جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه "لیبی" در نشریات گروه "علوم سیاسی"

The conflict between East and West or North and South has become global. The geopolitical and geoenergy importance of Libya in the neighborhood of Europe and its proximity to Italy, and the ability to disturb the countries on the edge of the regional fault around Libya and the northern part of the African continent, in the form of a domino of instability and insecurity spilling over from this country, show the special situation of Libya in this campaign of world order. Also, the issue of the refugee crisis for Europeans in the light of the current crisis of the war in Ukraine, which they are heavily involved in its waves, and the intersection and condensation with the developments caused by the wave of war refugees has added to these problems. In addition, the issue of the importance of Libya's geoenergy and the importance of maintaining the country's energy flow in light of the attempt to cut off Iran's connection with the global energy markets and the connection of Libya's oil logistics lines to supply Europe are other aspects of the importance of Libya in the current situation for the West and the East. From another point of view, the question of the presence or absence of Brotherhood political Islam has put Turkey in front of actors such as Egypt and the UAE and has expanded the conflict front in Libya to the maximum possible extent. In the current research, we will discuss the dynamics of internal parties and organizations in Libya, their role in the operational scene, their impact and their future prospects.

After the AKP came to power in Turkey in 2002, the country's elites first tried to pursue a policy of de-escalation with their neighbors and took action in this regard, but immediately after the start of Arab Spring in the Middle East and North Africa, Turkish foreign policy has gradually shifted towards a model of neo-Ottomanism and an attempt to influence developments in the Middle East, as exemplified by its support for Brotherhood parties and groups across the region from Syria and Egypt. for Libya this conditions was visible than another.after the start of the crisis in Libya and the struggle of groups of Libyans against the Gaddafi government and foreign intervention in the country, Gaddafi finally fell in 2011. The fall of Gaddafi paved the way for foreign governments from the United States to Europe and the region to seek to exploit the power vacuum created by his fall and to intervene in Libya's internal affairs.Turkey, in line with its neo-Ottoman policy, seeks to establish a desirable regional order with the support of Brotherhood groups and parties. Libya's position as a country with significant fossil fuel reserves, it seeks to create new global energy markets.

Today, social movements have become one of the important tools for pursuing people's demands; And parties are one of the most influential factors of cohesion and organization to popular demands. The recent revolutions in Arab countries are a clear example of these movements. These revolutions took place in a situation where in all three countries, popular calls and protests were spontaneous and without leadership or organization from the parties. The purpose of the current research is why the parties did not have an effective and important role in the revolutionary developments of the three countries of Tunisia, Egypt and Libya?

The present article is a descriptive-analytical research and the collection method is based on library information.

On the eve of the revolution, the political systems of Tunisia, Egypt and Libya were republics with lifelong presidents, which in principle were not much different from monarchical systems. In these systems, not only were there no democratic institutions such as active parties, popular participation in the political and economic spheres, as well as the accountability of the state institution, but all the features of dictatorial systems were seen in them. Hence, in all three countries, widespread popular protests took place without any leadership or group organization, which eventually led to the collapse of the ruling political systems in these countries.

Studies show that according to the political sociology before the revolutions in these three countries and for the reasons discussed in the article; The parties have not played an effective role in the formation of the revolution in the mentioned countries; But they were present in the conditions after the revolution and in the political categories after that.

As the wave of the Arab Spring spread from Tunisia to Egypt and then Libya, the governments fell one after the other. Focusing on Libya, this research tries to look at the reasons for the fall of Muammar Gaddafi after 42 years of rule from the perspective of a fragile state and investigate why Gaddafi was not able to gain the necessary legitimacy from the people. Therefore, the question of this collected research is what factors caused the Libyan revolution in terms of fragile state indicators? The braids show that the three indicators of the fragile state, including the political, economic and social indicators, caused Gaddafi's discriminatory policies, focus on tribalism instead of nationalism, and dictatorship instead of democracy to maintain the survival of his government and fell as a result. The method used in this research is documentary.

Gaddafi gained his government based on a military movement and lost his government after forty years with the beginning of protests and unrest in mid-February 2011. The protest movement of Libyan people started a peaceful protest by the families of 1200 missing prisoners. This peaceful movement was severely suppressed by Gaddafi's security units. Then the waves of this protest movement spread rapidly and with the fall of big and sensitive cities such as Benghazi, Al-Bayda, Misrata Zawiya in the east and west of Libya, it was dragged into civil war. In this research, the sociological issues of Libya will be discussed from the point of view of the role of tribes. The importance of tribes comes from the fact that the country of Libya was still governed by tribes and the tribe is the main factor of social cohesion in this country. The main question of this research is what are the effective factors in Libya's political developments and its downfall with an emphasis on tribalism? The main hypothesis is that the developments and changes that occurred in Libya due to the dictatorship and authoritarian system have caused the Libyan tribes to stop supporting Gaddafi, but due to differences with each other, they cannot form a democratic political system. The method used in this article is descriptive-analytical and compilation with library documents.

The transition from a unipolar system to a multipolar global system is causing more countries to engage in wars and proxy disputes between major powers and regional powers. Some countries will actively pursue the interests of the great powers by pursuing a foreign policy, and this will enable them to make the most of the competing interests of such countries in the game of power. Maintain their geopolitical independence. However, some other countries are involved in proxy wars due to economic and political weaknesses, and in these countries, the interests of the great power take precedence over the interests of such countries, and this causes instability and even war for it. Creates. One example of this today is Libya, which has now become a scene of conflict and proxy war between the great powers and the region. The main question of this research is what role did Russia and Turkey play in the context of the Libyan civil war and what are their benefits? The hypothesis of this article is that Turkey and Russia, as rivals on the Libyan front, are trying to reach an agreement and negotiate using the Syrian model to gain influence and a higher position in the future of this country. The study concluded that despite efforts to agree and implement the Syrian model, the Libyan issue has more complex dimensions due to the presence and influence of other countries such as Saudi Arabia, UAE, Egypt and European countries, and the agreement between Turkey and Russia, although Seems important; But it will not end with a solution to stabilize Libya. This article collects data in a descriptive manner and finally analyzes the complex situation of this country.

although peace is one of the oldest ideals of mankind, human history is full of conflict, conflict, and confrontation. Women have a strong role in peacekeeping and promotion, and women's participation in peacekeeping operations is world peace advocacy; the worldwide peacekeeping approach owes its role to promoting peace, and women are part of peacekeeping operations. Are Responsible. One of the major tasks of women peacemakers at the United Nations is the responsibility of maintaining and promoting peace, which focuses on three areas of South Sudan, Libya and Ivory Coast. The main question of the present study was, what strategies did female peacekeepers have for peace in these areas? The present study, through a feminist approach, based on the theory of pacifist feminism and through library resources and a descriptive-analytical approach, examines the role of female peacekeepers in maintaining political, cultural, socio-economic, environmental, and ultimately security of women and children. Introduce sexual abuse and suggest ways to enhance their role.

Influenced by the so-called Arab Spring, which led to the ousting of authoritarian regimes in West Asia and North Africa from power, the Libyan people succeeded in overthrowing Muammar Gaddafi after four decades of rule, following protests and effective NATO intervention. And brought about profound changes in this revolutionary country. Leading research aimed at examining the developments and influential field actors in post-Gaddafi Libya has tried to answer the question of what factors affect the lack of security in the new Libyan political system by using the theoretical components of Third World security studies and a descriptive-analytical approach. Is? The hypothesis that can be put forward as a research finding is that the accumulation of obstacles and guys in post-revolutionary state-building has led to post-Gaddafi Libya as a disintegrated, fragmented and divergent society, which is in the spiral of conflict and degeneration. Is becoming a haven for modern terrorists, including ISIS; Relying on the element of religion and with the aim of gaining political power, the groups have not only been institutionalized to prevent the establishment of any democracy, but have also targeted the security of the region and even the international system on a larger scale.

Eight years after Gaddafi's fall in 2011, Libya is still in deep internal disputes and does not have an integrated government and army to enforce national sovereignty. In addition to tribal affiliations and the region allegiances that provide fuel for the civil war, regional and global powers have also get involved in a proxy war, which in turn may also even lead to a global crisis by expanding its scope. In this context, the most important issue is the absence of a strong coherent government so question arises, given this social and political background, what are the challenges of rebuilding a strong government based on an appropriate constitutional model in Libya?

This paper based on qualitative-descriptive framework aims to answer the challenges of state-building in Libya.

Libya is a heterogeneous territory characterized by distances, deserts and unequal distribution of resources, as well as tribal fractions. In some ways, the Libyan civil war is the result of Gaddafi's policies in undermining the institutions of the state, the army and the security apparatus. Also, lack of the proper social reforms and reliance on tribal allegiances have played a major role in continuing its tribal structure, now manifested in tribal, regional and political conflicts. Nevertheless, irredentism or separatism are not seen in Libya. Therefore, the prospect of peace and reconciliation improves.

Consociationalism can provide a platform for reaching an agreement between the Libyan major political and regional actors. Consociationalism and Confessionalism are two patterns for conflict resolving in the ethnically fragmented communities. The article argues while Consociationalism can be an imperative theoretical basis for designing the new Libyan constitution, there is no need to resorting political confessionalism that has not a positive record in other Middle Eastern countries.

Because of the popular revolutions of 2011, which continues until today, Libya and Yemen are among important countries facing a wide range of political and social crises. However, the remarkable point is that the crisis in Libya has received more international attention than Yemen, and even the international community has avoided seeing the occurrence of humanitarian catastrophes in Yemen. The question is, "Why the crisis and developments in Libya have received more attention in the years since 2011 than the crisis in Yemen?" The findings of this study in answering this question have four key components. First, the Western and Arab media have adopted different standards in dealing with the issue of human rights concerning the Yemeni crisis. Second, from the perspective of the international community, Libya is geopolitically more important than Yemen. Third, the level of actors involved in the Libyan crisis is much broader than in Yemen. Finally, the Libyan crisis is seen as a major challenge to the migration crisis to Europe, which Yemen does not seem to be, so it receives less international attention.

The purpose of this study is to investigate the impact of the current turmoil in Libya on the return of ISIS to the country. The research method is descriptive-analytical. The results show that the political crisis and security challenge in Libya originate from three levels: socio-cultural, economic-political and geopolitical. At the socio-cultural level the variable of "tribal-centered", at the economic level the variable of "oil", at the political level the "vacuum of internal power" and at the geopolitical level the "competition of regional and extra-regional powers”, should be taken into consideration. Internal violence between conflicting identities not only hinders the formation of inclusive civil authority, but also provides space for foreign powers to intervene by supporting each of the identities involved. Libya's internal crisis has no military solution, and negotiations aiming to create a balance between the groups involved are the only viable solution to end the crisis. Otherwise, groups like ISIS have a very high potential and motivation to act in Libya.

Since the fall of the former leader Muammar Gaddafi and the chaos that followed his death in 2011, there has been no a powerful government to rule all over Libya. Thus, the complex political and security situation in the country prevented the two blocs of power in west and east of the country from reaching a comprehensive agreement on the division of power. Libya has increasingly becoming a battlefield for a geopolitical contest among regional and international powers, so their involvements have deepened the political divide and polarized security climate in the country. Turkey,one of the largest countries in the Middle East that has invested heavily in the country's economy since the former Libyan government,provided military support to the insurgents in the form of NATO alliance. Tuekey has backed the Muslim Brotherhood-dominated General National Congress based in Tripoli. In contrast, regional powers such as Egypt, the United Arab Emirates, and Saudi Arabia, along with France, have approved an interim government in eastern Libya (Tobruk) to escalate a conflict of interest in the region. This study tries to analyze the motivations and strategic goals of Turkish foreign policy from its active presence in the Libyan crisis. Given the descriptive-analytical approach, the paper argues that Turkey's interests in North Africa are tied to maintaining stability and expanding the sovereignty of the national unity government over all of Libya. The findings show that Turkish interests in Libya have focused on gaining economic benefits and strengthening the balance of power in the shadow of competition with regional and European powers, by overcoming the Brotherhood's tendencies.

The purpose of the present study is to examine the political culture of political and civil movements in the Arab Middle East since 2011. The research method is descriptive-analytical. The results showed that the globalization and expansion of mass communication in the light of the Arabian region had dual impacts, with the explanation that this process, on the one hand, provided public awakening and public awareness of indigenous and national culture. In general, it has provided the ground for the growth of Islamic fundamentalist forces, and on the other hand, the expansion of the mass communication and domination of Western countries has created fundamental challenges for local culture. But in general, such a process has led to the spread of public awareness among the people and has led political systems to lose their complete domination of cultural tools (preparing the background to rebuild and enhance the legitimacy of systems).

The international arena has always been the site of competition for state actors. After World War II, the will of the international community to internationalize and legalize internationally formed bodies such as the United Nations was to peacefully resolve its crises and issues through collective action. To be solved by the international community. Due to the growing need for human rights, civil laws were developed in the field, one of which was the principle of responsibility for responding to human rights abuses in Rwanda, Kosovo and Bosnia. This principle was defined as a timely and decisive response to acts of violence by the Security Council on behalf of the international community. The question here is: Why does the Security Council doctrine of responsibility for support in Libya but not Syria? In response to this question, it is suggested that the consensus of the great powers in the application of the doctrine of responsibility for protection in Libya and the lack of consensus of the great powers in the absence of this principle in Syria overpower Has led to the law.

Although peace is one of the oldest human ideals, human history is full of conflicts. Studies have shown that rape, military conflict, colonial politics, and all forms of foreign and terrorist interference, as well as violent behavior, have further affected women. Violations of the human rights of women and children during wars and military conflicts have clearly threatened the foundations of human health and security in human society. Meanwhile, the responsibility to maintain and promote peace is one of the greatest responsibilities of women peacekeepers at the United Nations, and this global Institution is committed to increasing women's participation in peacekeeping, peacemaking and peacebuilding, especially since the adoption of UN Security Council Resolution 1325 in 2000. Women have emphasized that women's peace and security have been important goals for UN peace.  This study focuses on South Sudan, Libya and Ivory Coast, the key question is what role have UN peacekeepers played in peacekeeping operations? With a feminist approach based on the theory of peaceful feminism and through library resources and descriptive-analytical methods, this paper hypothesizes that the presence of female peacekeepers will contribute to a more effective peacekeeping operation due to their talents, characteristics, and practical benefits. That is why we are witnessing the expansion of female peacekeepers in peacekeeping operations.

Abstract The testing of the theories presented about the causes of the formation of revolutions is one of the important and relevant issues in the field of research on political sociology. One of the theories about the phenomenon of revolution is the theory of the revolutionary transformation of Chalmers Johnson. The question is that how much Johnson's theory is compatible with the revolutions that took place in the world and to what extent this theory is capable of explaining the causes of the occurrence of these revolutions. In this study, three Iranian, Egyptian and Libyan revolutions in the Islamic world has been investigated. The present paper seeks to test Johnson's theory of revolutionary transformations in the three countries. According to this study, it can be concluded that from the three factors mentioned by Johnson, two factors, including inequality and accelerating factors, are partially applicable to these revolutions, But the elites rigidity factor, with the exception of the Libyan revolution, is not compatible with the other two revolutions, and therefore Johnson's theory does not have the power to explain these revolutions.

The structural look at explaining the occurrence of revolutions within the framework revolutionary theory is one of the most important approaches of researchers to the field of revolutionary studies. With the advent of the Islamic Revolution in Iran, these scholars turned their attention to the revision of Iran's revolution. One of the most prominent of these people in this approach is Theda Skocpol, who introduced the theory of Rantier government and Shiite Islam about the Islamic Revolution of Iran. Therefore, the purpose of the article is to" compare the Islamic Revolution of Iran (1979) and the Egyptian revolution (2011)" based on the Skocpol theory model.it seeks to answer the question of whether Skocpol theory can explain the Iranian-Egyptian revolution. The method used in this research is a historical comparison and is also used by the library source. The results showed that the Egyptian revolution in some area is consistent with the Iranian revolution based on Skocpol theory and in some respects there are significant differences, so based on these differences, the Egyptian revolution could not pass the Islamic Revolutionary circuit and become a social revolution.

There are many factors that contribute to the emergence and continuation of the crisis in Libya, which can be explained and analyzed within two categories: namely internal and external factors. Nevertheless, the origin of threat in the Third world countries can be said to be more internal than external. Even the pro-revolution developments in Libya after 2011 originate more from internal problems and the gaps thus created than any other problem, something that has caused crisis and the lack of legitimacy in this country to continue. Considering what was said earlier, this writing seeks to answer these questions: What factors have caused the security crisis to transpire? Why has this crisis continued after seven years? And what will be the consequences of this continuing crisis for Libya, the region and the world. The temporary answer as a research hypothesis is raised as follows: the most important factor that causes the security crisis to continue in Libya is oil and fighting to guarantee domination over oil resources from economic point of view, domination of tribalism over Libya’s political-social structure from social-religious point of view, the conflict between Islamists and liberals, and the formation of national sovereignty according to the statistics of World Bank. As such, it follows that the government established after Gaddafi is as much facing challenges like harsh tribal conflicts, the crisis of authority and insecurity that stems from radical Islamist and tribal actors, all of which have increased social and political disorders. On top of these, foreign interventions have managed to sustain the crisis.

Since the fall of Qaddafi, no government has ever able to establish a unified sovereignty in Libya. So today, Libya has two independent states: the National Unity Government which is being supported by the United Nations and the interim government formed by the parliament of Tobruk, a supporter of the general, Khalifa Haftar in al-Bayda. In the post-Gaddafi era, it was hoped that the new government could lead Libya toward democracy, but, due to the division of sovereignty and political conflict between the seekers of power, a crisis of authority and insecurities caused by violent tribal activists and Salafists led the post-authoritarian state turned out to be regarded as a failed state. With the intensification of conflicts between various political groups, including Haftar and the National Unity Government in Tripoli, the possibility of state-building in this country has been confused. The main question is that "How does the government's crisis in Libya's new political conditions affect the security of European countries?" The hypothesis of the article is that "the expansion of civil war and chaos during post-Gaddafi era has led Libya, as a failed state, to be a base for the migration of terrorist groups and human trafficking into Europe".