arabia's foreign policy is shaped by its emphasis on domestic factors. The study method is to analyze the content of documents and data and rely on the documents and reports of official centers and the opinions of experts on the subject. In conclusion, Saudi Arabia, instead of pursuing national interests in the long run, has consistently pursued a foreign policy approach to increasing its dependence on the West. Its realization is known only by the deep immersion in relying on the West. The West, and the United States in particular, supports Riyadh's approach, given its economic and strategic interests in the region. Since our focus is on internal factors, the model of the decision-making box is the theoretical focus of the research. Relying on field reports and neutral circles has been the focus of this research.

Scholars of regional studies consider Transcaucasia (or the South Caucasus) as a region, which consists of three countries including Azerbaijan, Georgia and Armenia. After the collapse of the USSR, Iran and Turkey were to seek their own foreign policy in the South Caucasus based on all common points they had in this region. The main question is to study comparatively the foreign Policies of Iran and Turkey in the region.
We can say that the most significant opportunity for these two countries has been the collapse of USSR and the most serious threat for them has been the risk of the presence of a third power in this region. However, according to the sequence of events addressed in this study, it seems that the most rigorous threat for Iran in the South Caucasus is the security problem and presence of Trans-regional powers, especially in Azerbaijan. In return, Iran, by paying more attention to Armenia, has converted this country into its own source of opportunities in previously mentioned region. Besides, on the one hand, Turkey, because of positive attitude of Azerbaijan to it, have attained a proper opportunity in the South Caucasus. On the other hand, the deadlock between Turkey and Armenia has been the main threat for Turkey’s foreign policy in the South Caucasus. Then Iran's foreign policy orientation has been trying to support Armenia as a barrier between Azerbaijan and its rival, Turkey. Iran's goal is to emphasize the corridor south to north through Armenia, in order to reduce its dependence on Turkey to connect with Georgia and Black Sea littoral states.

China’s rise is shaping up to be the most salient development of international politics and economics in the early 21st century ,and Beijing is increasingly searching for stable sources of energy to power its ballooning economy. This has meant that China’s relations with resource-rich Persian Gulf states have become more intensive even as Beijing has become more pragmatic in its approach to the region. Whereas once China viewed events in the Gulf region through the lens of its own revolutionary ideology, its relations with Middle Eastern nations are now driven more by energy concerns. Chinese state-owned oil companies are now aggressively bidding for contracts in the Gulf, and there is a clear Chinese presence in regional commerce.
China’s pragmatism has also meant an emphasis on relations with new partners in the region at the expense of older ties. After 2001, China saw Iran as an attractive partner, due to its geographical proximity and potential to supply large volumes of oil. As our major question, we try to evaluate the causes of increasing China`s presence in the Persian Gulf. A descriptive and analytical method has been selected and to present a documented paper, we have tried to study the primary sources.