abbas ghadimi gheidari

Critical cultural and social discourses related to the lives of Iranian girls and women emerged after the Constitutional Revolution. Many women's journals criticized the traditional lifestyles of women and girls, challenging the norms, patterns, and traditional frameworks that defined their lives. Alongside the establishment of women-oriented newspapers that focused on the status and conditions of women and critiqued them, there were male-oriented publications such as "Gol-e Zard." These publications addressed women's issues and their roles through literature and poetry, aiming to change and improve the conditions of women and girls, ultimately leading to social, political, and economic transformations. These efforts were both negative and positive: negative in their critique of traditional lifestyles, particularly regarding marriage, familial relationships, and social activities; and positive in their pursuit of new opportunities for women and girls, such as in education, schooling, and healthcare. This article explores the reasons behind and the approaches of the "Gol-e Zard" magazine towards women's issues using content analysis. It offers new and innovative insights into the efforts and activities of this lesser-known publication.

Polygamy as a cultural category is one of the important issues in the field of women's studies. This issue has been relatively common in previous societies. What is certain that polygamy existed more or less among different classes and strata of Iranian society during the Qajar era. In the literary and political texts of the late period of Naseral-Din Shah and especially after the constitution, due to the familiarity of writers and poets with the West and theexpansion of communication, more attention is paid to women's issues. This research, relying on the literary and political texts and sourcesof the Qajar and constitutional eras and new researches, has researched and investigated the approachof political, social and literary texts to the issue of polygamy by descriptive-explanatory method and content analysis. Studies show that paying attention to this issue and its causes and consequences in the critical view of literary and political thinkers from middle of the Qajar period and especially theconstitutional period became very important and became one of the important issues in their studies. It is worth pondering that informing women about their position and not considering it normal has been one of the issues of concern to intellectuals and thinkers

Dispatching the students to Europe had begun after the Iran-Russia wars by the aim of modernizing and compensating for hindrance. This process continued during the Qajar period; According to documents, nearly a thousand students in this era were dispatched to Europe aiming at transferring knowledge. One of the main incentives for dispatching agents was to reconstruction and evolution of the education system. But according to the documents no student in “History Course” was dispatched in the mentioned era. In the first decade of Pahlavi era by codifying the bill of dispatching students in sixth national consultative assembly, we witness creating new generation of dispatching students in the interval of 1928-1933 A.D.) who constitute the new modernizing generation of Iran among which the fist history course students were included. Albeit as it is being demonstrated in the article, new wave of dispatching students in history course did not lead to training a historian or an evolution in historical research. In order to understand mentioned phenomenon, after an overview of the process of dispatching students in general and dispatching students in the field of history in particular, the article will discuss the mechanisms of history student dispatching, dispatched persons and their takeaways based on sources and documents. Moreover, there are some main variables to understand the problem of sending students not becoming professional historians in the decades of sending Iranian students among which these issues have been recognized: the motivations and goals of sending designers and agents, the government's expectations and demands from graduates for their future careers in the process of modernization, the French educational system as the destination of 75% of sending students and the gap between research and education in this country.

After Industrial Revolution and the formation of modern trade system, underdeveloped Iran from the 19th century took attention of colonial powers due to its strategic position and economic goals. The defeat of the Iranians from Russia had formed first lights of thought on the causes of Iran's underdevelopment and the progress of the West in the mind of Abbas Mirza. Being in priority of benefiting from industrial innovations and investment of foreign companies for Tabriz was depended on its privileged geographical location, being the city of crown prince and investment of the city's merchants. The main question of the research is what changes and under the influence of what factors occurred in the commercial system and industry of Tabriz during the Qajar era? The most important achievement of the research is based on the creation of new industries and trade system in Tabriz. In this regard, new manifestations of modernity such as exchange offices, banks, spinning and carpet weaving industries, printing houses, electricity, etc. were established in Tabriz. Also, merchants of Tabriz played a major role in establishing Tabriz commercial and industrial centers. The continuous growth of trade in the early 14th century AH encouraged foreign investors to expand their economic and productive activities in Tabriz. But, the influx of foreign goods did great damage to domestic handicrafts and factories. Based on historical references, publications, and documents, this article has studied the economic and industrial developments of Tabriz by descriptive-explanatory method.

historians have emerged who have left their works under the influence of modern ideas and requirements of their time during the Qajar ‎era as the result of the connections of Qajar school of historiography with the past and the change in the tradition of Iranian historiography and its transformation from the traditional form to the modern one. At this time, scientific historiography in Iran was under the influence of Western civilization and passed the subject of history from tracing and recording the history of princes and wars and led to recording social developments and historical events. At that time, historians were very prolific and each of them had supporters in the court. Etemad al-Saltanah was one of these historians. In his works, he took into account the issues such as the role of women in society, but due to being a courtier, he paid more attention to women in the court. Qajar kings, in addition to supporting traditional historians, also supported the issue of translation.

During the constitutional period, new communication tools appeared in the Iranian press. Following the Political open space of the constitutional period; caricatures were one of the tools that were used in some newspapers and publications to criticize the political and social conditions of the society. The Azerbaijan newspaper was one of these newspapers at the Azerbaijan state that used caricatures alongside the political, social, and economic articles as a novel and efficient way of conveying criticism. The use of this new tool, in addition, to attracting the audience, successfully reflected the image of the political, social, and economic problems that were inflicted on the poor strata of the society as well. The caricatures of Azerbaijan newspaper covered different topics such as the interference of foreign countries in the internal affairs of Iran, unjust actions of the rulers with the poor people, and a new concept such as freedom and the constitution. This paper uses the content analysis method, historical insight from thoughts, approaches, outcomes, and impacts of the Azerbaijan newspaper and its caricatures on the Iranian society and the Azerbaijan state during the constitutional period. Furthermore, it is for the first time that caricatures of the Azerbaijan newspaper have been chosen as the subject of an independent study.

In the second half of the sixteenth century, Shah Tahmasp drawn his back on the field of art, court supporting of the art and artists was minimized and the political events after the death of Shah Tahmasb added the complexity of the situation. This situation forced Sadiqi Beg to adopt the suitable strategy in accordance with the new relations governing the field of culture. This strategy was to turn to personal habitus and rely on own individuality. The present study, while paying attention on the historical relations and social developments affecting the second half of the sixteenth century’s Safavid art, has emphasized the relations between activists in the field of culture, the personal motivations of the artists, or the effect of these relations on his final function. The main target is to understand the relationship between the function of the artist (here Sadiqi Beg) and the influential forces in the art scene of sixteenth century. As a result, the artist’s specific function in relation to the dominant discourse has been examined and recognized. In order to strengthen the mentioned concepts, the performance of Sdiqii contemporary artists such as Aghareza and Alireza Abbasi has also been briefly discussed To find this relationship and draw its coordinates, primary historical sources and documents have been analyzed and interpreted. Therefore, the quiddity of this research is qualitative and historical and with the descriptive-explanatory method has been analyzed the special and symbolic function of Sadiqi Beg during the social and political changes of that time. The analytical approach used in interpreting texts, reports, and functions in this article is the issue of Pierre Bourdieu’s relational sociology. This approach led us to realize that the relations in the field of Safavid art and culture in the second half of the sixteenth century were such that it forced the activists presents in it to act according to their personal habitus and the amount of symbolic capital at their disposal. They chose the appropriate strategy with the requirement of the field, and in this regard, they followed the laws governing the field of politics and power.

The pishkari or pishkar post found its roots in the early Iranian bureaucracy. It was revived in the Qajar era and acquired, at least in certain periods, an important and efficient position in the Iranian administrative structure. We know that the Qajar organized a vast bureaucracy as well as reviving inveterate administrative posts and jobs. And as necessary, they also created new jobs. Due to the structure of the central bureaucracy system in Tehran, it was formed large and small administrative offices in different states and provinces.After Tehran, the most important and most extensive administrative and bureaucratic organizations among the states and provinces of the Qajar era, emerged in Darolsaltaneh of Tabriz. The pishkari was one of the premier positions of the Qajar bureaucracy in Tabriz that sometimes confronted the Crown Prince’s authority and other posts. The officiates of this post have been regarded as Qajar’s political and military authority figures. This article, in addition to the genealogical and historical tracing studies of the pishkari post at the bureaucratic system of Azerbaijan during the Qajar period; with the help of reliable sources, based on the descriptive-explanatory theory, has a look at the state and alterations of this important post and the administrative duties of it.

In this article, an attempt is made to summarize the actions of the Russians in Iran, to be the basis for the analysis of their ideas, in other words, the intellectual foundations of the Russians, in the areas of individual ethics and respect for human rights, government and foreign policy, according to behavioral manifestations. They have been explained; overviews show that their theoretical framework was based on what we call "anti-values" today; Thus, the preservation of human dignity has no place in their thinking, and moral vices are rippling through their behavior and are not considered anti-value (lying, resorting to force, deception, etc.), on the other hand, lawlessness and Violation of the law in foreign relations is their intellectual basis; therefore, achieving pre-determined or planned goals is considered prior to the observance of the law, and self-centeredness takes precedence over the central law, therefore, they have not been able to They should shine a light on themselves and use their power in oppressing others because they considered their victory in the defeat of others, while if they had the right plan, they would have considered their victory in line with the victory of others and instead of creating chaos. , Implemented the plan of peace and tranquility for the world and Iranians and specifically the city of Tabriz according to their power.

Immediately after the issuance of the constitutional order, the Electoral Code was developed and approved to determine the mechanism for holding the first national assembly elections. Guild and class elections were based on this Electoral Code. The guild-based nature of the elections was closely related to the role played by different social classes in the Constitutional Revolution coming to fruition. Despite the criticisms posed against the Electoral Code, it opened the path to political participation as the first experience on the path to democracy. After Tehran, Tabriz was the second city that set out to hold an election. Public and civil institutions in Tabriz took the responsibility for holding the elections. Despite the problems and ambiguities involved, the first national assembly elections in Azarbayjan  is considered as a defensible, progressive and helpful experience in realizing the promise of public participation and the right to determine the country’s political and social destiny. The present study is an analysis of the Electoral Code and the elections process in Azarbayjan, Iran, as a central issue in the first democratic experience in Iran and Azarbayjan based on original sources.

Endowment is one of the highest and long-lasting manifestations of charity to people and helping the lower classes of society, including the poor. Undoubtedly, one of the most brilliant deeds of the Safavid period is the development of endowment. Benefactors, who were more of the powerful and the governing body classes of the society, often sought to eradicate poverty from society and interact with the poor. This research through a descriptive-analytical method seeks to answer the questions of what effect the endowment has had on the life of the poor of Iranian society in the Safavid period? What were the benefactors’ goals from interacting with the poor of Iranian society in the Safavid period? Findings indicate that endowment had a positive effect on the lives of the poor of this period. The endowment was supporting the poor on the one hand, and by showing a justified picture of benefactors was encouraging people to practice this tradition on the other hand. Benefactors in the Safavid period was often donating properties to help the poor to obtain the good prayers of them, please God, and show a justified picture as a Muslim and benevolent king.

The movement of Sheikh Obaidullah Shamzini (1297/1880) took place by the aim of forming an independent Kurdistan during Nasser al-Din Shah period. The main root of this movement, which made troubles for the Qajar government, lies in the tax pressures of the central government appointed rulers. This movement started from the origin of Sheikh Obaidullah, i.e. Ottoman Kurdistan. Although Sheikh Obaidullah movement rapidly covered a large part of Iran western regions, it quickly subsided. This study by analyzing data collected in the library and documentation method, seeks to answer the question of what internal factors led to the defeat of Sheikh Obaidullahchr('39')s movement?The results of this study show the heterogeny of Sheikh Obaidullahchr('39')s coalition forces, including goals and motivations of participating in the movement, frequent killings and looting different areas by Sheikh and his forces, weak and uncertain alliance of tribal forces with Sheikh Obaidullah, lacking support of the Kurds in regions of South Kurdistan of this movement, lacking strategy and Sheikhchr('39')s unawareness of international politic are among the most important internal factors in the defeat of Sheikh Obaidullahchr('39')s movement.

The emergence of posts and occupations results from new circumstances and conditions which are defined in the society. Azerbaijan in the early days of Qajariyeh was also resulted from feedbacks of new situations and functions which had been opened to Iranians. The prominent characteristic of this state in the early days of Qajariyeh was the bbattles between Iran and Russia . Those battles necessarily required new posts and entitles with an army structure. One dominant manifestation of this situation was "AmirNezam".  The key role of Amir Nezam that was conducting Tabriz system even after the wars caused the emergence of new posts as his subordinates . In this regard, the minister of army was one of the posts that had started it's activities at the end of the battles under the supervision of Amirnezam in Tabriz. This writing aims to study the followings: that a newly founded post was just confined to one state, the necessity of it's formation during Mohammed Shah at the same time with the settlement of battles, it's functions and duties considering powerful figures. The minister of army entered into the bureaucratic structure of Qajariyeh having administrative and military authorities.  Disappearing it's prominent holders,this post had become only a title . Finally it was known as a military rank.

In this article, we tried to analyze administrative- Financial barriers of economic rationalization by utilizing the theoretical approach of Max Weber. In this regard, firstly, we analyzed the characteristics of the public finance organization based on the collective commitment (Liturgical) of the villages, ils (tribes) and guilds in the period Qajar. Then we studied components such as the domination of the livelihoods economy; the suppression of individualism and the expansion of the economy and the division of labor; the lack of competitiveness of the economy in the world system; the weak social mobility as the outcomes of the general tax system governing this period. In the end, based on research findings, the concept of Communal Rationalism has been presented as a theoretical modification with the historical particularity of Qajar Iran.

Titles are one of the most important indicators of recognizing bureaucratic structure. The titles of political, military, administrative, and financial issues and their understanding of the impact of political, social, and economic developments are a double-sided process that should be taken into account in re-examining Iran's social and administrative history. The Qajar bureaucracy was a wide range system, and the titles in this office had special appellation and functions. One of the special titles of the Qajar era was the office of "Amir Nizam”. This title was one of the new military titles in the structure of the newly emerged Qajar Army that faced ups and downs and changes in the Qajar era. The specific needs of the society of that time led to the change of function of the Amir Nizam from military to administrative. The developments of the Mid-Qajar era also reduced the Amir Nizam from a high official to a mere ceremonial nickname. This article examines the reasons and the necessities of this office, looking at the personalities of the holders, duties, and functions of this office.

The contrast between the traditional, appointed, non-democratic and inefficient management methods of city affairs in Qajar era and modern ones, which Iranians of constitution Era had recently got acquainted with, caused the formation of democratic and modern civil institution to become one of the most basic desires of the social effective forces in constitution revolution. This led to participating of citizens, removing traditional forces, who were proponents of centralization methods in managing the country affairs, the dominance of elites and the manifestation of city residents, willing and identity. Composing laws related to “village and state councils” and “Municipality council” at the first National consultative Assembly and the formation of these councils in some villages and states was in fact a response to the desires of social forces effective in constitution Revolution. The present research, focusing on Tabriz, by applying descriptive analytic method tries to investigate the rate of Tabriz State Council’s achievement in the materializing the demands of these forces. The finding of this research show that Tabriz council, using a kind of management pattern similar to the local government of modern city, could provide programs and actions which protected the city and state benefits and maintained its identity as the second capital of the country.

Historiography witnessed a boom from the tenth to twelfth centuries Hegira (fifteenth to sixteenth centuries AD) during the Safavid and Ottoman rules, and turned into one of the significant cultural achievements of the two countries. Historiography and historians of the two countries were supported by the Safavids and the Ottomans, writing several books on general history as well as the history of dynasties and kings. Regardless of some differences, it seems that there are many similarities regarding the style, content, method and subject of history in the Iranian historiography of the Safavid era and that of the Ottoman period, which show the impact of Iranian historiography on the Ottoman historiography. The present paper is an attempt cast a glance at the trend of historiography in the Safavid and Ottoman states, with emphasis on impacts, difference and similarities from tenth to twelfth century hegira.

Abstract: Amin-ud-dowleh, a Qajar reformist statesman, and his policy in the national and foreign affairs have raised some contradictory judgments. His foreign policy that is on the focus of this research which is based on documentary analysis of his views, should be considered realistically within the political and international affairs of Qajar’s state. Although attracted to the Great Britain because of Russia’s threat, Amin-ud-dowleh should not be labeled as Britain’s agent in Iran. His foreign policy with the inclination to the Great Britain can be counted as the proximity to the third power principle.

Pandname-e-Yahyaviie written by HassanAlikhan Amirnezam-e-Garrusi, one of the dignitaries in the Naseri era, is considered as one of the advice books in the Qajar era. Reviewing, Reading out and analyzing it to determine its status in the Iranian traditional advisement works and familiarity with the author’s opinions and beliefs are the aims of this study. The need to recognize its importance lies in the understanding of the intellectual and political developments in Qajar period. Although one witnesses some archaism, nationalism or anti Islamic–Arabic approaches and tendencies in this period, Pandname-e-Yahyaviie adopts an Islamic approach. Pandname-e-Yahyaviie’s Islamic approach is a visible sign of the intellectual development in Iranshahr thought in the Qajar era. Keeping the format of an advisement book and using this language, concepts, religious, political, social, cultural, moral, literary and military doctrines and teachings are induced. This study uses library resources to address the issue under study. In this study, Pandname-e-Yahyaviie text was reviewed and analyzed as an advisement text.

With the death of Karim Khan Zand and bloody disputes between Zand heirsregarding his legacy and the subsequent decline and fall of the power of the central government، as is typical in Iranian political history، once again an opportunity was created for regional and tribal powers in various states and provinces to expand their power and autonomy، seize the throne، or play a role in the power equations، based on their political and military power. Due to its unique and important position anddiversity of tribal and regional powers and their geographical distribution throughout this state، Azerbaijan experienced an important part of thesedisplays ofpolitical and military power. With the death of Karim Khan Zand، Azerbaijan tribal powers and mainly Donbalis and Afshars who since long ago traditionally ruled over parts of this vast and rich state، began to play a political role. On the other hand، this state attracted the attention of other claimants to power includingAli Mardan Khan Zand and Agha Mohammad Khan Qajar and each tried to take advantage ofthis dispersion and diversity of power. Eventually، by taking advantage of tribal disputes and conflicts of power contenders in Azerbaijan، Agha Mohammad Khan Qajar managed to take an important step towardsseizing the throne.

One of the chronicles of the late years of Fat’h Ali Shah Qajar’s reign – which has yet not been introduced, reviewed, and critically edited and has been left unknown and anonymous – is a manuscript titled (the History of Fat’h Ali Shah Qajar) by an author called Mohammad Hossein Badaye’ Negar Oorjani. The author has written this book by order of Fat’h Ali Shah in 1833 and only one copy of it exists which is kept at the Central Library of Tabriz. Oorjani was a traditional courtier and secretary in the early Qajar and wrote this book several years after Ma’aser-al-Soltanieh by Abolrazzaq Danbali and Tarikh-e Jahan-Ara by Mirza Mohammadsadeq Vaqaye’-Negar Marvazi and one year before Tarikh-e Zolqarnein by Mirza Fazlollah Khavari were written. Oorjani followed Abolfazl Abdollah Vassaf’s style in chronology and his reports of historical events were accompanied with complexities and tedious wording, and plenty of Arabic and Persian poems. The book content includes an introduction and a brief genealogy of Qajar up to the second wars of Iran and Russia. This article introduces this manuscript and its author, and critically analyses its content. It tries, for the first time, to introduce Oorjani’s writing style, method for writing history, his calquing and imitations and his position among the historians of the early Qajar Era by a comparative study.

One of the main problems in the political structure of Qajarid government was the issue of succession and heir apparent. This issue made the government and country face crisis and civil war time and again. Although Agha Mohammad Khan's will and tribal customs were supposed to be admitted as a rule for choosing successors, it was never considered to be an accepted rule in political and official structure of the government as well as by the superior classes. This rule was established to let Qavanloo tribe stabilize and continue their kingdom, since they were the founder of the dynasty. The quarrel and fight among princess, the aggregation among court, bureaucrat and militaries as well as Russia and Britain's meddling were major factors in choosing successors. From time to time, these factors strengthened the crisis and caused civil war. Furthermore, the situation of Qajar's government and their foreign policy was weakened because of the foreigner penetration in choosing successors.