مهدی هدایتی شهیدانی

Artificial intelligence has increasingly found a central and decisive role in the macro-competition between the United States of America and China. Beijing and Washington are looking to improve the power and capabilities of artificial intelligence in order to gain a strategic advantage in their macro-competition. The development of artificial intelligence by both sides will deepen their strategic competition and affect the structure and dynamics of the international system. Using the theoretical propositions of neorealism and the descriptive-analytical method, this article aims to analyze the dimensions and angles of the competition between America and China in the field of artificial intelligence. Based on this, the main question of the current research is how does the competition between America and China in the field of artificial intelligence find meaning in the framework of the structural competition of the two countries in the international system? The findings of the research show that America and China are trying to lead the field of technology, especially in the field of artificial intelligence, by giving priority to technogeopolitics and technonationalism. In fact, the efforts and actions of America and China to lead the field of technology have affected their strategic considerations in all areas. Chinese leaders see artificial intelligence as an opportunity to counter US military and technological dominance and gain strategic advantage. On the other hand, China's growing technological capabilities are the main factor behind the US's efforts to create a block of digital economies in order to counterbalance China's growing power.

The Gaza war, which erupted following the Al-Aqsa storm operation on October 7, 2023, took the Israeli government by surprise and highlighted the aggressive and opportunistic nature of its actions to the global community. This article aims to analyze Israel's strategies during this conflict by examining how Netanyahu's personality traits influenced the country's foreign policy. The main question of this research is, how did Netanyahu's psychological characteristics affect Israel's approach to the Gaza war? In response to this question, this hypothesis has been proposed that Netanyahu's psychological traits, particularly his conceptual complexity and cognitive coherence, contributed to Israel's aggressive and expansionist behavior in this conflict. This is evident in the rejection of cease-fire proposals, the relentless bombing of the Gaza Strip, the neglect of internal pressures such as demands from hostage families, and the dismissal of international calls for restraint, even from the United States. This analytical-explanatory research will draw on theories from personality psychology and cognitive psychology to support its findings.

IntroductionThe Caspian Sea region due to the presence of huge energy reserves and being located at the point of connection between the two continents of Asia and Europe; It becomes more important day by day. The interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran, which is one of the important members of this new region, are highly dependent on the pattern governing the region and its security issues.MethodologyBy using the literature of modern regionalism and the framework of regional security complexes and a two-step exploratory hybrid research method, the indicators of this theory are first evaluated in the studied region and then using the concept of dependence. Security interdependence, in two dimensions of security conflict (negative aspect of security interdependence) and security cooperation (positive aspect of security interdependence), issues for developing research tools (questionnaire) are counted. Then, in the quantitative stage of the research, the questionnaires are evaluated by a statistical sample of 49 experts in this field.ConclusionAny military cooperation of regional countries with extra-regional powers can lead the region to a security conflict. it is necessary to pay attention to the fact that the pursuit of these issues by the newly independent countries is usually the result of the implementation of extensive exercises and the creation of new bases by the Russian Federation in the Caspian Sea region. Therefore, it can be said that if this increasing trend continues in the coming years, the movement of the Caspian Sea region towards controversial patterns is inevitable.

With the increase in the activities of the Takfiri terrorist group Daesh in West Asia, several terrorist groups also began to make large-scale movements in Afghanistan due to the powerful economy of drug trafficking. This problem is considered a serious security threat not only for Afghanistan but also for Central Asia and even Iran. ISIS Khorasan, as one of these groups, has carried out most of its terrorist activities in Afghanistan and neighboring countries with the aim of creating a fundamentalist extremist group and comprehensively developing its operations. This research was carried out in a descriptive-analytical way and using the theory of security ecology, with the aim of investigating the impact of the activities of ISIS in Khorasan in Afghanistan on the spread of the crisis of narco-terrorism and drug trafficking in this country and the region, and the necessary information was obtained from books, articles and internet sources. has collected Based on this, the main question is how has drug trafficking affected the expansion of ISIS activities in Khorasan in Afghanistan? The findings of the research show that security problems such as the spread of terrorist activities, elimination of opponents, kidnappings and numerous bombings in this country and its neighbors, economic problems such as the creation of a black economy, the social problem of allegiance with other extremist groups, the political problem of not establishing a politically stable government in Kabul is considered one of the most important effects of ISIS Khorasan narco-terrorism in Afghanistan.

Given the realities of the international system within the current arena of war and its resulting damages, actors persistently focus on each other’s economic advantages. In this context, the West Asia region, characterized by tension and volatility, specifically highlights Syria—a country that has endured a decade of conflict—for its favorable economic traits. These attributes stem from Syria’s access to open waters and its proximity to European and African nations. Notably, Iran has maintained positive relations with Syria for many years, dating back to the era of Hafez Assad. During the eight-year defense against Iraq, Syria supported Iran, fostering strong ties. Considering Iran’s continued presence in Syria, prioritizing economic components to advance national macro strategies becomes a constructive governmental response. Both regional and global powers actively seek to enhance their influence and economic standing in other countries. Since the end of the Cold War, regionalism and power dynamics have gained prominence, prompting large governments across geographical regions to assert their roles in economic and political spheres. Consequently, the power struggle among actors in Syria extends beyond its borders, projecting an external image.
But despite the efforts of some powers to change the power dynamics in Syria, the ISIS caliphate came to an end, and the conflict zone was confined to the north and northwest of Syria. Meanwhile, Bashar al-Assad remained at the helm of power, and relentless attempts were made to overthrow him. This situation opened up opportunities for other governments to establish a presence in Syria, particularly in its economic sector.
Over the past decade, Iran has gained greater importance and status in the eyes of Damascus, especially within the context of the fight against ISIS in Syria. A notable example of Iran’s significance to the Assad government is the administration of the Latakia port, which was granted to the Islamic Republic of Iran. Iran has also engaged in favorable economic activities within Syria.
In light of these developments, the Iranian government has transitioned from military spending and the fight against ISIS to a focus on soft power and economic influence in Syria. It now occupies a unique position in the country’s economic geography.
Based on this fact and Iran’s presence in the Syrian war against opposition forces and ISIS, as well as its support of the central government, this article analyzes the impact of Syria’s geo-economic position on Iran’s strategic situation in the Middle East region between 2018 and 2023. The hypothesis of the article posits that Syria’s geo-economy, following the fall of ISIS, has solidified Iran’s influence within Syria and enhanced its regional role in both political and economic dimensions.
This article has collected data and analyzed it based on geoeconomics theory. According to this theory, controlling and influencing global and regional markets, as well as having access to the economic highways of many countries worldwide, ranks among the most crucial objectives. Achieving these goals necessitates tools such as attractive foreign investments and long-term, low-interest loans.
 
In light of this, concepts that hold significance in the economic sector—such as trade, investment, financial policies, economic aid, and sanctions—have gained prominence in the field of geo-economics. These components, once less critical before the collapse of the Soviet Union, now play pivotal roles in the competition among major powers since the 1990s.
 
These economic tools can spark competition between nations across various domains, particularly within different geographical areas. According to the principles proposed by the theory of geo-economics, Syria possesses a favorable economic geography for other states. Given the challenges faced by the Syrian government over the past decade, revitalizing both the political and economic aspects of the country necessitates attracting foreign capital and engaging in trade with other governments while distancing itself from security-related discussions.
 
This article analyzes the data using a documentary and statistical approach, employing the descriptive-analytical method with the assistance of geo-economics theory.
Based on the obtained data, Iran’s presence in Syria stands as one of the most critical levers within the West Asian region. According to available information, Iran has consistently expanded its cultural and economic footprint in Syria, particularly during the presence of ISIS and even more so afterward. This proactive approach by Iran underscores its recognition of Syria’s unique situation, especially following Ebrahim Raisi’s visit, and its strategic intent to enhance its position in West Asia.
 
Investing in Syria promises significant economic success for the country and contributes to bolstering regional prestige. Consequently, Iran’s presence in Syria, coupled with the creation of economic incentives for domestic investors, will further strengthen its influence in the country and facilitate the return of capital to Iran. From a political perspective, this presence aligns Iran more closely with its allies and strategically positions Syria within the depths of West Asia. As a result, Iran finds itself in the closest proximity to other regional competitors, poised to play an even greater role in shaping the future of regional dynamics compared to the past decade.
Therefore, based on the data, the following results have been obtained: 
1- With its presence in Syria, especially after the fall of the self-proclaimed ISIS government, Iran has demonstrated its intention to leverage the country’s economic interests.
2 -Iran has firmly established its presence in areas like Latakia, strategically exploiting Syria’s economic potential.
3 -Following the liberation of Bokmal by Iranian forces and under their directives, the Al-Tanf route—previously controlled by the US—has been significantly neutralized. This has ensured the continuity of an economic route connecting Iran, Iraq, and Syria.
4-By establishing a transit route between the resistance forces and the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, Iran facilitates connections across multiple corridors, including the North-South corridor, the China-Pakistan corridor, the China-Central Asia-Iran corridor, and the West Asia corridor. This network enables seamless access for Iran to the Mediterranean Sea via Latakia.
As a result, Iran’s presence in Syria has deepened the country’s strategic significance within the region and the global context. Syria, particularly Latakia, has emerged as a pivotal gateway to other lands.

The crisis between the world powers in Ukraine began when Viktor Yanukovych, the country's former president, refused to sign a free trade and cooperation agreement with the European Union aimed at building closer ties with Russia. On February 22, 2014, following street protests against the government and the deterioration of the internal situation in Ukraine, Yanukovych was removed from the presidency by a vote of the Ukrainian parliament. Following these events, the “Crimean Peninsula” was occupied by Russian forces under the title of protecting the Russians of this autonomous region. A few days after these events, the people of the Crimean Peninsula declared their 96% approval to join Russia in a national referendum and the peninsula officially became part of Russian territory. After this incident, the scope of differences between the two countries remained and manifested itself in different ways until finally the war between the two countries started in 2022 and the field and military conflict has continued until now.

Research Question: 

How did the European Union react to the security crisis in Ukraine from 2014 to 2023 in relation to Russia?

Research Hypothesis: 

The hypothesis is that the European Union’s response to security threats between 2014 and 2023 was due to the lack of a coherent security and defense policy against Russia's uncompromising policy towards the developments in Ukraine, a result other than the annexation of Crimea to Russia in 2014 is the escalation of conflicts in the Donbass and the Sea of Azov and finally the field war and the annexation of the eastern regions of Ukraine to Russia by 2023.

Methodology and Theoretical Framework: 

In this article, based on a qualitative method and a systematic review, we examine the issue in the context of the concept of acting and lack of acting. The tools for collecting data and information were based on the existing method in the library format and the use of reliable internet sources.The European Union is considered as an important actor in the international community and according to the developments of the international system, it seeks to play a positive role and improve its position in various fields. Therefore, in an attempt to critically evaluate the performance of the European Union in response to security threats in the Ukraine crisis, we use the concept of activism as used by Burston and Volger in 2006. Activism has been a central concept in EU foreign policy since 1977. This concept refers to the active and conscious capacity of the European community in relation to other actors of the international system and the response to external crises, such as the Ukraine crisis is fully applicable to the concept of European activism. The acting parameters considered by Barston and Volger namely “Opportunities, Presence and capabilities” are designed for the international system. These parameters examine the strengths and weaknesses of the European Union as a provider of security in Eastern Europe. Thus, it is an assessment of the EU's ability to influence foreign relations by shaping the “perceptions, expectations and behaviors of other actors in international politics”. Therefore, the parameters of “opportunity, presence and ability” can show the evaluation criteria of the active European Union in the field of providing security and capabilities of this actor in the Ukraine crisis.

According to the findings, the European Union’s behavior towards the Ukraine crisis has changed from a passive actor to an influential one, but their uncoordinated defense behavior so far has been nothing but the imposition of sanctions, the establishment of a joint security and defense mission in November 2014, the Eastern Partnership program and the use of all-out support for Ukraine to counter Russia's powerful role.

This article, from November 2013, describes a series of important points in the gradual evolution of the conflict in Ukraine, including: Yanukovych’s decision not to sign the accession agreement, the emergence of the internal crisis and the fall of Yanukovych’s government, the annexation of Crimea to Russia, the war in Donbas and the downing of the plane MH17 and finally, it examines the war in Ukraine due to the lack of EU role before the war and the active role of Ukraine after the war. During the annexation of Crimea, the EU played the role of a neutral actor with no interest in the crisis and despite the EU’s continued peace-building efforts, which were carried out through the launch of a special mission to the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe in November 2014, due to its powerful role in Central Eurasia and Ukraine, the Kremlin was able to defeat the Union in this security crisis as it achieved its goals in this regard by annexing Crimea and building a bridge connecting Crimea and the Russian mainland in May 2018. As a result, by wasting the opportunity, presence and ability, the European Union failed to demonstrate the international community’s expectations for an effective role in the Ukraine crisis as well as in the Balkan conflicts. Even as Donbass elections in November 2018 confirmed Russia’s annexation, EU officials like Mogherini only condemned Russia’s actions in Ukraine. However, after the start of the war in Ukraine, the reactions of the European Union were accompanied by many changes and created the impression that it would distant itself from neutrality and passivity and will fully support this country.

After the collapse of the bipolar system at the level of the Eurasian international economic system, due to the proof of the connections between the members and the geopolitical importance of its members, as well as the need for economic development, examples of this type of cooperation are currently being considered in the present article by examining the economic relations between Iran and Armenia. These relations are discussed from the perspective of Eurasian integration. The main article is to identify the key factors and elements in strengthening the economic relations between the two countries in this goal. Therefore, the main question is, what are the factors in the relations between Iran and Armenia in the economic field of Eurasia? The findings show that the four envelopes of the moon and the internal cohesion of the union, the nature of communication, the level of power and relations are important at the level of relations between Iran and Armenia in the institutions of the Eurasian Economic Union.

The deep impact of the relations (including economic) between Tehran and Yerevan due to the Nagorno-Karabakh war has led to the question of how the economic relations between Iran and Armenia will be in the framework of Eurasian integration after the Nagorno-Karabakh crisis in 2020. Also, the question of whether the Eurasian Economic Union will lead to the growth of relations between Armenia and Iran or will it lead to its decline? It can be hypothesized that the economic relations between Iran and Armenia in the framework of Eurasian convergence after the 2020 Karabakh crisis were affected by the way Baku and Yerevan managed the conflict. If the role and position of the Islamic Republic of Iran is not considered in the management of the Caucasus issue, we will witness a negative impact on the economic relations between Iran and Armenia. Because beyond the role of Turkey for the benefit of Azerbaijan and in opposition to Iran, the presence of the Russian Federation as the main actor in the Eurasian Economic Union as well as the management of the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh crisis (considering the extent of Russian influence in Armenia) will be considered as a regulator of relations between Iran and Armenia. became. This article was compiled using descriptive-analytical method and library documents.

Russia is a country with long-standing ties to the African continent, so that Russia's role in the Black Continent can be analyzed in terms of its geopolitical and geoeconomic considerations and the idea of Russia's "glory" derived from the tsarist empire. Russia is now trying to realize the idea of the glory of the tsars and to play the role of a great power on the African scene, given the situation, given the reluctance of the United States to intervene directly in African affairs. This article answers the question of what goals and interests Russia is pursuing in Africa and why Moscow has been active in African countries in recent years to achieve its desired interests? The authors' hypothesis is that Russia seeks to enhance its role as a major power on the African continent; In practice, however, this role is largely limited to efforts to help balance, arms and conflict resolution in African countries, educational assistance, and economic benefits. This research has a descriptive-analytical aspect and data collection has been done to do it by library method.

New technologies in the post-industrial revolution era have the ability to change the balance of power. Artificial intelligence is no exception. This technology has the ability to penetrate all areas from economy, business and services to security and defense issues. Accordingly, none of the major countries and powers want to be left behind in this field. The main research question is, what effect has artificial intelligence had on the competition between China and the United States? Based on the findings, despite the increased competition and challenge between Beijing and Washington in artificial intelligence and related technologies and the imposition of sanctions by the United States against China in the field of hardware related to artificial intelligence, there is significant cooperation between the scientists of these two countries in the field of producing articles and scientific research. There is. Also, Beijing has been able to overtake the United States in the production of scientific articles, patents related to artificial intelligence and big data. The United States is also a leader in the production of hardware and chips and is trying to use this advantage to stop China's progress. This article is done using descriptive-analytical method.

In response to security challenges and problems at the external level (regional - global), the security policies of actors are designed and pursued based on regional dynamics. In the study centers of the Russian Federation, security objectives are derived from enviromentology and are prioritized based on political geography. The governing political, economic, and cultural structures perceived in these regions by these centers reflect a secure region in line with the Kremlin's interests and aspirations. This Russian approach to security and the region in West Asia is based on a cost-benefit explanation of every behavior and decision of the Russian government among Russian researchers, and ultimately leads to a security discourse. This article aims to identify the basis of the macro-strategy and security doctrines of Russian think tanks in relation to the West Asian region: What is the attitude, explanation, scope and elements of Russian official and decision-making think tanks about the concept of security in the West Asian environment? The present study bases its hypothesis on the bio-history, national geography and identity defined by Russia's strategic think tanks at the regional and global levels, with the aim of how to define and realize Russia's material interests and priorities, especially in the West Asian region. This article, within the framework of constructivism theory, interprets Russia's view of the security region in West Asia. This article has been done by descriptive-analytical method and using library resources (written and electronic) to achieve reliable and desired findings.

In July 2013, Abdel Fattah el-Sisi ousted then-President of Egypt Mohamed Morsi and was able to seize power in a military coup. He blamed the media for the Hosni Mubarak's fall and, accordingly, decided to establish a new model of the relationship between the Egyptian government and the structure of the Egyptian media.  The main question of this research is: what is the pattern of relations between the media and the Egyptian government headed by Abdel Fattah el-Sisi? The findings show that the Egyptian media was closely monitored during the presidency of Abdel Fattah el-Sisi, and a new pattern emerged in the relationship between the media and the political system in Egypt. Although the new pattern was supported by Abdel Fattah el-Sisi, eventually it negatively affected all the Egyptian media and collapsed due to inefficiency. This study aims to identify the pattern governing the relationship between the media and the Egyptian government in the six years from 2013 to 2019. To achieve this goal, using the method of document analysis, which is based on a purposeful and systematic study of sources and focuses on descriptive and interpretive search, the relationship between the media and the political system headed by Abdel Fattah el-Sisi has been examined.

On June 5, 2017, opposition to the boycott of the Palestinian-Brotherhood Hamas and Hezbollah sparked tensions between Qatar and Saudi Arabia, following the publication of remarks by the Emir of Qatar on Al Jazeera's website about Iran's positive role in the region. Qatar's non-retreat from its positions exacerbated the crisis and eventually led to the severance of diplomatic relations between the two countries and the siege of Qatar by Saudi Arabia. This study aims to understand the media policy of Saudi Arabia regarding Qatar during the crisis and siege (2017-2021). To achieve this goal, Saudi Arabia's media policy from 2017 to 2021 has been studied using the qualitative content analysis method. For this purpose, the content of the websites of Al-Arabiya networks, the Twitter accounts of the Saudi Minister of Information and A'iz Al-Qarni and Al-Arifi as well-known claims of Saudi Arabia, the websites of Al-Hayah and Al-Okaz newspapers were examined as a statistical sample in the period 2017 to 2021. The findings of this study show that the Saudi media, following the policy and policy of Muhammad bin Salman's political system and using various propaganda techniques such as testimony, lies, repetition and assassination, widely assassinated the Emir of Qatar, religious and political justification of the siege. They have adopted the country and the introduction of Doha as a sponsor of terrorism.

After the Arab uprisings, the UAE increasingly sought to play an effective role in regional power relations. Due to its geographical location and trade-based economy, it seeks to expand its political and military influence in various areas of the region. To legitimize these goals, Abu Dhabi put the policy of aligning with world powers on its agenda. To the extent that it pursued a policy of normalizing relations with Israel in order to confront its regional rivals and to overcome the economic consequences of its regional policies. Therefore, the main purpose of this article is to answer the question: what are the factors influencing the change in the foreign policy strategy of the UAE after the unrest in the Arab world?

In order to achieve the objectives of the research and answer the question, an attempt has been made to test the changes in the foreign policy of the United Arab Emirates by a descriptive-analytical method and using library resources.

The Arab revolutions and subsequent developments paved the way for a new wave of political transition in the region. The UAE faced a political transition in the region due to its conservative political structure. At this time, the country pursued a different foreign policy since independence. The failure of many Arab uprisings plunged the region into new crises, which provided an opportunity for the UAE to pursue its political goals in the region with an aggressive approach.

Although the UAE, with the support of the remnants of former regimes and secular nationalist parties, confronted the wave of post-Arab Spring political Islam and at some point sought an independent path of influence from allies such as the Saudis, the policy choice of the normalization of relations with the Zionist regime has created a context of widespread instability in the country's foreign policy.

With the aim of defeating the goals of the Yemeni revolution, the Saudi-led Arabic Coalition entered the Yemeni campaign in 2015. But there were clear signs of disagreement among key members of the coalition on the Yemeni scene. The southern regions of Yemen became competition place of Saudi Arabia and the UAE. Accordingly, the main question of the article is what are the most important factors of competition between the UAE and Saudi Arabia in the Yemeni crisis? The hypothesis is that the two actors' different perceptions of the common enemy component and their skeptical attitude about the desired results are the main factors in the rivalry between Saudi Arabia and UAE in Yemen. This article describes the components of competition between the two countries in Yemen through a descriptive-analytical method, and examines the impact of the competition between Riyadh and Abu Dhabi on the political future of Yemen.

In this article, an attempt is made to pay attention to and explain the effect of the soft power of the Islamic Republic of Iran in strengthening the power and influence of the Shiites in the political structure of Iraq. After the 2003 invasion of Iraq and the overthrow of Saddam's regime, the Islamic Republic, as an important and influential country in the region, has tried to use its soft power sources to increase its sphere of influence and expand its geopolitical territory in the new Iraq. Meanwhile, by increasing the weight and consolidating the power of the Shiites in the political structure and equations of Iraq, the Islamic Republic, while developing convergence with the new government, has achieved high power and influence in Iraq, especially among the Shiites. Therefore, the main question of the research is what effect has the Islamic Republic of Iran had on strengthening the power of the Shiites in the political equations of Iraq (2020-2003)?The premise of this article is that since the 2003 US invasion of Iraq, the Iraqi political scene has been marked by increasing Shiite power and influence; Therefore, based on the discourse of the Islamic Revolution, the Islamic Republic is trying to strengthen the role and position of the Shiites in the political equations of Iraq, to prevent the factors of power from leaving the hands of the Shiites of this country, and in this regard; To develop Tehran's sphere of influence and acting power in the field of Iraqi politics.

With the coming to power of Donald Trump as President of the United States, the Afghanistan crisis, which has overshadowed Washington's foreign policy since 2001, entered a new phase. The noteworthy point at this stage is the official acceptance of the Taliban as a political and field reality in the field of power in Afghanistan, which has put the United States in the orbit of a peace approach with the Taliban and subsequently ending the war in Afghanistan. The main purpose of this article is to examine US foreign policy in peace with the Taliban. Based on this, using descriptive-analytical method and library resources, it raises the main question of how Trump's foreign policy in peace with the Taliban is explained and what are the most important factors influencing it? The findings show that Trump used a neo-separatist approach in concluding a peace agreement with the Taliban, which is a selective internationalism that offers a utilitarian foreign policy. In this context, the United States during the Trump era tried to be present in Afghanistan at the lowest possible cost and manage the crisis in this country. The most important factors influencing the peace between the United States and the Taliban can be examined in two levels: changes in US policies and the field situation and policies of the Afghan government.

The Islamic Revolution has created a socio-cultural transformation in Iranian society that emphasizes cultural tools and dialogue in communication and interaction with other governments and nations. Based on the teachings of Islam, Ayatollah Khamenei, the Supreme Leader of the Islamic Revolution, attaches a special role and position to cultural elements in the social and political spheres. By emphasizing the innate and divine values ​​that are common to all human beings, he has sought to awaken and educate the people and create unity among Muslims based on universal cultural values. Also Iran and, of course, its foreign policy have always considered certain cultural, identity and ideological principles due to their combination of two rich identities and cultural backgrounds, "Iranian source" and "Islamic source". This article, after examining the capacity created through civilized and religious sources and other cultural components for the foreign policy and diplomacy of the Islamic Republic of Iran, deals with the type of view and position of cultural diplomacy in Ayatollah Khamenei's thought. The main concern of this article is to answer the question: "What are the criteria for strengthening cultural diplomacy in the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran according to the instructions Ayatollah Khamenei?" To answer this question, this article; It tests the following hypothesis: "The components of power-creating civilization in the context of cultural diplomacy are the basis for improving the performance and realization of the goals of the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the age of globalization."

Economy has been an inseparable part of the Islamic Republic of Iran and Kazakhstan Republic’s relations after the collapse of the Soviet Union. Trade relations between the countries have had an impressive growth and a substantial number of legal documents have been signed in order to facilitate trade relations between two countries. However after 2000 rise and fallhas been witnessed in the bilateral trades due to political economy. Against this background both countries made some attempts to stabilize their relations through political and economic mechanisms. The authors try to find an answer for the following question: Which model of political economy has been used by Iran and Kazakhstan to stabilize the economic relations since 2010 to 2020? They argue that Iran and Kazakhstan have usedmultilateral trends of political integration with the pivotal role of geo-economic objectives. Therefore the two countries have cooperated in different multilateral frameworks including economic unions, common legal platforms and international transit projects. One of the achievements has been paving the ground for Iran’s partnership in Eurasian Integration.

The geo-economic situation and the amount of oil and gas reserves in the Republic of Azerbaijan, along with Russia's disputes with near abroad from 2006 to 2014, and the disruption of the gas of the European countries, was a factor in pushing the European Union to seek new energy resources to Azerbaijan. The present paper examines the causes, context, and also the role of the energy variable in the European Union's cooperation with Azerbaijan over the past few years. The main question of this article is the question of what place Azerbaijan has in the EU diplomacy of energy? In response, it is hypothesized that "Russia's political use of energy resources to pressure the European Union, as well as the growing need of the Union to import energy resources, will provide conditions for increasing EU cooperation with Azerbaijan through the Southern Gas Corridor has brought And increased union bargaining power. The findings of the study show that the union, in its awareness of the asymmetric dependence on Russian energy and its consequences and security threats, has sought in recent years to reduce these threats by connecting with Azerbaijan and diversifying its energy resources.

Taking place of transitions in Arabic countries of the Middle Easta have followed new stage in America's foreign policy toward these counties. This transformation mainly been enjoyed clear contradictions. Articl's aim is to review paradox of America's foreign policy about transitions in Bahrain and Syria. Question paper is that the main reasons for the United States of America contrasting approach towards the transitions in Bahrain and Syria? Hypothesis suggests that despite the similarities between manner of protests and behavior of Political elites of the both countries, the foreign policy of America have its own specific characteristics and complexity toward both,This article concludes that America's foreign policy is based on the contrasting values to the events in Bahrain and Syria. While in Bahrain, the United States America has established its policy due to long-term security relationship with that country on the basis of the principle of sovereignty, maintaining the status quo and defend the primacy of the rule of Al Khalifa, But in Syria, America followed a policy of intervention, human rights, the fight against terrorism in order to hand over the government to the rebels.

Threat is defined as an axis role in designing security doctrines. Should threat be considered as a blend of possibility for an event and its negative results, The concept of threat in the mental model of Russian analysts refers to a set of situations that have somehow endangered, harmed, or targeted Russia's short-term and long-term national interests, values, and priorities. In the framework of structural theory, this article explains Russian perceptions of threat and its impact on the concept of environment, especially in Central Asia and the Caucasus. By prioritizing security developments and addressing key threats in this environment, this paper raises the main question of what is the definition, perspective, dimensions and components of Russian governmental and non-governmental think tanks on the two concepts of threat and environment in Central Asia and the Caucasus? The main hypothesis of the article is that governmental and non-governmental think tanks in Russia have defined and developed the concepts of threat and environment in Central Asia and the Caucasus based on their historical experiences, national geography, natural and cultural identity, interests and material priorities. This article has been done by descriptive-analytical method and using library resources (written and electronic).

The Arab world has witnessed two intertwined phenomena since the Arab Spring: The first has been the deterioration of the internal situation in countries where many countries such as Libya, Syria and Yemen have experienced the risk of collapse, while many others like Lebanon suffers from internal weakness. The second was the emergence of non-state violent actors (VNSAS), such as terrorist jihadists, warlords, organized crime syndicates and armed militias affiliated with political parties and tribes. The second phenomenon is the natural consequence of the first. When a government fails, it cannot monopolize the use of force, complete control of its territory and secure its borders. These conditions create a security and political vacuum that is a suitable environment for the spread of violent non-state actors.  Currently, in the Arab countries, the role of such actors has made the efforts for peace more difficult and complicated for the government. This article aims to analyze the causes of the state-nation crisis in the post-Arab world, focusing on answering the following fundamental question: What are the reasons for the formation and spread of violent non-state actors in the Arab world? The provisional answer to these questions is that the complex and multilayered combination of economic, socio-religious and political factors and the crisis of legitimacy and the continued intervention of foreign countries to support or suppress terrorist groups have fueled insecurity and increased conflict. Factors have led to the emergence of non-state violent actors in the Arab world.

 Following the changes in the structure of international power, the sphere of influence of the international powers has also changed, and, consequently, new regions of power have been formed in the world. One of the most important new areas is the Southwest Asia. Southwest Asia is, in fact, the intercontinental zone of the three continents of Asia, Europe and Africa, consisting of five geopolitical areas: Central Asia, the Subcontinent, the Caucasus, the Persian Gulf, and the Middle East. In this geopolitical area, due to the South-East Asia and East create linkage to the Middle East and Europe, the neighboring world powers, the Central Asian region and the Caucasus. So that, Pakistan has been referred to in most geopolitical views (Mehrabi & EghtedarNejad, 2014: 200-201). The Islamic Republic of Pakistan became independent in August 1947 after the independence of India. it has not been so calm since its independence. Today it is home to more than 180 million people in Asia's populous countries. Pakistan has always been engaging in long-standing rivalry with India (Ganguly & Kapur, 2010: 10), and in addition to border disputes on the Kashmir issue with deep historical and religious backgrounds, for many other reasons, this country has witnessed much unrest after independence. [The complex social and political environment in Pakistan, the ethnic and tribal nature of its social structure, militarists involvement in political affairs, the interference of foreign powers, and above all the religious conflicts with tribal rivalries with the interference of foreign powers, in particular the United States and Saudi Arabia, have been a good environment for Wahhabism growth (Rashydi & shahghale, 2012: 94)]. Given these reasons, there are many extremist groups that have emerged in Pakistan that threaten not only their security, but also the security of the region and even the world, which Iran is also exposed to. Accordingly, the research question is that after the independence of Pakistan, what factors contributed to a security crisis therein?

In the organization of research, firstly, should be addressed to the Third World National Security Theory. And then, the issue of the independence of the developments in this region, or the dependence on the security system of Saudi Arabia, India, Iran and the US will be evaluated in the context of an appropriate categorization with the Southwest Asian School of Security. Finally, the components of this theory on Pakistan and its impact on the political and security environment of the actors involved in the region will be assessed as a conclusion with the explanatory and descriptive method.   

Pakistan has a multifaceted identity, which has suffering coupled with political instability, the inability of the central government to exercise domestic power, the increasing power of ethnic-religious loyalty, and the plight of civilian identity. Of course, sectarian extremism in this country alone is not due to the internal status of the country, but it can also be caused by regional developments (Sadri Alibaloo et.al. 2014: 10). All of these factors, in particular, the level of illiteracy and weakness of the economic fabric of these areas, have caused violent movements against the central government, which itself is in severe disruption in domestic structures. Therefore, the Pakistani government has little control over the borders of the country, and these instabilities directly threaten the security of the country (Fair & Chalk, 2006: 337). Based on the Third World Security Studies approach, the following factors together have seen internal conflicts in Pakistan that gradually diminished the legitimacy of this government: the social and religious situation, the economic situation and the legitimacy crisis of the government. In such a situation, the security of Pakistan has also declined by reducing political coherence. Hence, if we are to look at the domestic issues of Pakistan in terms of the Little Indicators, we find that the country, through ethnic and religious conflicts, along with the weakening of the central government, has led the nature of the government to a few states in which legitimacy is weakened and there is no legitimate authority and power. Despite government repressions, there are constantly conflicts between different groups with each other and with the central government to expand its influence and power. In the external dimension, Pakistan has experienced countless downsides over the past few decades; a long-standing controversy with three direct military confrontations with India over the region of Jammu and Kashmir, the traditional influence on Afghanistan's development, direct support and Indirect from dozens of radical religious groups in the region, disagreement and cooperation with Iran, strategic partnership with the United States and alignment with arabic countries of the Persian Gulf are among the characteristics of Pakistani foreign policy, which paves the way for the role of the various actors (Ketabi et.al 2016: 10). 

Security conditions in Pakistan are affected by instability in many areas, and the potential for conflict in the country is increasing. The impact of transnational threats or transnational challenges, such as radical Islamism, is only part of the equation, and these increase the risk of direct conflict between countries in the region, including with Afghanistan. Non-traditional security challenges impose the greatest risk to regional stability. Hence, the security of South Asian countries is more threatened by domestic actors than threatened by foreign actors. Of course, in some cases, the combination of complex and multi-layered internal and external factors leads to a security crisis, and internal crises such as the weakness of legitimacy, the lack of integration and weakness of the nation state provide the context for political divisions. The South Asian security environment also suggests an asymmetric balance of power in which is evident the intervention of a strong country on weak country in the form of support of strong country from a particular group or activity against it or the desire of a particular group within a weak country to benefit from alliance with a strong country for overcoming rivals. The role of Saudi Arabia, India, Iran, and the United States can be analyzed from this perspective. For America, countering terrorism and the non-expansion of geopolitical influence of China, Russia and Iran is important. On relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and Pakistan, it is necessary to mention, due to its geographical and its cultural-identity affiliations, has not been taken into account. This is the point that was repeatedly expressed by Iranian foreign policy analysts as a weak point. The most important factors that focusing on ideological interests in the relations between the two countries over the years provide as follows: Mistakes caused by lack of attention to diverse regional capacities, lack of attention to religious differences and lack of expert decision making and lack of use of specialists. These issues undermined the economic and cultural interests. Therefore, for strategic alignment with Pakistan, the Islamic Republic of Iran can adopt a cultural-economic approach to relations with the countries of the region, while avoiding disagreements, cultural commonalities and economic needs of the parties should be taken into account.