جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه "discourse analysis" در نشریات گروه "تاریخ"

In an overview, eight discourses and currents can be identified across European and American Iranian studies foundations and centers: archaeological-historical, encyclopedia-writing, Linguistics and Persian literature, cultural-artistic, Iranian scientific and academic studies, social, political, and Islamist-philosophical. Each of these discourses and currents is divided into different schools, sub-discourses, and sub-currents and represented by some foundations and centers. This interdisciplinary article aims to represent and analyze the semiotic system, articulation system, and the identity logic of the discursive environment in prominent western Iranian studies foundations and centers. The focal question is investigating and identifying the concepts and signs that articulate and represent the identity logic of the Western Iranian studies foundations and centers. The focus is on the identity articulation in the system and the discursive logic. The research methodology is based on Essex school’s Semiology (Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe), and corpus-based method. Therefore, first, the output of the centers and foundations, which has an identity-based nature, is extracted through a significant corpus framework; then, their chain of signifiers, signified, and referents is analyzed. Finally, the identity logic is explained by positive in-group and negative out-group representation framework. According to the findings, most of the foundations and centers have a confrontational stance towards the Islamic Revolution and the Islamic Republic. This other-making is associated with foregrounding ancient Iran and Western democracy in the identity logic, metaphorical environment, and articulation system and varies in a spectrum from agonism to antagonism. The Islamic republic, generally, is not in the foundations and institutions’ chain and logic of equivalence, but rather in their chain and logic of difference.

The prevailing assumption about the discourse of the Safavids is the predominance of the Shiite religion and jurisprudence. However, the Safavid monarchy had Sufi roots and character, which were connected with Shiite jurisprudence after the establishment of their dynasty. Therefore, the Safavid Kings had three qualities: Sufi mentor, Iranian king, and Shia promoter, who invited Shia scholars to Iran and cooperated with them. The present research focuses on the interaction of those three elements and the nature of the Safavid discourse. The question is, what effects did the historical changes in the political and social position of the Safavids have on their political discourse? The main findings show that the discourse of the Safavids, from the very first days of its existence to the end of its era, was a multifaceted discourse that changed from a purely Sufi face to a royal discourse that kept the sub-discourse of Sufism in its heart and included the sub-discourse of jurisprudence in its established intellectual and political apparatus. Therefore, it seems that the prevailing notion of the dominance of jurisprudence discourse does not have full historical evidence.

The Battle of Karbala is one of the important issues and topics in the history of Islam, which Shia and Sunni thinkers and experts in the fields of historical, theological, jurisprudence and hadith studies have looked at and discussed it with different viewpoints. One of the famous personalities and theoreticians in the field of Sunni jurisprudence and theological thought is Abu Bakr ibn Arabi, whose views on the battle of Karbala have long been exploited by Salafi movements. In his book named "Al-Awasem Men Al-Qawasem Fi Tahghigh Mawaghef Sahabeh Ba’ad Wafat al-Nai ((PBUH)" he has analyzed the battle of Karbala in the form of a discursive order/structure. In this discursive order, the insider discourse or discourses have been highlighted, and the outsider discourse has been marginalized. In this research, using the discourse analysis method of Laclau and Mouffe, it was determined that the discourse structure in Ibn Arabi's report is a combination of three emotional, historical and political discourses. In the meantime, political discourse has become dominant and two other discourses have been intelligently and consciously placed at the service of political discourse and marginalized.

Ashura Studies in the Contemporary IranAshura has been an attractive topic for various researchers since the beginning of time. It is this attraction that has caused an enormous amount of literature to be formed on this topic. Literature has different strains and approaches, and in the present day, more researchers have studied it and created various works. Undoubtedly, these works are related to the existing historical and social contexts. The present paper analyzes Iranian society from 1961 to 2011 with a qualitative approach and discourse analysis. It examines the Ashura research discourses of this historical period. The main issue of this research is the discovery of essential discourses in Ashura studies in the mentioned historical period. The research method here is qualitative, using Laclau and Mouffe's discourse analysis method. The research results show that the top three discourses of this fifty-year period, which have been flowing either during the same period or at the same time, are: revolutionary, reformative, and emotional discourse. The review of the Ashura literature pictures the influence of the socio-political situation, indicating the challenge of tradition and modernity on these approaches and discourses. Also, the results of the research show an active but hidden discourse. Historians and researchers neglect moral discourse, but this research has addressed it, a discourse that tries to highlight the moral teachings of Ashura and conveys them to society, formulating the society's ethics based on that.

The various and sometimes different approaches and definitions in the study of Islamic art have complicated the study of it. Traditionalism and historical perspectives, the two dominant approaches in this branch, look at Islamic art differently. The base in traditionalism is on tradition and unchangeable principles, while in historical perspectives, it is history and its contexts. Traditionalists consider Islamic art to be the result of a grace that has flowed in the artist and embodied the teachings of perennial philosophy in the art works, but in the historical perspectives, the art works are the product of historical determinism and context. These differences have made the study of art works complicated even at prestigious festivals, and the various and conflicting criteria for judging works of Islamic art. This research, in a descriptive-analytical and discourse analysis method and a comparative approach, seeks to answer the questions; What is the discourse analysis of these two dominant approaches in Islamic art? And why, despite these two dominant discourses, there is no unity in the definition of Islamic art and its main features? and provide a basis for modifying a more comprehensive definition. Research findings include dissimilarity in discourse components, discourse creation, and sub-discourses.

During Reza Shah's reign, the discourse of authoritarian nationalism was formed and used in different fields. In 1317 A.H., an institution called the Organization of Cultivating Thoughts was established to promote and expand the ruling discourse in various arenas. Teachers were one of the groups that were trained by this organization. Using the discourse analysis theory of Laclau and Mouffe, this research aims to investigate the articulation, concepts and identification process of the discourse of authoritarian nationalism in the historical speeches of the Organization. The analysis of the speeches by the Organization of that period shows that the articulation of the concepts and components of the discourse of authoritarian nationalism in these speeches were made around the central sign of the Shah and that justify the foundations of Pahlavi rule.

The establishment of the modern state in contemporary Iran brought about a fundamental change in the traditional education. The special function of the educational institution in its modern form is to reproduce and institutionalize the ideology of politics. Emphasis on the ancient history of Iran and the central role of the emperor in the Iranian political system during the reign of Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi has been formulated as an external manifestation of nationalism in various studies, but the intentional injection of this ideology into the content of history textbooks has not been studied by any researcher. In the present study, from this perspective, attention has been paid to how national components are reflected in textbooks through linguistic analysis. The technique used in the linguistic analysis of the content of history textbooks in the second Pahlavi period in this research is derived from the research of Ruth Wodak (2015) in this field. She pays attention to 5 different levels of language formation stages for the formulation of scientific propositions. Therefore, this study, in the dialectic between history and ideology and power, seeks to investigate the strategies of political institutions (second Pahlavi era) in creating the text, interpretation, and the selection of historical propositions by examining the content of history textbooks according to Ruth Wodak’s approach of historical discourse analysis.

Nationalism has been one of the influential concepts in the contemporary history of Iran. This concept, which was introduced to the writings of some thinkers from the middle of the Qajar period, became one of the intellectual pillars in the form of the discourse of liberal nationalism. In the unsettled social and political situation in Iran during and after World War I, the discourse of liberal nationalism faced a crisis of meaning. Hence, the need arose for an alternative discourse that tends to solve the existing problems and produce new meanings. In this situation, the theory of the formation of a powerful central government was proposed and the discourse of authoritarian nationalism was elaborated to solve the solutions.  This study, based on Laclau and Mouffe's theory of discourse analysis, seeks to answer the question of what was the articulation, concepts, and process of identifying the discourse of authoritarian nationalism in the history textbooks during the Reza Shah period. This study, by examining the textbooks of this period, shows that the ruling power, by articulating the concepts and components of authoritarian nationalist discourse attempted to strengthen the foundations of the Pahlavi government.

The Battle of Siffin happened in the year 37 AH, in the land of Siffin located in the western part of Iraq between Raqqa and Bals. It was fought between Imam Ali (AS), the head of the Kufa army, and Mu'awiyah ibn Abu Sufyan, accompanied by the people of Sham (i.e. Syria). One of the important points of this battle that has not been studied methodologically so far is the unity and coherence of the Syrian Army. This issue has been mentioned by Imam Ali in Sermon No. 25 in Nahj al-Balaghah when describing the army of Syria. Furthermore, most historical sources acknowledged it. The present study uses the critical discourse analysis method - as an interdisciplinary approach in social sciences that examines the relationship between language, power, ideology and discourse - to understand the impact of Mu'awiyah's speech on this unity and cohesion. Therefore, the effect of Mu'awiyah's speeches on his army will be examined at three levels of description, interpretation and explanation. The results show that Mu'awiyah used both tradition and religion to produce motivating and unifying factors among the people of the Sham.

One of the main patterns in Qajar era itineraries is the comparison and securitizing the roots of underdevelopment in Iran in that era. This can show us how the Iranian elite have seen the onset of modernity and tradition conflicts.Abolhassan Ilchi is among the very first Iranian diplomats who served in London and Saint Petersburg in early 19 century. His writings (Heirat nameh) reflects interesting experiences and is a valuable source for understanding that era.In this paper we have examined the reactions and solutions provided by Abolhassan ilchi .in doing so we have utilized a multilevel analysis method in which the judgements and solutions proposed by the author is discussed and compared to contemporary Iranian elites. Also the fascination and the critiques made by author is also a matter of discussion and analysis.We have found that although the author is thinking in premodern framework but he managed to comprehend and set forth the idea of Iranian identity vs western identity and tried to reach some sort of solution to that dilemma..

One of the methods of studying historical events is discourse analysis. Throughout the modern history of Iran, the concept of nationalism has continued to exist in various forms with ups and downs. This concept was articulated in the discourse of "liberal nationalism" that began and eventually became the hegemonic discourse before the Constitutional Revolution.   With the establishment of the Pahlavi dynasty, textbooks were used in the state discourse.  The ruling power used the discourse of authoritarian nationalism to justify the foundations of government and marginalize other discourses which clearly was expressed in the official history textbooks. Based on Laclau and Mouffe's theory of discourse analysis, this study seeks to see how the concepts, and process of identifying the discourse of liberal nationalism in the textbooks were expressed during the Reza Shah. Examining the textbooks at the time, this study argues that the concepts and components of the discourse of liberal nationalism remained around the central sign of the Iranian nation and the ruling discourse.

The introduction of al-Sahab al-Isfahani is one of the most important sources of fourteenth-century AH compilations which, like other epistemological sources in history, is not a clear and neutral phenomenon that distorts social, political, and religious realities but distorts the facts. These sources, therefore, may not be an accurate reflection of objectivity but rather a representation of historians' intentions and ideas, influenced by the contexts of the author's time. However, reflections on these narratives are relevant. Narrations on Rashidun caliphs at one point in history have been more self-thinking. Based on Critical Discourse's analysis of the discourse, Zn is attempting to reflect on the meaning and pattern of the al-Sahabah narrative's narrations about the 'three' caliphs of the 'a', so what is the meaning of the political-religious discourse of society? The point is that he will interpret how power (political-religious) is formed in the context that Abu'nim thinks of, reinforcing that hidden power by highlighting one idea and rejecting other ideas.

New approaches to literary criticism in looking at texts have transformed them from open and read-only texts into open and writable texts. Discourse analysis is one of these methods that can be helpful in analyzing and reading texts. Achieving hidden layers and dumb voices are the most important success of discourse analysis. Tarikh Jahan Gosha is one of the historical books that raises the question of why a historical text must be based on openness, logic and reason, sometimes distance from the method of historiography and the characteristics of literary texts, such as ambiguity, obscurity and emotion? Because of the comprehensiveness of the Fairclough analysis method in both theoretical and practical axes, we have based this method on research. In this method, the three stages of description, interpretation, and explanation of Tarikh jahan Gosha have been analyzed in discourse. In this way, the text of the book will certainly has something beyond history and literature. The findings of the study indicate that in the first volume of the book there are words, metaphors, phrases and sentences and Persian and Arabic poems that are discourse-based and all of them reflect the dualist discourse of the Mongols; appreciation and determinism, conservatism and fear, escalation of possible consequences, perpetuation of cultural tradition, consolation, and so forth that are all pillars of this discourse.

Intertextual and extratextual forms of inquiry refer to the same process of discourse analysis and seek to discover open and hidden meanings in discourse. Through a study of the poems engraved on the coins of the period of Shah Abbas II, the present study aims to provide some answers to the following questions: What do the Persian poems on the coins refer to? Do the intertextual meanings conveyed through morphological, syntactic, and rhetorical devices denote the intended meanings of Shah Abbas’s words? Is it extratextual or metalinguistic factors which impose his intended meanings on the engraved poems? Following a library and interdisciplinary (literature and archeology) approach, the author has carried out a descriptive-analytic research in order respond to the mentioned questions. A discourse analysis of such poems demonstrate that Shah Abbas placed greater emphasis on extratextual factors than on intertextual ones, which demonstrates his intention to reflect the Iranian national culture and identity and consolidate the Twelver Shi’ite religion through the use of these poems.

The question of the identity and why of the birth of the scientific and cultural discourse of Al-Mustafa, (pbuh), has led to the development of this research. If discourse means a structured whole of the act of articulation that is organized around a central and focal signifier and constitutes man's understanding of the realities of the world, then Al-Mustafa(pbuh) can be described as He portrayed an epistemological discourse that is articulated around the central signifier of Shiite Islam and seeks to provide an understanding of the reality of the world. This study has looked at AlMustafa's(pbuh) scientific and cultural discourse from the perspective of Laclau and Mouffeh's discourse analysis theory; The scientific and cultural discourse of Al-Mustafa, (pbuh), was born under the discourse of Velayat-eFaqih and in the margins of its hegemony, and is considered one of the policies and cultural policy-making of the discourse of Velayat-e-Faqih. The identity of each discourse is determined by the relationship it establishes with other discourses. In this article, the identity of Al-Mustafa's(pbuh) scientific and cultural discourse has been examined from the point of view of its relation to the Salafi discourse. The signs and principles that make the semantic system of Mustafa's discourse different from the semantic system of the Salafi discourse are shown as much as possible, and to complete the circle of these differences and distinctions. , The goals, issues and topics that are raised in the discourse of Mustafa (pbuh).

The declaration of the Republic of Kurdistan in Mahabad in 1324, after the Russians refused to leave Iran during World War II, was an important event at that time that had a significant impact on both the development of the country and on the future. Kurdistan newspaper is one of the valuable resources for reviewing, analyzing and criticizing the events of this period. Meanwhile, Seyyed Mohammad Hamidi as editor of the newspaper has played an important role in the publication and orientation of the newspaper. Based on the qualitative discourse analysis model of Norman Fairclough, this article analyses the role and influence of Seyyed Mohammad Hamidi in the Kurdistan newspaper by analyseing five of his selected articles in Kurdistan. The key question is, what is the starting point of the issues that Seyyed Mohammad Hamidi raises in his articles? From the point of view of discourse, what discourse or discourses did Seyyed Mohammad Hamidi introduce or follow in his articles? Is it possible to infer from the discourse of Seyyed Mohammad Hamidi the discourse of government against the central government? The most important issues raised by Mr Hamidi are Kurdish and Iranian nationalism, and the discourses of freedom, democracy and Kurdish nationalism are the most important ones he has raised. In the texts reviewed, anti-government discourse cannot be deduced from the content of the articles.

The speech presented by Fatimah Zahra (PBUH), (11 After Hijrah), addressing Mohajer and Ansar women is worth analyzing within the framework of speech act theory on account of its historical significance. On the basis of this theory, the speaker presents the actions in form of content of propositions while uttering the words. These actions are divided into representative, performative, commissives, declarative and expressive. Following the analysis of this sermon, the article concludes that the representative, expressive and directive acts are mostly observed in that holiness’ sermon. Considering the meaningful relationship between the situational context and the social atmosphere of presenting sermon as well as the speaker’s speech acts, it can be concluded that, these speech acts were selected due to the awareness from the changes come about in the newly developed Islamic community. Accordingly, the recognition and analysis of these actions can provide a ground towards more identification of historical conditions of that era

The Political is formed within a discourse, based on a dual antithesis and sympathy or an opposing and hostile relationship with the "discourse" discourses. Concepts with the definition of politics provide, on the one hand, the identity frontiers between forces \ "Insider \" and \ "another \", and on the other hand, give meaning to political conflicts in a society. The collapse of the constitutional discourse and, eventually, its dismantling, was the outcome of the conflict with the discourses that were at the head of the catholic discourse. The conflicts that brought the country back to the path and led to the return of tyranny in the form of Pahlavi discourse. With the preliminaries of this article, the present article examines the concept of political affairs in Iran during the Constitutional Revolution. In this research, the researcher is to show that by using the method of analyzing the critical discourse of Theon Van Dyke and extracting the concepts and categories related to this method, what does the concept of the political concept in this period have had on the collapse of constitutional discourse and the formation and hegemony of Pahlavi discourse? To answer the above question, we first examined the formulation of the political and then its impact on the collapse of constitutional discourse and the supremacy of Pahlavi discourse. The texts selected for this research are extracted from four newspapers Hable al-Matin, Kaveh, Iranshahr and Farhangestan letters. These newspapers represent the ruling discourse in this period

The historical and intellectual developments underlying the various Islamic sects play a very important role in representing how different theological sects are formed. Therefore, their analysis will yield significant results and is of great importance in the history of theological thoughts. One of these achievements is understanding the background of Sectarian Historiography among the Islamic religions. The present study seeks to address this issue using Laclou's and Mouffe's discourse analysis frameworks to investigate the ongoing conflicts in the Islamic society and its contexts of formation and evolution. In fact, the main issue of this research is to identify and explain the factors that influence the formation of sectarian historiography in the time domain under study, relying on Laclou's and Mouffe's discourse analysis frameworks. The findings indicate that a series of socio-political and religious changes have influenced the process of formation of this style of historiography.

Iranian nationalism is considered as a discourse which aims to preserve the signification of Iranian identity and to stabilize it in its conceptual atmosphere through blending the structure of various significants. On the other hand, Safavid government with the significant of religion developed an authoritative and united government in Iran in 907 After Hijrah. The existence of common significants between these two discourses raises this question concerning the kind of relationship between Iranian nationalism discourse and Safavid discourse as well as the common significants in these two discourses. Since, other and otherness are of significant position in the formation of discourse, the present article takes advantage of discourse analysis of Laclau and Mouffe and concludes that there are common significants in these two discourses which look the same as each other while their discourse analysis clarifies that the semiotics of these two discourses have been developed in two different conceptual atmospheres and the main  reason of  apparent commonality of significants is due to priority of politics and the achievement of hegemony in both discourses which leads to the exclusion of any element regarding the increase of authority from the domain of discourse and its inclusion in their own discourse framework