جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « geopolitics » در نشریات گروه « علوم سیاسی »

The present study aims to examine the impact of the Islamic Republic of Iran's strategy of exporting the revolution on the geopolitics of the Middle East and the onset of the Iran-Iraq War. The research method is descriptive-analytical, and the results indicate that considering the internal fragility of Arab countries and the nature of the authoritarian regimes in the Middle East, which suffer from crises of identity and legitimacy, as well as the positions of Imam Khomeini, whose intent behind exporting the revolution was never to interfere in Iraq's internal affairs or to send terrorist equipment to this country, and the statements of the Ba'athist regime of Iraq, it can be concluded that the theory suggesting the Islamic Republic of Iran's strategy of exporting the revolution was the cause of the Iraq-Iran War is generally invalid and lacks scientific and definitive evidence. The primary reason for the fears and concerns of the Ba'athist regime in Iraq was the crisis-ridden nature of its system.

In different historical periods, one of the important geopolitical regions for Iran's security has been the South Caucasus region. China is trying to revive the historical Silk Road with a new one-belt-one-way plan, which used to start from China and lead to Europe through Iran and the Caucasus. Iran has a fundamental position in the plan of this corridor; the kind that reaches the Black Sea from Chabahar through the North-South corridor and passes through Armenia, Georgia, and Russia. After the ceasefire in the second Karabakh War, an agreement was reached between Azerbaijan and Armenia, one of the provisions of which is the plan to reopen the old roads. Still, Azerbaijan has an idea beyond the old one-way under the supervision of Armenia and wants to create a west-east corridor in the Zangezor region, directly under the supervision of Baku. This action violates the territorial integrity of Armenia, and also, causes the destruction of Iran's border with Armenia. On the way to creating the western-eastern corridor of Zangezzor, not only the Republic of  Azerbaijan but also many countries support the creation of this corridor. Now, the main question of this research is, what effect does Azerbaijan's plans to create a new corridor have on Iran's security? These countries are pursuing goals such as the creation of NATO's Turani Corridor, a permanent source of energy, and ultimately this extravagance will lead to the blockade of Iran in the northwest and the loss of one of the old crossings and highways.

In order for Iran to have a greater impact on the concepts, views, regional systems, processes, decisions, collective actions of other countries and the way regional and global power is formed, it must have a superior geopolitical weight among other countries in the region. . The main goal of this research is to "examine the existing capacities in order to promote the geopolitical power of the Republic of Iran in the West Asian region (strengths and opportunities)". In this research, the research method is descriptive-analytical with a mixed approach and the type of research is applied-developmental. The statistical population is 50 people and the sample size corresponds to the statistical population and all the numbers have been determined. In addition to sampling library studies and conducting expert interviews, non-parametric descriptive and inferential statistical methods have also been used. From the results of the research, it appears that the existing capacities in the form of 7 major geopolitical components (political-military-science and technology-environmental-social and cultural-geographical-economic) were counted with 40 indicators; 7 of the indicators were removed due to less importance, 22 indicators for strength and 12 indicators for opportunity were obtained in order to promote the geopolitical power of Iran in the West Asian region.

The purpose of this article is to examine the components of the strategic partnership between Iran and Russia in Syria. Strategic partnership is considered as an important aspect of diplomatic engagement to strengthen close ties with strategic allies. Strategic partnerships are formed based on bilateral relations in the international system and allow actors to rebuild common identities and norms in achieving foreign policy goals through strategic cooperation. The strategic cooperation between Iran and Russia after the developments in Syria represents an important development in the foreign relations of the two countries. The two countries, realizing the threat of a common enemy such as America and Western sanctions, are seeking to form strategic cooperation and bring their positions closer to each other. This research, using a descriptive and analytical approach, tries to analyze the opportunities and limitations of the strategic cooperation between Iran and Russia after the developments in Syria. The results showed that these cooperations were in important aspects such as dealing with extremist terrorist groups and reducing the influence of Western institutions in this region and maintaining the territorial integrity of Syria, which can have a great impact on regional and international issues and crises

The international system in transition and the uncertainty in it, has caused the dynamism of most regions in the world. The South Caucasus region is not exempt from this situation. The 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh war and its subsequent develpements, especially the 2023 Karabakh war, marked a path of no return for the South Caucasus region, so these developments had a significant impact on the actors of the South Caucasus.

Research question: 

What effect did the second and third Karabakh war in the South Caucasus region between Armenia and Azerbaijan have on the regional interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran?

Research Hypothesis: 

It is hypothesized that Nagorno-Karabakh war in 2020 and 2023 respectively, has increased the dynamics of competition, threat and escalation of tension against Iran, while there are not many opportunities for it.

In this article, a comparative research approach has been used, which is realistic using a study model and the geopolitical approach in the framework of regional studies. Using geopolitical components such as politics, power, geography, economy (geoeconomics), culture (geoculture), geopolitical relations and balance of power. Data analysis is done in a descriptive-analytical way. The method of collecting information in this research is done by the library method.

Since the early 2000s, Russia’s policy towards the Nagorno-Karabakh crisis has changed. Therefore, Russia's attitude toward the South Caucasus has changed from a sphere of exclusive Russian influence to a space in which it must both cooperate and compete with other regional powers. Moscow prefers to cooperate with Iran and mostly Turkey to respond to the growing challenges. In this situation and due to the fact that Azerbaijan is close to Russia and Armenia is far from Russia, the second Karabakh war started. But the third Karabakh war took place in a situation where Russia's power vacuum was evident in the South Caucasus after Moscow's involvement in the Ukraine war. The Karabakh war of 2020 and 2023 in the national dimension between Azerbaijan and Armenia caused the position of the victorious and defeated actors of the first Karabakh war to be reversed. In the regional dimension, new geopolitical relations and balance of power emerged in the South Caucasus.

The findings of the research proved the hypothesis raised in the article. The 2020 and 2023 Karabakh war once again showed the geopolitical dynamics of the South Caucasus. These wars have significantly changed the geopolitical relations of regional players and led to the formation of a new balance of power in the region. Azerbaijan has strengthened and Armenia has become very weak. However, with the cease-fire of the Second Karabakh War, Russia was able to marginalize the western axis, which further weakened the role of the West, the United States, the European Union and especially the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (Minsk Group). But by entering the war with Ukraine and creating a power vacuum in the South Caucasus region, Russia saw its power in this region challenged by Turkey. In this way, the second and third Karabakh war marked Turkey's return to the region and pushed Iran to the sidelines of regional developments.Therefore, the 2020 and 2023 Karabakh war destroyed the fragile state of neither war nor peace that Iran was in favor of maintaining in the South Caucasus. In these wars, Iran could not play a role in regional developments to expand its influence and presence; Therefore, it led to the escalation of tension with the Republic of Azerbaijan, the intensification of competition with Turkey, and the seriousness of the threat of Israel's presence along Iran's borders. In the new balance of power that has been formed in the South Caucasus region, the Islamic Republic of Iran has a low role and position in the South Caucasus. It seems that Iran has been marginalized by Russia on the one hand, on the other hand, due to the role of western sanctions in preventing Iran’s action in the region; Iran has not been able to play a serious role and pursue its historical-civilizational interests in the South Caucasus. Therefore, the Islamic Republic of Iran has tried to maintain its territorial integrity, prevent geopolitical changes in the region and its geo-economic interests in the South Caucasus. It has also tried not to get involved in ethnic movements and internal instability based on geocultural provocations.

Peace has always been one of the most important concerns of mankind and was considered a high value throughout history. Any ruler who established peace in a certain territory was known as a powerful ruler. With the formation of the concept of geopolitics in international literature, war was recognized as a tool for gaining the power, and the rulers believed that they could establish peace after the war. From the classical point of view, the concept of geopolitics is associated with competition, conflict, and war, and peace is considered an abnormal phenomenon. But from the point of view of modern geopolitics, peace is considered a phenomenon that does not create a conflict of interests to create the power and security of countries. Geopolitics of peace is a new concept that does not have a comprehensive definition, and this research aims to find a proper definition of this term by examining the ontology and epistemology of the geopolitics of peace.The main research question is that: “What is the geopolitics of peace”. It has been assuming that the geopolitics of peace is a type of positive peace that has geopolitical characteristics that are implemented at different levels of a country and include transnational and international dimensions. This research has been carried out in terms of the integrated nature of the descriptive-analytical method using library data and observing the humanistic geopolitical approach. The research method is of a qualitative type with a descriptive-analytical approach in terms of the fundamental goal. Also, the data analysis strategy is inductive. The method of data collection is library-documentary and reading books, scientific articles and also internet resources.In accordance with the findings of the research, it can be claimed that the Geopolitics of peace means international policies adopted by governments, agencies, actors, organizations and international institutions that are used at local, national, regional and global levels. In accordance with the geopolitical conceptualization of peace study that was carried out in this research, peace refers to the following meanings and phenomena; Existence and preservation of territorial integrity and absence of threats. War and attack from other countries, absence of any kind of structural, organized, governmental, individual and social violence. Preservation of people's lives and the existence of justice and equality among all types of people without discrimination. Survival and continuation of the social system at sub-national, national and transnational levels. Maintaining and improving the vital resources of the country, these resources can include natural or human resources. Absence of foreign threats to the goals, national and vital interests of the country. Absence of any feeling of personal and social threat from any side towards the citizens. Maintaining citizenship rights and dignity of people regardless of occupational, economic, racial differences and the like. Providing the basic needs of the nation. Absence of any kind of racism, the humiliation of ethnicities, and races, and conflict over such issues at the sub-national and national level. Absence of organized corruption at sub-national and national level. Maintaining the human dignity of citizens at the local, international and national levels. Respecting the basic rights of citizens, social, political, economic, and religious freedom of every citizen as long as it does not harm the freedom of others and is within the framework of human ethics and customs and without insulting another person or society. The existence of democracy and the right of free elections of citizens for the fate of their political future. Feeling the need and dependence of the government and the government on the people in all political, economic, social, cultural and similar matters. The existence of free media.

Russia's attack has military consequences not only for Europe and the world but also for the exit door. The political-security relations between Iran and Russia have also been affected by this war. Iran is important against war in two ways. First, Iran's direction in this war affects the relations between the two countries. Second, this issue affects Iran's position in the international system. The main question of this article is "How has Iran's behavior been regarding the war and what effect has it had on its relations with Russia?" The authors assume that "Iran has been cautious about the dangerous war, that is, on the one hand, it has not condemned Russia's involvement in the government, but it has also not supported it." This policy is followed to maintain the relations between the two countries. The people who in this article, the theoretical commentator of neoclassical realism, examine the Islamic Republic of Iran against the war and its impact on Iran's relations with Russia. This research shows that Tehran has found war as a factor in improving and developing relations with Moscow. However, the nature of these relationships does not change fundamentally. From Iran's point of view, the drivers and pillars of relations with Russia are stable. Russia's relations are one of Iran's most important geopolitical partners and it has followed one of its strategies. The method of this research is qualitative with descriptive-analytical.

The Middle East is one of the sensitive and strategic regions of the world. Huge reserves of energy, seas and communication routes, as well as its large size and large population, have turned this region into a focal region in political and geopolitical equations. Ethnic and religious differences, historical tensions left over from the colonial era, environmental problems and the desire of regional and extra-regional powers to exploit the capacity of the identity forces in order to strengthen their position in geopolitical conflicts, lead to the intensification of this crises. In response to the question: "What is the most important security crisis in the Middle East and where will these crises go until the horizon of 2035?"; the article presents the following hypothesis: "The intersection and entanglement of crises currently in the Middle East, the rise of sub-national and transnational identity forces, economic issues, the structural weakness of the nation-state and finally the geopolitical competition of regional and extra-regional powers, as well as environmental problems, are the main geopolitical crisis of the Middle East, which some of they will be intensified in the next 15 years." The method of this research is quantitative-qualitative.

The Horn of Africa is one of the important regions in the international arena. In recent years, geopolitical, geoeconomics, geostrategic, etc. values of the Horn of Africa have attracted the attention of regional and trans-regional actors, and are active in this region. One of the regional actors in the Horn of Africa is Israel, which is active in the political, military, security, intelligence, economic and commercial dimensions in this region. There are various reasons for Israel's presence in the Horn of Africa, which can be analyzed in the framework of geopolitical thought. The main research question is, what are the most important reasons for Israel's presence and activity in the Horn of Africa? what is the geopolitical analysis of these causes? (question) The current research is not hypothesis oriented due to its exploratory nature. This research with the descriptive-analytical method and inferential approach and content analysis (method), and the use of library resources, seeks to identify and geopolitically analyze the reasons for Israel's presence in the coastal and maritime areas of the Horn of Africa. The results show that the most important reasons for Israel's presence in the Horn of Africa are: dominating the strategic position of the Horn of Africa, preventing the Arab countries from dominating the region, influencing Egypt, countering Iran's influence in the Horn of Africa, and cooperating with the United States in implementing its plans and policies in this region (findings). Each of the causes is geopolitical in nature.

The Mediterranean Sea has a very important geopolitical position, which has made it enjoy a special place in the structure of the international system. The Mediterranean Sea is called the Mediterranean because it is located between Europe, Africa and Asia and has a very special and unique position. The Mediterranean is connected to the Atlantic Ocean from the west through Gibraltar, between two European and African countries, Spain and Morocco. On the northeast side, it is connected to Marmara and the Black Sea through Turkey and the Dardanelles, and at the bottom, that is, in the southeast, it passes through Egypt and connects to the Red Sea with the 192-kilometer Suez Canal, which is an important part of Egypt's foreign exchange income. Be related to the Mediterranean.Overall, the Mediterranean Sea is a densely populated region with a complex political history that includes many different ethnic groups. This has led to the creation of a complex and fragmented political map. Today, 21 countries with an area of 2 to 2.4 million square kilometers have coastlines in the Mediterranean Sea, including Albania, Algeria, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Cyprus, Egypt, France, Greece, Israel, Italy, Lebanon, Libya, Malta, Monaco, Montenegro, Morocco, Slovenia, Spain, Syria, Tunisia and Turkey. This sea has large energy reserves, which has caused regional and extra-regional powers to seek to increase their sphere of influence in the Mediterranean (El Rhazi, et.al, 2020: 1). This importance has doubled in the last few years.Since the early 2000s, a new big game has been formed among regional and extra-regional actors over access to fossil energy fields in the Mediterranean. Along with this capacity, discussions about exploration, production processes and resource transfer options have continued. Although the current situation in the region started 20 years ago, the historical process of offshore drilling in the Eastern Mediterranean dates back to the 1960s. During this time, Egypt and Israel have carried out various drilling operations. Also, each of the Mediterranean coastal governments have declared an exclusive and economic zone, 200 miles long, for the exploitation of energy resources in the seabed. Israel, Egypt, South Cyprus, Lebanon, Syria and Palestine are countries that have potential energy resources and natural gas discoveries are being made in the eastern Mediterranean. The most well-known discoveries in the eastern Mediterranean are the Tamar and Leviathan regions, which were discovered in 2009 and 2010; In total, there are 900 billion cubic meters of gas in these two regions. It is worth noting that 35 trillion cubic meters of natural gas have been discovered in the waters of Israel and Cyprus, and there is a possibility of finding another 85 trillion cubic meters of natural gas reservoirs on the coasts of Syria, Lebanon and Palestine (Demir, Tekir, 2017: 4). These two fields were the biggest deep gas discoveries in the world at that time. Later, the discovery of the Aphrodite field in 2011 and the Zohr gas field in 2015 changed the position of the Mediterranean Sea from regional to global. The proven reserves of hydrocarbons and new discoveries in the Eastern Mediterranean may not be comparable to the reserves of Saudi Arabia, Iran, Qatar, Russia and the UAE, which will turn the entire region or any of the countries that own it into a global energy player, but it can play an important role in the global market. especially in Europe; It can also be an important energy transfer pathway. According to the latest estimates, the oil and gas capacity of the Mediterranean region is approximately 5 billion barrels and more than 13.5 trillion cubic meters, respectively (Kavaz, 2021: 4). The discovery of a significant amount of extensive energy resources in the Eastern Mediterranean has turned this region into a multidimensional competitive environment. Europe plans to turn the Mediterranean into one of its main energy supply points, and so far it has taken great steps in this direction.In this research, considering the vastness of the Mediterranean Sea and the variety of commercial activities in it, we want to study the importance of the Mediterranean Sea for regional and extra-regional powers by emphasizing the energy field, and we are looking for an answer to the question that the importance of the Mediterranean Sea for regional powers and What is a metaregion from the perspective of energy? And what is the importance of the Mediterranean Sea in the evolution of the world energy market? And what role does the Mediterranean Sea play in transferring energy to other parts of the world? In this article, we are looking for answers to these questions by using documentary sources and analytical descriptive method. This research is important from the point of view that solving many current disputes or reaching future agreements in the Mediterranean is possible by understanding the importance of energy in the region, and it is possible to draw various regional models in this field, which can ultimately lead to regional cooperation and increasing peace and lead to stability. The necessity of the present research is that almost among scientific researches, the gap of comprehensive study of this issue is felt, which has caused many developments in the Mediterranean to remain unknown to the audience.The Mediterranean is always very important as a strategic area for regional countries and great powers. The Mediterranean is one of the main energy supply areas of Europe, which can reduce Europe's dependence on Russian gas. As a result, both Mediterranean basin countries are looking for European markets and West Asian countries are looking to transfer their gas to Europe through the Mediterranean. According to what has been said, in the past few years, the Mediterranean has become more important and many regional and extra-regional powers are seeking to increase their presence and influence in this area. Reducing dependence on Russian energy, guaranteeing investment contracts for American oil companies and ensuring European energy security are among the most important reasons for the importance of the Mediterranean Sea for extra-regional powers in the energy debate.  Also, for regional powers, becoming an energy hub, participating in energy corridors, concluding multilateral contracts in the field of energy and transferring liquefied natural gas are among the most important reasons for the importance of energy discoveries in the Mediterranean for the countries of the region. With the calming of the internal conditions and the establishment of political stability in Syria and Lebanon, these two countries can also play the role of transit and bring oil and gas from the Middle East to Europe. In the meantime, the Islamic Republic of Iran can play a prominent role in supplying energy to Europe, especially in the current war between Russia and Ukraine.

In order to understand the feasibility and economic viability of Iranian gas export projects, the neighboring exporters and their policies and strategies need to be taken into account. These are Russia, Iran, Qatar, Turkmenistan, Saudi Arabia and the United States. While Iran understands its own tremendous resource potential and sees itself as a major emerging natural gas power, While Iran understands its own tremendous resource potential and sees itself as a major emerging natural gas power its market integration could be hampered by vested interests from incumbent market suppliers and their main political,While Iran understands its own tremendous resource potential and sees itself as a major emerging natural gas power economic and geopolitical stakeholders. Assuming that Iran overcomes its various internal problems and could realize its vast natural gas potential without limitations and constraints, it still faces competition from other suppliers. Iran’s main competitors in the regional gas market would be Russia, Qatar, Turkmenistan and the US.

The main purpose of the article is to examine the reasons of change and continuity in Russia-U.S. Relations during Putin's fourth term, 2018-2024. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, these relations have been characterized by various fluctuations, including enthusiasm about promoting mutual understanding and collaboration during the dominance of the Euro-Atlantic discourse in the early 1990s, and the heightened tension during the realist discourse led by Putin. The U.S.-Russia relations have been deteriorating as a consequence of the uncertainties and insecurity which have increased due to the international order transition. The 2022 Russo-Ukrainian War, as the greatest challenge in the relations between the United States and Russia in the post-Soviet period, is a clear manifestation of the gloomy situation. Russia considers this conflict to be a proxy war which is only part of the broader U.S. grand strategy to limit Russia’s geopolitical influence by lessening its strategic depth. The West’s support for Ukraine is viewed as a continuation of Washington’s previous attempts—including inciting the color revolutions in the post-Soviet space, gradually infiltrating the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS), interfering in Russia's internal affairs, supporting the war in Yugoslavia, NATO's Eastward Expansion, and the establishment of an anti-missile shield — aimed at containing Russia without resorting to direct confrontation. On the other hand, American policymakers who seek to maintain U.S. supremacy in the international system, view Putin's Russia as a challenging and destructive actor that has improved its international position and has been trying to change the regional and global balance of power to the detrimentof Washington by acting as a revisionist force, individually or collectively in collaboration with other members of the international revisionist front.  In  this  context,  the U.S. has adopted the strategy of ‘broad offensive deterrence’ (BOD) against Russia. Out of an abundance of caution, Moscow is pursuing the strategy of ‘active offensive defense’ (AOD) in the hope of reviving and strengthening its great power position. The adoption of these two competing strategies has intensified tension in the bilateral Russia-U.S. relations, and have had repercussions for other states.
The author tries to answer the following research questions: 1. What are the causes of the persistence of  conflict and tension in the U.S.-Russia relations? 2. How has the confrontation between the two strategies of ‘broad offensive deterrence’ (BOD) of the United States and ‘active offensive defense’ (AOD) of Russia led to the escalation of tension in their bilateral relations? Using the theoretical framework of neoclassical realism, the analysis is focused on three inexorable variables (i.e., geopolitical power competition, security, and political culture) in order to find conclusive answers to the two questions. In the research hypothesis, it is argued that the persistence of tension in the U.S.-Russian relations is caused by three tension-generating variables of geopolitical power competition, security, and political culture. The method of qualitative textual analysis of the official documents and previous works on the subject revealed the impact of these variables on the nature of the relations between the two rival powers. The findings show that transformative variables (e.g., the circulation of the elites) had a positive effect on the bilateral relations between the United States and Russia in the short term, but the three above-mentioned factors have caused tension to prevail.
However, Russia and the U.S. will probably continue their cooperation in three issue-areas:  1. Maintaining security and strategic stability in the international system as manifested in their support for the nuclear non-proliferation regime; 2. Confronting certain destabilizing regional challenges, particularly in the Middle East and the CIS; and 3. Dealing with asymmetric security threats such as international terrorism and cyber security. Nevertheless, the failure of the conciliatory approach and the perceived NATO-U.S. belligerent approach to Russia (including the "Reset" project), as well as the continual U.S. aggressive actions against Russian national interest have deepened their mutual mistrust. This perception of the U.S. intentions has been strengthened in Putin's third and fourth terms; and the Kremlin continue to believe inactions, restraint, and disengagement in response to the U.S. actions will not lead to a mutually-advantageous balanced relations. Russian leaders are concerned that a flexible and appeasing attitude towards the U.S. might result in  increasing use of coercive and aggressive foreign policy instruments by Washington. This perception has forced Russia to adopt a posture of resistance and the strategy of ‘extensive aggressive defense’ against the U.S. It is expected to see the continuation of the tense bilateral relations and the situation of mutual mistrust between the two great powers in the medium term.

Following the outbreak of renewed conflicts between Azerbaijan and Armenia over Nagorno-Karabakh in late 2020, a trilateral agreement mediated by Russia was signed. This led to the withdrawal of Armenian forces and civilians from around 35% of the territory of Nagorno-Karabakh, putting approximately 70% of the area under Baku and its allies' control. This paper examines the geopolitical dimensions of the Nagorno-Karabakh frozen conflict and explores the prospects for resolving it given the geopolitical changes after the 45-day war in 2020 between Baku and Yerevan. The key research question is: What impact have the geopolitical changes following the 2020 Azerbaijan-Armenia war had on resolving the Nagorno-Karabakh frozen conflict? Using a descriptive-analytical approach and geopolitical framework, the hypothesis was tested that the geopolitical changes have complicated the conflict while strengthening Baku's position. The findings confirm the hypothesis, suggesting the geopolitical complexities make a peaceful solution more difficult while increasing the likelihood of further military action by Azerbaijan.

Iran and Pakistan's foreign policies toward Afghanistan are significantly influenced by the geopolitics of this country. As a result, the research question will be: how has Geopolitics influenced Iran's and Pakistan's foreign policies toward Afghanistan between 2001 and 2022? From the Geopolitics perspective, Pakistan, concerned about India's control over its strategic depth after the Taliban's removal at 2001. Iran, attempted to reduce the influence of its international adversary, the United States of America, in Afghanistan. It was natural that the competition of geostrategy entered other fields, including geoeconomics, in which Pakistan, in the form of a "greater Central Asia" concept, and Iran, in the form of a "North-South Corridor", were trying to connect Afghanistan to the outside world. In terms of geoculture, both countries tried to increase their influence by supporting Afghan groups. This research uses the comparative qualitative analysis method. The purpose of the research is to investigate the role of geopolitics on the foreign policy of Iran and Pakistan towards Afghanistan from 2001 to 2021

The Karabakh crisis remained in a state of neither war nor peace for tens of years, but with the Second Karabakh War, it came out of the state of "frozen conflict" and the South Caucasus, especially the Karabakh region, underwent deep changes. Since this war is not a random thing but rooted in the historical developments of the region, the main question of the article is “how did the course of historical developments in the South Caucasus affect the geopolitics of that region in the 2020 Karabakh war?” In response, this hypothesis proposes that the zero-sum situation was the principle governing the geopolitical developments of the South Caucasus region and its lasting legacy. This article has evaluated the complex history of the South Caucasus its geopolitics and its economic and cultural components, Geo-economics, and Geo-culture, and examined its consequences for the Nagorno-Karabakh war in 2020. The findings of the research showed that the Second Karabakh war was an ethnic-territorial war and the economic components played an essential role in its formation. Also, the sum of zero is the ruling principle in this region. In this article, a deductive research approach has been used, which is with the application of the geopolitical study model in the framework of regional studies. The data analysis was descriptive-analytical and the data of this research was collected using internet and library sources.

Deep geopolitical changes in the South Caucasus have had a significant impact on relations between Iran and the three republics of Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia. Geographical location and strategic importance have made this region one of the most important regions in the world. This research seeks to formulate the strategies of Iran in this region.In this research, the method of collecting information in the form of a library and a combination of sources about domestic and foreign sites Is.After carefully reviewing the documents and interviewing experts, by SWOT and QSPM, the strategies of the I.R of Iran in this region were competitive and the strategies of the Islamic Republic of Iran were determined after ranking as follows:1- Active and dynamic regional diplomacy in order to expand the depth of influence and reduce and moderate the power of competitors2- Utilization of infrastructure, technical engineering capacity and study and university centers in the development of energy transfer route in the South Caucasus region3- Developing media power in order to introduce Islamic and Iranian culture and civilization and tourism capacities4- Expanding and strengthening the axis of resistance in the region5- Effective defense-security diplomacy and emphasis on continuous regional defense cooperation without the presence of countries and supra-regional powersThe competitive position of the factor evaluation matrix for the I.R of Iran in the South Caucasus region shows that the Islamic Republic of Iran should be able to prevent environmental threats by further strengthening its strengths

Energy diplomacy, as one of the branches of economic diplomacy, is very important in managing the transfer of energy resources, that is, countries knowing each other's energy policies can cooperate with each other by adopting appropriate policies and diplomacy. The main question of the current research is: How can the energy diplomacy of the Islamic Republic of Iran affect the capacity to promote cooperation in Central Asia? The hypothesis that is raised following this question: with the purposeful and deliberate use of energy diplomacy, Iran can achieve regional and global cooperation and convergence, thereby increasing the attraction of foreign investment in the energy industry, and in addition to It achieves sustainable energy security in the regional context by reducing the threats in the production area and increasing the production level and as a result increasing the energy export. The results of the research show that the international sanctions against Iran and the isolation of this country by the United States in regional treaties and agreements, especially in the field of energy, can have negative effects on the relations of this country with Central Asia as well as the power have regional and influential (China, Russia, Turkey). The current research has chosen the descriptive-analytical method as its research method and collected data and information through the library method and through the sampling method.

They showed the system of the Iran to be inefficient in the international arena, and although they imposed a heavy cost on the nation and the government of Iran, they did nothing with the vigilance of the officials and the perseverance of the people. After the end of the war, the military and national officials thought of strengthening the deterrence power in the country, because according to the military and defense capabilities created in the war, the unique combination of the Iranian armed forces, national spirit, experience of sacred defense, made Iran a regional power. and a kind of deterrence was created in the country. Deterrence is a strategy in which a power uses the threat of retaliation to prevent an enemy attack. The idea of ​​deterrence has a long history, some believe it is as old as war itself.Deterrence does not mean that you necessarily use weapons; Rather, one of the important dimensions of deterrence is its managerial and psychological aspect. As much as Iran's capabilities are analyzed in the world, it leaves its effects in the international system, but this is not enough. Because the of Iran needs deterrence at a high level to advance the goals and ideals of the revolution, and it must have both types of deterrence, i.e. symmetric and asymmetric, according to regional and extra-regional threats and manage them. This research is applied and its method is descriptive and analytical, and its purpose is to address the need to improve Iran's defense deterrence power.

In recent decades, changes and developments in the international arena in various forms have provided the grounds for the growing dependence of countries on each other. In such a way that this dependence has made it very difficult to achieve national interests and security without active and powerful acting and role-playing resulting from a realistically foreign policy in the regional and global arena. Whereas the adoption of an effective foreign policy in order to create sustainable security depends on recognizing the influencing factors on the foreign policy of countries; Therefore, efforts should strengthen these mentioned factors to achieve national goals and create security. On this basis, among the security maker factors, geopolitical factors is one of the most important and influential factor, because geopolitics can determine the foreign policy strategies of countries and by identifying the limitations and facilities in the geographical space of the country, can provide achievement grounds to political goals, power and security of the country. The main purpose of this study is to explain the geopolitical opportunities that generate power and sustainable security for Iran in the region of Southwest Asia. This study seeks to answer the question of how is Iran's geopolitical weight evaluated in the security equations of the of Southwest Asia region? Methodology governing the present study, which has a descriptive-analytical nature, Based on the theory of Barry Buzan's regional security complex, it is based on the assumption that the geopolitical variable (as the main influential factor in shaping Iran's security equations)