farideh mohammad alipour

Regarding the population growth, industry expansion, rising public health and welfare, per capita renewable water resources are declining. Therefore, this commodity, like other economic commodities, is subject to scarcity. The scarcity and unreasonable use of water resources has created serious and significant problems for sustainable development and environmental protection. Lack of water resources poses a serious threat to human health, food security, industrial development and ecological systems. Because water issues are intertwined with the national history and identity of societies and are also part of the national security of governments; Therefore, strategic confrontation with water relations and conflicts will be an intertwined issue for policymakers in this field. Hence, the political, economic, and environmental actors and actors of the Kura-Aras River Basin in the South Caucasus are numerous and diverse on a regional and global scale. The main use of Kura-Aras water is in agricultural Georgia and in Armenia in agriculture-industry and in the Republic of Azerbaijan it is the primary source for drinking water supply; However, this basin is uncontrollably polluted. Due to the lack of monitoring of urban and industrial wastewater, agricultural recurrent flows and widespread use of pesticides, especially in the Republic of Azerbaijan and oil-related industries, metal extraction and smelting in Georgia and Armenia, the natural mechanism of this basin is facing serious challenges.

Actor analysis or stakeholder analysis is the process by which individuals or groups are identified that have the greatest influence on an issue, issue, activity, strategy, or decision. Various methods of actor analysis are widely used in management, policy-making, marketing and futures research. Actor analysis is widely used in environmental management because the issues in this field are very complex and require the involvement of different individuals, groups and organizations. Accordingly, the word actor or beneficiary is used to refer to each of these different beings. The second goal is to identify the position of each actor in relation to goals, priorities or key issues, and to achieve this goal, a two-part matrix is used. Actor analysis using this method consists of 5 interconnected and related steps: defining actors and their main strategies or goals. When using the module methods, the initial inputs required for the analysis must be provided separately. Therefore, defining the main issues and topics (structural analysis), although it is one of the activities that is done in a complete futures research project in the previous stages, but when using the module, this stage is also added to the research stages. It can also be pointed out that the identification of actors (goals, motives, limitations and tools of their action) as well as the identification of the main strategies and goals of each actor can be considered as two separate stages, but because these two stages actually include gathering two sets of data and forming elements of two separate matrices, in this paper, these two activities are considered in one step.

Experts participating in the panel of experts in this study completed interaction matrices in two stages. In strategic foresight, it is more important than identifying future variables to identify the relationships between them; Because in the real world, these variables affect each other and none of them can be analyzed independently. Identifying interactions paves the way for the use of networked and systemic approaches, including the parsing method. To identify the interactions, experts need to know how to fill in the matrix elements and the meaning of each of the positive and negative numbers. This issue was identified by the researchers as a facilitator for experts, and finally the one-part matrix of actor-actor and the two-part matrix of actor-goal were completed. First, the interaction matrix was scored among the actors, which is an indicator of the relative power or influence of the actors on each other. Interactions between actors are asymptomatic matrices (positive or negative) that determine the intensity of the effect of row elements on columnar elements. of the actors on each other is also obtained. Also in the second stage is the actor-target matrix (tasks).In terms of hydropolitical relations between the countries of Kura-Aras catchment, Turkey, Armenia and Georgia had the most influence in this basin, and among them, Turkey had the most influence and Georgia had the least influence, and Iran and Azerbaijan had very high influence and very low influence. Countries upstream of the Kora-Aras catchment. It is important to note that the role of these two actors in the future of the Kora-Aras catchment area is considered to be very important, considering that Turkey and Armenia are simultaneously highly influential and influential. Assessing the power of actors among the actors shows that Turkey and Armenia are the most influential countries in the Aras-Kora catchment area and Iran and Azerbaijan are the most influential countries.

The crisis of water scarcity and its increasing consequences due to increasing consumption, has caused water to play a more fundamental role in directing the socio-political relations of political-spatial units and human structures, especially in arid regions of the world. In such a way that today the issue of water has affected the security and relations of political-space units. A trend that will be more widespread in the countries located in the desert strip of the world with a view to change the pattern of precipitation and reducing rainfall and increasing water consumption in the future. The reflection of the current situation in many common watersheds has led to changes in the hydropolitical relations of political-space units and has strengthened the confrontational and hydro-hegemonic approaches of political-space units. The habitat of this catchment area of Turkey and Armenia has been through improper dam construction, dumping of sewage from power plants and industrial factories, and among these, the Islamic Republic of Iran has the highest environmental impact (human and natural) and the role of Turkey. And Armenia as the main players in the future have the Kora-Aras catchment.

The China–Saudi Arabia relations have witnessed significant growth and development from 2011 to 2022. Primarily driven by oil relations, the relations between the two countries have flourished in areas such as trade, investment, technology, and military cooperation. In December 2022, the two countries established the highest level of bilateral ties by signing 34 investment agreements valued at around 30 billion dollars, spanning various sectors such as clean energy, hydrogen production, solar energy, information technology, transportation, medical and housing industries, and building materials factories. Furthermore, China’s oil imports from Saudi Arabia increased from 5 million and 66 thousand barrels per day in 2011 to 10 million and 852 thousandbarrels per day in 2020. The figure remained above 10 million barrels during 2022, despite the challenges posed by the COVID–19 pandemic and unfavorable economic conditions. This trend Indicates growing relations between China and Saudi Arabia.China and Saudi Arabia have exchanged a large share of capital in the energy sector. The Saudi active presence in the Chinese oil market has positioned it as China’s largest trade partner in the West Asia and African region. The bilateral investment volume between the two countries stands at approximately 73 billion dollars. Saudi Arabia’s extensive investments aimed at controlling China’s oil import network, refineries, and petrochemical industry, along with its involvement in the plan to double China’s strategic oil reserve, underscore the importance of maintaining China’s energy market for Saudi Arabia. Consequently, given China’s status as the largest energy consumer and Saudi Arabia’s position as the largest oil exporter, both countries possess the requisite capacity to foster cooperation in this field.In addition, Vision 2030 and the One Belt One Road Initiative are strategic factors facilitating the expansion of China–Saudi Arabia relations. In this regard, the two countries have signed comprehensive strategic cooperation agreements, leading to the establishment of the High-Level Joint Committee. During the committee’s second meeting in Riyadh in August 2017, contracts valued at 70 billion dollars were signed. Moreover, an important milestone was reached by signing a memorandum of understanding between the two countries for the establishment of a joint investment fund worth 20 billion dollars. Furthermore, Industrial Development Fund, China’s Silk Road Fund, and Everbright Bank were established. These agreements, memoranda, and funds intend to expedite the development of China’s One Belt One Road Initiative and Saudi Arabia’s Vision 2030. Although China is trying to maximize its energy security by distributing its oil imports among different countries (e.g., the US), Saudi Arabia’s consistent share of approximately 20% in recent years remains of utmost significance.

Literature Review:

Several studies have examined the topics of US energy policy and the development of China–Saudi Arabia relations. However, few works have linked these two phenomena in an analytical manner. The novelty of this article lies in its attempt to bridge this gap and provide an analysis by exploring the interplay between these two issues.

This research adopted a mixed methods design, utilizing both quantitative and qualitative data. Documents and library resources were used to collect the data. Relying on an examination of research, analytical and statistical texts, the study focused on indexing and defining variables and their influential factors in a bid to conduct an analytical and inferential exploration to elucidate the trends and interrelationships between the independent and dependent variables.

The US–Saudi oil relations have witnessed unparalleled growth and encompassed various economic, political, and security sectors in recent decades. Furthermore, to ensure its own growth and development, it is imperative for China to maintain stability and security in the energy sector. This objective can be achieved through effective management of competition and, in certain instances, cooperation with the United States. The ongoing trend of expanding relations between China and Saudi Arabia in the energy sector is unprecedented, solidifying China’s position as a significant competitor to the United States. The growing China–Saudi Arabia relations are driven by the mutual needs in the energy sector and strategic development plans. Yet the present research aimed to analyze China–Saudi Arabia relations with an eye to the US energy policy, relying a neo-mercantilist approach. Consequently, the primary question addressed in this article is: how has the US energy policy during 2011–2022 influenced the dynamics of China–Saudi Arabia relationship. The study was based on the hypothesis that the US energy policy during 2011–2022, characterized by increased oil and shale gas production and a reinforced neo-mercantilist approach in the energy sector, played a crucial role in fostering closer ties between China and Saudi Arabia, primarily in the oil sector, and supported their efforts to broaden mutual cooperation across other fields. The hypothesis was tested through empirical and explanatory methods. The research findings suggest that China–Saudi Arabia cooperation is expected to expand further in the future, while taking into account the sensitivities associated with these relations from the perspective of the United States.

Following the arrest of women and children by the Syrian Democratic Forces who had joined the ISIS terrorist group, the return of these people to their countries of origin was deemed an important issue in the fight against terrorism. While most European countries refused to accept them, Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan began to repatriate them. The current study seeks to address the question “How has the rehabilitation of ISIS women and children in Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan affected these people`s identities?” The hypothesis has been studied utilizing the Actor-network theory. This hypothesis has been tested: it has made it feasible to reinvent the identity of these individuals by placing women and children back from ISIS in a network of new social links. According to the findings of the study, the rehabilitation of these people in a network of social relations, as well as the use of the capacities of rehabilitation centers, schools, family, and neighborhood as translation mediators, has caused these individuals to reflect on their identity, rethink their social identity, and, as a result, successfully integrate in the society. Research results show that the rehabilitation of these people in the network of social relationships and the use of the capacity of rehabilitation centers, schools, families and neighborhoods as translation intermediaries has made women ISIS female and child returnees reflect on their identities and identities. Thereby rethinking their social identity and in a process of successful integration. In these countries, homeland adaptation and recovery activities as well as basic measures have been implemented individually with special emphasis on spiritual, psychological, ideological and family support, with government support in cases such as restoration of civil status, periodic financial support, and fight against social exclusion and the psychological distress that accompanies training for new professions such as translation, accounting and tailoring.

Over the past few decades, emerging environmental threats arising from population growth, the expansion of urbanization, and climate change has led to an increasing threat to water resources on a subnational to transnational scale. The threat to the survival of ecosystems and human societies due to water scarcity, especially in low rainfall areas, has played an effective role in strengthening the aspects of cooperation in hydropolitical relations. The relative power of the countries located in a common basin is one of the reasons of hydro-hegemony, and its most severe form occurs when the country upstream of the basin is the most powerful country or spatial political unit of the basin. The present study aimed at the hydropolitical relations of the countries of the Kura-Aras basins, the inputs of which were conducted using the foundation data method (Grounded Theory) and by conducting semi-structured interviews, and therefore, the question is what are the hydropolitical relations of the countries of the Kura-Aras basin? The results of 30 interviews showed that the most important factors influencing the hydropolitical relations of the countries of this basin are Turkey's dam constructions, river pollution by Armenia, the unclear legal regime of the Aras-Kura River, the economic development plans of the countries of the catchment, weakness management of water resources in the catchment basin and its consequences, threats to food security and agriculture, threats to human health, migration, drying up of the fertile plains of the region, especially Moghan due to pollution, destruction of Arsbaren forests, threats to Iran's national security in the north-west of the country, and the future conflict and tension among the countries of the catchment and the reduction of river water quality.

With the rise of the dignity of citizenship, government was required to ensure that citizens enjoy citizenship rights. European governments face the dilemma of deciding what to do with women affiliated to ISIS have been resettled in the Syrian camps of Al-Hol and Rouge after the defeat of ISIS. The aim of the present study helps to clarify the responsibility of European countries towards their citizens in the Al-Hol and Rouge camps in particular and the human rights emergency situation in the extraterrestrial context in order to fight against the causes of terrorism in general.

The present study uses an explanatory-descriptive methodology. It is descriptive because it deals with European women join ISIS and influences on their citizenship rights, and it is explanatory because it uses Agamben's theory to find the causal relationship between independent and dependent variables in the hypothesis. Articles, books, legal documents and laws in library and online library materials have been used to collect and analyze the data.

By defining terrorism as an act that undermines the fundamental relationship between the individual and the state, European countries have refused to guarantee the right to life, prohibit torture and arbitrary detention of women affiliated to ISIS, and have extended this to their children. This has led to the reduction of these individuals to bodies to which any treatment is permitted.

Despite the fact that women who affiliated to ISIS are still citizens of European countries, officials in these countries have turned terrorist into a fluid border of citizenship and have refused to guarantee the rights commensurate with the citizenship dignity of women in the Al-Hol and Rouge camps.

Citizenship rights are a combination of duties and responsibilities of society members towards one another, society and state. In cases such as threats to national security, governments may serve these threats as a ground for restrictions on these rights. In enforcing this restriction States must adhere to legislative principles such as proportionality and non-discrimination. After the 9/11 terrorist attacks, the European countries have tried to restrict civil rights. The main question is how fighting terrorism has affected Citizenship rights in Europe? Using the explanatory method and with the aim of enriching the research literature on the current situation of civil rights in the light of the anti-terrorist policies of European countries, the results of the study show that in the State of Exception, the provision of security through preventive use of criminal justice in reality, results in ignoring many of the fundamental rights and freedom of individuals and minority groupsIncluding Muslims.

The Radical Right in European countries has achieved the definition of a mythical self by relying on an imaginary geography and in this process has benefited from those who have sacrificed for their ideals. The research question concerns how radical right groups have affected the creation of imaginary-mythicalgeography in Europe. The hypothesis which is tested based on Mitchell’s pictorial turn theory is that radical right groups have affected Europe through picture and image recognition to create imaginary-mythical geography and have resulted in the strengthening of their social identity. The results of the study show that the radical right has recognized those who have sacrificed by holding musical and athletic events and in this way have strengthened social identity in imaginary-mythical geography.

There are significant differences between Oman's foreign policy compared to others Persian Gulf Arab state, and Omani politicians have demonstrated a unique foreign policy in addressing the challenges of the Middle East. In the Iraq-Iran war, Oman's political leaders, unlike other Persian Gulf  states, did not line up to support Iraq and sought to maintain relations with both sides in the war. After the challenge in the relations between Iran and Saudi Arabia, this country has maintained its relations with other Arab countries on the Persian Gulf at the level of diplomatic relations. Unlike most countries in the Persian Gulf region, Oman not only did not call for a diplomatic embargo on Egypt after the Camp David Accords, but also tried to pave the way for its return to the Arab world. After the so-called Arab Spring upheavals and the diplomatic crisis in relations between Saudi Arabia and Qatar, Oman has not only opposed the Qatar embargo, but has also tried to end the crisis while maintaining relations with both sides. One of the most important factors that has caused Oman to behave differently in foreign policy compared to other Persian Gulf countries is its identity. Because the identity of countries has an important role in the foreign policy of countries. Accordingly, this study examines the question of how identity has affected Oman's foreign policy?. Examines the hypothesis that Omani identity has influenced the country's foreign policy by accepting pluralism and has led to a neutral and mediated approach.Among the concepts that are selected as focal concepts in foreign policy, the concept of identity has a special place. In a general definition, identity refers to the distinctiveness of an actor. To understand the behavior of different actors, including countries, one can obtain valuable information by focusing on the identity of the actor. Becausse identity is the motivating factor for international actors. To determine how identity affects the foreign policy of countries, the value approach can be used as a framework for action, The three components of value, priority and foreign policy actions are the most important focal concepts of this analytical approach. In this approach, in order to explain the causal actions, priority is placed between values and foreign policy actions. In other words, value determines the priority of a particular action in foreign policy. The value perceived by decision makers leads them to choose a particular priority in foreign policy.Oman has the majority of Ibadi religion. Ibadia has full tolerance towards other religions, cultures and even other sections within Islam as a strong pillar in its spiritual, moral and cultural orientations.  Accordingly, the Ibadiyya religion helped create a culture of tolerance and social cohesion in Oman. Oman's identity has facilitated many diplomatic initiatives and mediation, and identity diversity has provided the potential for the country to play a mediating role in regional crises.

Despite the over seven decades of Myanmar's independence, United Nations concerns and at the head of that Secretary-General have remained about the Rohingya Muslim minority. Deprivation of citizenship and lack of recognition as an ethnic-religious have always provided the context to apply discriminatory behavior based on violence, crime and human rights violations against this minority. Along with media reflection about this tragedy in the world and expectation of the United Nations to address this issue, UN Secretary-General has been constantly monitoring and reviewing the situation of the Rohingya people through appointing two special advisers consist of The Special Adviser on the Prevention of Genocide and The Special Adviser on the Responsibility to Protect. In this study, with the aim of reviewing the actions and measures had been taken against the Rohingya Muslims in Myanmar and UN Secretary-General's reaction to it, the main question is that, what role has the UN Secretary-General played in the violent actions of the Myanmar government against the Rohingya minority during 2016 and 2017? In response, with using descriptive and analytical approach it is assumed that the United Nations Secretary-General with awareness of the unfair and inhuman conditions of the Rohingya Muslim minority in Myanmar over the past decades, has played a role in bringing global attention to the situation of Muslim Myanmar by adopting new approaches and new tools at the United Nations. The results of the research illustrate that, despite the efforts of the Secretary-General at the head of the UN Secretariat criminal acts against them have continued in 2016 and 2017.

Afghanistan is one of the important cornerstones of the international great game among important regional and international powers. There are tense debates on the causes of instability and crisis in Afghanistan. What is common in all these ideas and factors, is Pakistan's role as a neighboring country with numerous ethnic, cultural and religious commonalities of which the Army has played a very prominent role in different political and social spheres of Afghanistan during last four decades.  While inspecting differnet elements of Pakistan’s Strategic Culture. This article tries to answer the question of what/ how has Pakistan's strategic culture been guiding its foreign policy toward Afghanistan? The hypothesis of the article is that the Pakistani military has institutionalized its strategic culture in this country’s foreign policy in such a way that it sees its national security and survival in controlling and influencing Afghanistan. The findings of the paper suggest that Afghanistan and India are two key elements in Pakistan's strategic culture that Pakistan needs to manage due to its characteristics and shortcomings since its inception. This article is explanatory and the required data is collected by library method. The theoretical framework of the article is based on the concept of strategic culture.

Water resources in the international river basin, both surface and groundwater, are of vital importance to the countries located in that basin. The natural flow of water and its crossing national borders may lead to cooperation; however, it can also cause tensions, conflicts and sometimes wars between states. Due to its importance all over of the world, transboundary water resources need more attention from political and diplomatic circles. Therefore, transboundary water management is a central issue in world and foreign policy. The present study investigates water diplomacy role in settlement of the Nile international water dispute.

This article aims at promoting cooperation and resolving disputes in international basins. The main question is what role has water diplomacy played in resolving international disputes in the Nile Basin.
It is hypothesized that water diplomacy has contributed to the peaceful resolution of disputes by increasing cooperation with water institutions and international agreements in the basin.

A descriptive-analytical method is adopted to examine this hypothesis with the conceptual framework of water diplomacy. In addition, SPSS statistical software is used.

Based on the data taken from the website http://gis.nacse.org/tfdd/treaties.php, we dealt with water issues and related issues in order to analyze the events related to the Nile Basin and the treaties and international organizations (RBO). The findings of the study, which are concluded by analyzing the events of the Nile International Basin, show that water diplomacy in the context of smart foreign policy can address bilateral threats such as environmental threats, climate change and water supplies scarcity to develop bilateral and multilateral transboundary cooperation. Another finding of the study is that most of the tensions in the Nile Basin are of the type 10 tension, i.e. intense verbal conflicts such as severe  condemnation of actions or policies; condemnation of leaders, their systems or ideologies; postponing meetings of state leaders; refusals to attend meetings or summits, severe propaganda attacks, lack of support; blocking or vetoing policies or proposals that are specified in the United Nations or other international bodies. However, more hostile tensions are also seen in the form of hostile political and economic actions among the countries of the basin.

According to what was stated in these papers, it can be concluded that water diplomacy by using diplomatic tools and appealing to institutions and organizations in the river basin has been able to help reduce conflicts in the Nile Basin, but the success of these institutions in resolving the problems and the chapter on the Nile Basin cannot be overstated. We saw that in 1989 and 1990 the number of tensions increased and it can be concluded that the increase in tensions and their continuation led to a decrease in the number of international institutions and agreements for the settlement of conflicts in 2002, which in result led to the formation of eleven institutions, and this made the conflicts reduce until 2004, but due to the lack of cooperation of some countries, especially Egypt, we saw an increase in the conflicts in this basin in 2005. On the other hand, the cooperative approach of countries has been effective in reducing and avoiding conflicts in the basin. For example, Tanzania, Uganda, and Kenya have had more participations in institutions than other countries, and therefore they are considering participations in international organizations and treaties. (چه کشورهایی؟) have less tensions and conflicts, but Egypt has had more water tensions than other countries due to the lack of a cooperative approach. In short, the management and governance of transboundary waters poses significant challenges and opportunities for foreign policy makers and diplomatic agents to prevent conflicts and seize opportunities, including the development of regional cooperation. In relation to the decrease in water quality, socio-economic development of communities and increasing demand for fresh water, the necessity of the two issues of conflict prevention and the development of regional cooperation is constantly increasing. Environmental change is likely to exacerbate current socio-political disputes over water and intensify them in the future. This will be especially noticeable in areas that do not have the requisite institutions to develop regional cooperation.

The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) is the product of post-World War II international conditions. NATO was established as a regional security regime aimed at countering Soviet expansionism. NATO was in a crisis of identity with the collapse of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War, which no longer saw the strategic enemy on its way. In its monopoly world, the United States has sought to preserve NATO and extend its influence from Europe to other parts of the world, especially the Middle East, in pursuit of its development goals. The 9/11 incident was a turning point in the new NATO security approach, for the first time that it went beyond Western Europe and deployed a large number of troops to the Middle East (Afghanistan). By presenting a new definition of threats, in the new international context, NATO has identified a wide range of global issues as new sources of threat and has paved the way for its role in any part of the world where its interests warrant. Going back to the research objective that seeks to examine NATO's position in US grand strategy and the US influence on NATO after the end of the Cold War, the research hypothesis states that in the monopoly world, NATO as a political-military arm, a tool for the US and under Its leadership has been to achieve US expansionist policies in every part of the world (the Middle East).

The United States of America has always used public diplomacy as a "strategic" tool in its foreign policy towards the Islamic Republic of Iran. During Barack Obama’s presidency, "digital diplomacy" and "social networks”, for some reasons, including the lack of traditional diplomatic relationship with Iran & the necessity of having a tool for managing the public opinion and collecting information from inside Iran, had been paid special attention. Therefor during Hillary Clinton's term as secretary of state, using digital diplomacy and, in particular, twitter diplomacy (twiplomacy) as an effective tool for the US foreign policy, was significantly intensified, in a wayTwitter, Facebook and YouTube played very effective roles in the protests against the 2009 Iranian presidential election results. Hence, the main question of the present research is how the US State Department usede digital diplomacy to affect Iran during the Obama administration. Using the explanatory method, the hypothesis is investigated that the US Department of State, in the frame work of digital diplomacy, has managed a soft war against Iran through using Twitter and its capabilities to bring people on the streets, organize the protesters, collect information from within Iran, and publish targeted analyses, and disseminate a wave of Iran-phobia across the world.

 For 46 years whites established the political system of race discrimination in South Africa and continuously reproduced it from 1948. The change of this system and transition to the democratic system during 1989-1999 is among the important events of the final decade of the twentieth century. The Institutionalized violence of the apartheid system looked infinite but the direction of changes and the establishment of de Klerk’s government (1989-1994) and Nelson Mandela (1994-1999) revealed the necessity for peace-building in the vengeance thirsty damaged society of South Africa. How did the peace-building became possible in this society with its transitional justice mechanisms? In order to find the reasons behind the political change in South Africa the present article makes use of Gidenz’s theory of structuration (structure interaction-functionality) emphasizes the hypothesis that peace-building in the transitional justice (permanent coexistence after peace) through highlighting “forgiveness instead of revenge” resulted in the transition from apartheid to the democratic government from 1989-1999. The findings of the study shows the role of leaders and agencies, the type of performance of the commission for truth and peace with the priority of damage compensation instead of punishment and choosing stable peace instead of realization of criminal justice.

The drainage basin of Kura-Aras in the South Caucasus region is located among Azerbaijan, Armenia, Georgia and the Islamic Republic of Iran. Two main rivers of Kura and Aras are among the biggest rivers in this region with many economic, social, security and political issues. Aras River can be considered as Iran's natural zone of influence and interests because it is located along the Iranian border and is beneficial to this country. Despite this, because of having a border with Russia and the membership of three riparian states in the European Union, it has also taken the attention of great powers and international organizations. For this reason, political, economic and environmental players and actors of the Kura-Aras basin in the south Caucasus are diverse, and both regional and global.
Collaborations based on limited and multilateral agreements among Armenia, Georgia and Azerbaijan are mainly established through the initiatives of global organizations and European Union and have ignored that Iran and Turkey are two main players and actors in the use and management of the water resources of this basin. Since no international institution has been established for the integrated management of shared water resources in this basin and no treaty has been signed for the sharing of these resources, the use of complexity theory can be beneficial for the optimum use of these resources. Based on different interactions and the influence or common dependence of effective elements in the use of common water resources in the Kura-Aras basin on each other, the understanding of subjects and the prediction of future behavior of the players is so difficult and results in unique behavior of the system that is the result of the accumulation of the behaviors of actors in the micro level. The use of complexity theory in the international relations provides a correct understanding of the issues of this basin, helps find an answer for this main question: how does the lack of balance in the resources and the utilization and also the dependence on the shared water resources affect the relations between the states of Kura-Aras basin?
Considering the complexity theory, different features of the behaviors of the states in response to complex issues is not predictable for any research or researcher, but the review of value and legal framework shows that we are not faced with an unorganized complexity and we have access to frameworks for the understanding of the reasons for this complex issues, and we also have common legal values that are agreed upon for an answer. Thus, the states that share the Kura-Aras basin can act based on principles such as equality of sovereignty, territorial integrity, mutual interests and good faith and through the use of the above principles can cooperate in this complex system for an ideal use of resources and enough protection of common water resources with each other and reach middle grounds that maintains an organized complexity and the dynamicity of the system and move towards trust making and the stability in their cooperation.
The current study takes advantage the explanatory method and for the testing of the hypothesis uses the positive method of data collection and analysis of the related data and tests the indexes related to the variables forming the concepts. Also, despite the fact that the statistics and data related to the water relations in this water basin is shallow based on the political approaches with an emphasis on international relations, the results of this study proves this hypothesis that the diversity and dependence of factors affecting the use of common water resources in this basin results in the promotion of collaboration and peace, trust making, the increase in stability and reduction of political and security disputes among the states of this basin through the use of two common principles: equitable and reasonable utilization and participation; obligation not to cause significant harm.
Based on the rules of the New York 1997 Convention, the principle of equitable and reasonable utilization makes it necessary to pay attention to geographic, hydrographic, hydrological, climatic, ecological and other factors of a natural character; the social and economic needs of the watercourse States concerned; the population dependent on the watercourse in each watercourse states; the effects of the use or uses of the watercourses in the one watercourse state on other watercourse states; existing and potential uses of the watercourse; conservation, protection, development and economy of use of the water resources of the watercourse and the costs of measures taken to that effect; the availability of alternatives of comparable value to a particular planned or existing use.
Also the principle of obligation not to cause any significant harm to the other state sharing the basin results in international basin states shall in utilizing an international basin in the territories, take all appropriate measures to prevent the causing of significant harm to other basin states. Where significant harm is nevertheless caused to another water state, the states whose use causes such harm shall in the absence of an agreement to such use, take all appropriate measures in consultation with the affected state, to eliminate or mitigate such harm and where appropriate, to discuss the question of compensation.
In this regard the answer to the issue of Kura-Aras basin is not principally establishing a linear relationship between two concepts or main variables. As a result, the states sharing this basin can act based on the principles such as equality of sovereignty, territorial integrity, mutual interests and good faith and through the use of the above principles can cooperate with each other in this complex system in order to reach an ideal utilization and proper protection of common water resources.

Aligned with aggression, extremism displays a unique paradigm of political behavior in the international system which is unique in its kind. The use of this paradigm helps extremists cause change through the spread of horror and affect their audiences to promote their own political motivations. The target population of the extremist groups involve political leaders, mangers, military, economic activists and the public in the crowded centers. The tendency towards extremist attitudes and the use of naked violence has increased in different societies in the recent decade, the phenomenon that prior to this was considered specific to underdeveloped and third world countries is increasing in developed countries and radical groups easily add to their members. So the present article is after the answer of this question: what are the internal reasons and grounds for the formation of extremism? The answer to this question involves different factors such as long term social and political conflicts, poverty, unemployment, lack of education, ideological dictations, coercion, experience of political violence by the government or supported groups and group punishment policy that lead to the creation of groups such as Army of God in the US, Kach and Kahane Chai in Israel, Aleph in Japan. The aim is to recognize these factors so that proper courses of action can be taken to fight against the roots and foundations of extremism and create a world free from violence.

Reasons behind culmination of the Islamic Revolution in Iran have been analyzed from various political, social, economic and cultural points of view. This study has relied on the “theory of good governance” to find the roots of the formation of Islamic Revolution in the historical period between 1953 and 1979. The pivotal factor in the theory of good governance is the constructive interaction of the government with the civil society. This constructive interaction results in political stability, political participation and controlling political corruption. The question is: How far was the second Pahlavi reign compatible with the theory of good governance in between the years 1953 and 1979, and how can the reasons behind culmination of Islamic Revolution be analyzed based on this theory? Findings of this research work suggest that in the period under discussion the hostile relations between the government and the civil society led to the expansion of political corruption, political instability and political participation against the ruling system. These factors accelerated culmination of the Islamic Revolution in Iran.