جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه "نخبه‏ گرایی" در نشریات گروه "علوم سیاسی"

The history of ideas about the position, function and duties of the elite is as long as the history of political philosophy. The idea that human societies have composed of various social forces and classes and the government should be in the hands of superior social groups can be found in the thoughts and ideas of the ancient philosophers of the Middle Ages. There are many theories and approaches in the field of elitism which have been studied qualitatively in this article in comparison with the ideas and thoughts of Muslim thinkers drawing upon the Imam Ali’s ideas and his approaches to elitism in one of his sermons called Shiqshiqiyyah. The study concludes that in the existing non-Islamic approaches to elitism emphasis is laid on the political legitimacy of the elite but Imam Ali’s view in this regard is based on the divine legitimacy and popular acceptance. The former approaches maintain that the elite function to secure their own interests but Imam Ali considers the elite as a social group which has the social responsibity of administering justice, fighting against oppression, and protecting national security. Imam Ali (‘a) has also taken into account the rights and duties of the elite and the masses towards each other, but other approaches have laid much emphasis on the duties of masses towards the elite and their interests.

Modern Democracy has been facing various crises historically. The current crisis is rooted in a dual origin. On the one hand, orientation to shape a hidden quasi-oligarchic state and, on the other hand, the eternal specter of populism. Where this dilemma originates from and what effects do both have on democratic order? to respond to this central question, the paper hypothesizes that the origin of the dilemma traces back to reductionist conceptions on two dimensions of modern democracy; that is, on the one side, an elitism inherent to liberal-capitalist (more especially, neo-liberal) structures that makes democratic policy-making dependent on the requirements of the capitalist system. On the other side, an implicit populist potentiality of democratic structure weakens the rule of law due to resorting to ‘ordinary people’. To justify the hypothesis, the paper takes advantage of comparative analysis, as a theoretical framework, of approaches to defining democratic legitimacy; i.e. philosophical (normative) and sociological (descriptive). The research is conducted in an analytical–descriptive method and library-based data gathering. In conclusion, overcoming the crisis of modern democracy entails strengthening the participatory quality of democracy to make an equilibrium between the majority and the minority. Participatory democracy seems the structure in which normative and descriptive conceptions of legitimacy can overlap.

The present article studies the two categories of political development and elitism and the interrelationships between the two through the analysis of two official discourses in post-revolutionary Iran, namely the discourse of the fifth and sixth governments (Constructive Discourse) and deals with the discourse of the seventh and eighth governments (Reform Discourse). The main question: what has been the place of development in these two discourses and in this regard, what approach have these two discourses taken to elitism as one of the most important components of development? The hypothesis that is put forward on this basis: the influential feature in the Construction Discourse is economic development and as a result is limited to the use of economic elites and technocrats; while the same variable in the Reform Discourse undergoes a major change. The results of the research show that during the Reform Discourse, political development replaces economic development in the first discourse and in the field of elitism, priority is given to political and cultural elites. The research method in this article is to collect historical documents and existing documents in a library method and then to analyze the data.

Elitist theories are organized on the basis of their own philosophical principles and prescribe specific political actions in accordance with the same principles. These theories can be used as an analytical model to describe and explain the current situation or prescribe the desired situation. The purpose of this article is to explain the framework of the theory of Elitism based on Islamic tradition in the political thought of Shahid Motahari.

This article has collected its data using Documentary Study Method and related texts have been analyzed by Strauss Interpretive Method.

The research findings show that the foundations of Shahid Motahari's social philosophy such as the originality of the individual and society, the social development of societies and the relationship between the individual and society are the main foundations of his Elitist theory. And some of its analytical fruits are expressed, including the pattern of the influence of political elites in social change and transformation.

In Shahid Motahari's view, elites, as an influential social and political minority, appear successful in creating political change when, in addition to having a set of inherent and acquired characteristics, they organize their actions on the basis of an intelligent vision and obstacle. In addition to understanding the social context and culture of their society, they must recognize the real needs of society and lead and direct political currents and movements within the framework of the philosophy of history and the general path of social development.

The outbreak of World War II and the occupation of Iran on the pretext of the presence of German troops in this country had unfortunate consequences. The end of Reza Shah Administration meant the beginning of a new era in which absolute authority did not exist anymore. The deterioration of conditions in the country prompted Iranian thinkers to speculate about Iran for the post-Shah era. One of these thinkers was Ahmad Kasravi. According to his many years of experience in the Iranian politics and his life experiences, Kasravi achieved to reconstruct the theory of government in post-Reza Shah Period. Hence; this article will examine the nature and specifics of post-Reza Shah Administration in Ahmad Kasravi’ thought. In order to answer this question using qualitative content analysis method, Kasravi's writings have been investigated from 1942 to 1945. The findings indicate that Kasravi, considering the existing conditions and pursuing a realistic approach, selected an elitist government and recalling what occurred during Iran’s Constitutional period and Reza Shah reign, he believes that neutrality in foreign relations, formation of an independent army, trying to inform people and considering Iran’s cultural conditions in legislation are this elitist government’ duties.

Understanding structure of the political power is one of the major issues whom a political sociologist need; So that without an exact understanding of the political power structure and method of applying it in every historical period, a correct and complete analysis of the substance and political, social and economic events cannot be achieved. Pahlavi II and its aftermaths are major events that correct understanding of them depend on scientific understanding of the characteristics, the nature of the political structure, status of political elites as well as powerful groups. This method of research is analytical and based on historical-sociological attitude. The results showed that Shah made the structure of power  dependent on himself and inner circle of court strongly; So that in the years between 1342-57 unofficial relations of inner circle of the king was established instead of formal institutions.