جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « malaysia » در نشریات گروه « علوم سیاسی »

This article investigates the feasibility of Malaysia and Indonesia, as two Muslim countries in Southeast Asia, joining the Abraham Accords. Indonesia, the most populous Muslim country, is also one of the emerging economies of the world and expected to become one of the five largest economic powers in the future. Malaysia, a Muslim country with a flourishing economy, industry, and academic circles, is also among the most important Muslim countries in the world. Their location in Southeast Asia, hosting 240 million Muslims, and lying at the forefront of the geopolitical battle between the United States of America and China, adds to their importance.
On September 15, 2020, President Donald Trump, along with Benjamin Netanyahu, the prime minister of Israel, and the foreign ministers of the United Arab Emirates and Bahrain, unveiled the Abraham Accords. Bahrain and the UAE became the first countries in the Persian Gulf to recognize Israel. Since then, Sudan and Morocco have also normalized their relations with Israel, and the United Arab Emirates has signed a trade agreement with Israel.
From August to December 2020, Israel normalized its relations with the four countries of the UAE, Bahrain, Sudan, and Morocco. It is said that the Abraham Accords could potentially expand to include up to ten countries.
Using the descriptive-analytical method and library sources, this article seeks to determine the feasibility of Malaysia and Indonesia normalizing relations with Israel and joining the Abraham Accords. Forging a relationship with Indonesia, the most populous Muslim country, has always been of paramount importance for Israel. Before the start of the so-called Abraham peace process, there was an idea among some that establishing relations with Indonesia could be a turning point in Israel's relations with Muslim countries. If other Muslim countries witnessed the normalization of Israel's relations with the largest and most populous Muslim country, it would be possible for Jakarta to become a model for them to follow. However, it has not been possible for Israel to establish relations with Indonesia, and Jakarta is one of the 28 countries that have not officially recognized Israel. In addition, according to a BBC survey conducted in 2017, only 9% of the people in Indonesia have a positive view of the foreign policy of Israel. Even in the Pew Institute survey in 2007, Indonesia ranked first in terms of solidarity with Palestine and opposition to Israel after five Middle Eastern countries.
Regarding Malaysia, the anti-Israel sentiment among Malaysians is also high. According to a survey conducted by the Anti-Defamation League, 61% of the country's population have anti-Semitic sentiments. According to a survey conducted by the Pew Institute, only 11% of Malaysians support Israel in the conflict between Israel and Palestine, and 82% are pro-Palestine.
When analyzing the feasibility of normalizing relations between Malaysia and Indonesia, several factors must be considered. One of the influencing factors is the United States of America. Both Malaysia and Indonesia are not among the so-called revisionist governments in the international order, and they may join the Abraham Accords if they are encouraged, insisted or forced by the United States. This is especially true for Indonesia, as we have seen the efforts of the Trump and Biden administrations to have Indonesia join the Jirga of Abraham Pact member states.
Another important point that can affect the normalization of relations between Malaysia and Indonesia with Israel is Saudi Arabia's joining the Abraham Accords. Indonesia and Malaysia have warm relations with Saudi Arabia, which is the second Middle East partner of Malaysia, and relations between Indonesia and Saudi Arabia are also warm. According to the 2021 survey by Australia's Lowy Institute, Mohammed bin Salman, the crown prince of Saudi Arabia, is the most popular foreign leader in Indonesia. Therefore, it can be argued that Saudi Arabia's joining the process of normalizing relations between Muslim countries and Israel can also influence Indonesia and Malaysia and encourage them to do so.
In conclusion, while the hypothesis of this research was based on the proposition that Indonesia and Malaysia joining the Abraham Accords and normalizing relations with Israel is not likely, the findings of the research confirm this hypothesis. Due to various reasons, especially the strong anti-Israel sentiments of the people of these two countries, Jakarta and Kuala Lumpur's joining the Abraham Accords is not likely, at least in the current time frame. However, factors such as the role-playing of the United States may make the atmosphere for the normalization of Indonesia's relations with Israel more favorable than that of Malaysia.

Susceptibility to development requires domestic policy-making which would be consistent with the integrated global economy. By drawing on the Leftwich’s Developmental State theory as a theoretical approach, this study aims to assess the role of international environment as well as the foreign policy of Malaysia in the process of Malaysia’s economic development. This paper will respond to a question: What are the features of Malaysia’s international environment and, its foreign policy as well in its process of economic development. This research presumes that some contributing features and factors to economic development such as favorable international environment and also peaceful foreign policy activism (developmental foreign policy) were instrumental in Malaysia’s prosperity in its way to economic development. The research method used in this paper is the comparative (multivariate time series) method. Data gathering method is based on library sources. The main findings of this study indicate that susceptibility to development is possible through peaceful foreign policy as well as cooperative utilization of the international system in the era of globalization.

The purpose of this study is to compare the government and economic development programs in the Islamic Republic of Iran and Malaysia. Understanding the pillars of power and government and its characteristics in the Islamic Republic of Iran and Malaysia, recognizing the similarities and differences between the factors of progress and development in Iran and Malaysia, understanding the Malaysian development model of Mahathir Mohammad and the Islamic Republic of Iran and providing appropriate strategies for further development and progress in the Republic Islamic Iran are of the other objectives of this research.The research method was analytical-comparative and the results showed that the Islamic Republic of Iran during Hashemi Rafsanjani (1989-1997) with the implementation of the first 5-year development plan and with the emphasis on open economic policy, mostly considered the economic development of the country, but less attention was paid to socio-cultural issues; and Seyyed Mohammad Khatami (2005-2007) while expanding relations with foreign countries, focused more on political development and strengthening of civil institutions inside the country. In both periods, the program was not implemented precisely and parts of it were implemented in accordance with the discourse of governments.But Malaysia during the reign of Mahathir Mohamad succeeded in pursuing its economic growth and development in the best possible way due to: first, following Japan and South Korea models and relying on the policy of having an attitude to the East, and second, creating a legitimate bureaucratic power and a fully developed government, which is measured by the credibility of political experts and scholars. Third, with precise planning and commitment to the program, and fourth, developing relations with neighboring countries and major powers such as the United States to attract foreign investment.

In today's world, education is the fourth dimension of foreign policy. Educational cooperation is a kind of investment for the future of diplomatic relations among nations. Since the most political elites are selected from academia, the expansion of international scholarships and the admission of international students are two ways of introduction of their cultures and communities to the future political leaders and the senior executives around the world. Academic relations can also develop political and economic relations between the governments. It is argued that from an economic point of view, science and technology diplomacy can save countries’ national economies, because, first, it accelerates countries’ scientific development; second, it creates a wealth of economic experience and connections, and third, it expands trade, industry, science, and national gross income as an economic resource. From a cultural point of view, the most important function of science and technology diplomacy is to spread and export the values, principles, norms, and meanings of the national culture of countries to the international arena. One of the pillars of the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran since the ninth government onward has been to expand the relations with Asian countries in the form of Look East Policy. This article tries to analyze and evaluate a part of Look East Policy, namely science and technology diplomacy of the Islamic Republic of Iran toward the countries of the Southeast Asia region, especially the Islamic countries of this region. On this basis, we first address the issue of what is science and technology diplomacy and what are its components, features, and dimensions. Secondly, what are the goals and manifestations of this type of diplomacy? Third, what is the place of science and technology diplomacy in the Look East Policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran, and finally, how is Iran's science and technology diplomacy evaluated in relation to the Islamic countries of Southeast Asia, namely Malaysia and Indonesia?

If we want to study the science and technology diplomacy of the Islamic Republic of Iran toward the Islamic countries of Southeast Asia, namely Indonesia, Malaysia and Brunei, this study has to be done based on documented data. Unfortunately, there was no data on the country of Brunei in the research process, and therefore, this country was removed from the list of countries which were surveyed. There were also scattered data on scientific and technological cooperation of Iran on the one hand and Malaysia and Indonesia on the other hand, based on which the data of this topic has been adjusted. However, the science and technology diplomacy of the Islamic Republic of Iran toward the Islamic countries of Southeast Asia is significant in some indicators, including joint scientific productions with researchers from Malaysia, the establishment of a Persian language department at Putra University Malaysia and the conclusion of memorandums and academic agreements, but in some respects it still needs further strengthening. It seems that before addressing other indicators of the science and technology diplomacy of the Islamic Republic of Iran toward the Islamic countries of Southeast Asia, the issue of reviewing the Look East Policy should be on the agenda of the country's policymakers. Accordingly, the Look East Policy should move away from the initial reactionary and reflective status and become a strategic and long-term plan of Iran's foreign policy. The Islamic Republic of Iran can easily expand its cooperation with the mentioned countries in various fields, including science and technology, by belonging to the civilization of the Orient and having some cultural and religious commonalities and historical relations with the inhabitants of the Southeast Asian countries. Therefore, it must take a strategic and long-term approach to the great society of the East and devise a suitable strategy to make optimal use of the maximum capacity of Asian countries and promote its national interests.

In this regard, due to some cultural and religious commonalities, and historical relations with the countries of Southeast Asia, it is possible to come up with proposals focusing on different dimensions of diplomacy, which can be viewed as strategies for expanding science and technology diplomacy under the Look East Policy:• Holding joint scientific conferences and meetings in various areas;
• Identifying the scientific capabilities of the Islamic countries of the region and trying to strengthen relations in those fields;
• Compilation of a science and technology diplomacy document and determining the position of Islamic countries in the Southeast Asian region;
• Making efforts at further expansion of the exchange of professors and students between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Islamic countries of the region;
• Promoting cooperation of national scientific and technological institutions with their counterparts in the Islamic countries of the region;
• Establishig Persian language departments in Malaysian and Indonesian universities;
• Using the capacity of regional institutions and organizations to expand scientific and technological relations;
• Holding training courses for Iranian ambassadors and diplomats in the countries of the region to get acquainted with science and technology diplomacy as well as the scientific developments in the country of mission.

The purpose of this study is to compare the economic performance of Mahathir Bin Mohammad’s government in Malaysia and Seyyed Mohammad Khatami’s in the Islamic Republic of Iran based on “Adrian Leftwich's” theory of the role of political structure and government in the economic growth and development of countries. The present study’s research method is library research and descriptive analytical research. Considering the common points in the thoughts of Seyyed Mohammad Khatami and Mahathir Bin Mohammad on economic development, this study examines the reasons behind the weaker performance of Seyyed Mohammad Khatami compared with his counterpart in Malaysia. The findings suggest that, despite Khatami's and Mahatir Bin Mohammad's similar economic views, Khatami was unable to fully implement his economic plans due to the lack of authority and power of the president in determining the economic policies of Iran. While the political structure and compliance of other Malaysian political institutions from Mahathir Bin Mohammad led him to move Malaysia towards economic development using his economic plans. Therefore, Iran's economic development requires a national consensus and support for established economic policies. In sum, economic development requires a calm and low-tension environment, the internal solidarity among the elite of the community, political and religious pluralism, political stability, and a culture of collective efforts.

Paths of NGOs and cultural ways are one of the communicative ways with the nations and access to cultural purpose as well as national interests. Cultural nongovernment organizations of women in Muslim countries are one of this unofficial paths which it can be used for promotion of cultural values.
In Malaysia, there are many of NGOs which act for Protection of women's promotions, family foundation and creating of cultural and professional opportunities. As a result of establishment this center, cultural positive development and national development richness has arisen in Malaysia culture area and especially in women's field. Therefore, cultural organizations recognition of Malaysia is important because of Strong cultural context and religious place and different rituals for Iran utilization of this opportunities.
Classification of Malaysian women's NGOs and promotion of fit values with their activities axis, focus on values and common beliefs, introducing positive dimensions and reforming attitudes to this unofficial organizations, Planning for the main activities of these institutions and use of fundamental features that of can be beneficial to more convergence with Malaysian women and finally promoting cultural values.
This paper with analytical-descriptive method by introducing some of women NGOs in Malaysia and explanation of their activities want to introduce available fields and opportunities in activity field of this organizations for promoting cultural values of Iran Islamic Republic.

Scientific policy of the countries defines the main framework of scientific, research and educational activities of each country. Scientific policy is directly related to the fate of the people, and political, economic and social groups. This paper attempts to make a comparative analysis of the Malaysian and Turkish scientific policies. The research is based on descriptive-analytical method and the required data were collected through documentary and library studies as well as official scientific policy sites of these countries. The comparison of these two political states takes place according to the two components of the "structure and institutions that are effective in scientific policy making" and "the amount of allocated funds". These countries, Malaysia and Turkey, as the two members of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC), moved towards the scientific development by granting relative independence to scientific centers and increasing the international connections of universities. These countries increased research budgets with participation of private sector. In Malaysia, in particular, scientific development played the role of jump platform for achieving economic, social and political development. Comparing these two political states with respect to these components can provide an appropriate perspective of scientific policy in these countries in comparison with scientific policy in our country, especially in the field of human sciences in the country, so that we can step towards the development of politics in scientific research.

Malaysia, as one of the most developed Muslim countries in East Asia, has become a developed country with a dramatic income growth in less than four decades. It has gone through the process of industrialization and activation as a productive economy and the process of industrialization and activation as it produces a productive economy and is still deepening it. Due to global developments, the country is currently active in many fields of production and creativity. It is unlikely that Mahatyr Mohammad’s era (1981-2003) is one of the main periods of the development of this country. He is an elite and thinker of development. The characteristic of the developmental elites is the firm determination to advance development, adhere to economic growth and development, and their ability to advance their goals. Reviewing the viewpoints of Mahatyr Mohammad represents the angle of thought of one of the most progressive leaders in the Muslims world. The present article seeks to study the main views of Mahatyr Mohammad as a developing thinker in order to extract and highlight the main veins of developmentalism in his thought.

Administrative decentralization seeks to redistribute authority, responsibility and financial resources to provide public services among different levels of the government. It is the transfer of responsibility for the planning, financing and management of certain public functions from the central government and its agencies to field units of government agencies, subordinate units or levels of government, semi-autonomous public authorities or corporations, or area-wide, regional or functional authorities. When governments devolve functions, they transfer authority for decision-making, finances, and management to quasi-autonomous units of local government with corporate status. According to Article 3 of the Constitution of Malaysia, Islam is the country's official religion; therefore, studying the legal system of this country, which has a Muslim background, is essentially important to our country. In addition, given the importance of decentralization in Iran, it is of considerable importance to study the challenges of the decentralization system, even when they are formed in a federal system. The Malaysian legal system, modeled based on the English law, has, after independence of the former country, chosen federalism, and, consequently, the political decentralization system for their government. However, the important issue refers to whether the system of political decentralization has been achieved completely and properly in this country and what are its damages? Decentralization can be a way of improving access to services, tailoring government actions to private needs, and increasing the opportunities for state-society interactions.
Design/Methodology/Approach: This paper is formed and based on the critical paradigm with the descriptive method, and has been conducted in two sections. The first section of the study investigated the levels of government, and, in the second part, the relationship between federal, state and local governments will be discussed.
Findings: Malaysia is one of the three Asian countries and the only southeastern Asian country which has chosen a federal government. The important matter is whether the mentioned federal system results in decentralization? The Malaysian government includes three layers: the federal government, the government of provinces and local government. The provincial and local governments, as the symbol of decentralization in such countries, are determined in Malaysia’s Constitution with their duties, discretions and limitations. Actually, however, the federal government interferes in provincial activities. 91 percent of financial resources are controlled by the federal government. The independent activities of local governments are hindered by factors such as limited responsibilities, federal and provincial governments’ interference in local government affairs, the role of the national association and housing ministry parallel to the local government regarding law and policy-making, existence of unique obligatory policies for all local governments, limited financial resources, and the appointment of local authorities by the federal government. Consequently, the above explanations imply that federalism, as a governmental system, will not necessarily result in decentralization.
Originality/Value: Given the large number of studies on the issue of decentralization in the Iranian legal system, this paper, with the aim of observing the originality principle, intends to conduct a comparative study on the legal systems of Malaysia and the United Kingdom.

Presently, there are all different and sometimes opposite interpretations of Islam in South East Asia. Muslims of this region have been continuously seeking to strengthen their identity as the Muslim majority and/or minority by resorting to one of these intellectual trends. The people of Malaysia and Indonesia have disputed over each of these Islamic reflections more than other nations in this region. However, the situation is different in Thailand and the Philippines, as their people are facing religious-racial trends which regard Islam only in kinship, racial, ethnic, lingual and cultural perspective and religious theoretical issues are not considered as their important and daily matters. After Suharto (1998) and September 11 events (2001), Jihadi extremists penetrated East Asian regions. Because of economic pressure and confrontation with materialist modernism, globalization, capitalist consumerism, western intervention in Islamic countries, repression of Palestinian Muslims, US invasion of Afghanistan and improper intervention in the Balkans, many Muslims in this region inclined toward radical Islam and extremist interpretation of religion. Salafi reflections supported by Saudi Arabia from one side and the attitudes of nationalist and liberal intellectuals from other side advanced side by side; and sometimes they confronted each other for mutual interests.

The Westphalian identification in international relations was the historical context of formation of the process of state/nation-building. The classification of the world countries on the basis of nation-state model underlines the emergence and evolution of the process of secularization of political arena. The fate of the process of secularization in the political landscape of the Islamic countries is of great significance. Hence, it is necessary to shed light on the degree of Islamism (role of Islam, religion and religious sects) in the process of state/nation-building among Muslim states. Attempts have been made in the present paper to explain the ingredients of the process of state/nation-building inMalaysiathrough descriptive-analytical method. The findings of the present paper indicate that the process of state/nation-building inMalaysia, due to certain ethnic and religious factors, was not possible without an authoritarian bureaucratic system.

Development is one of the most important concepts for countries, especially for developing countries in the Third World. Southeast Asian countries are among the countries that, as development-oriented states, could achieve an optimal and high development by adopting appropriate political-economic policies. Malaysia, especially from the time of the Prime Minister Mahatyr Muhammad, was able to achieve a high development and become modern Malaysia and this development is still ongoing. The research question is that what factors and policies led to the rapid development in Malaysia, particularly from the 1980s onwards? The findings of this study suggest that the Malaysian government achieved rapid economic development and could reach to a high level of all-round development and has become a model for other  developing countries in the Third World by establishing a development-oriented state and adopting the policies such as industrialization, privatization, export development, economic stability, foreign investment, being influenced by the Japanese development model, knowledge-based economy, national technology development, management and governmental decision-making, enhancing economic efficiency, economic planning, national development of communications and information technology and so on. It seems that the Malaysian government has played the most important role in Political-Economic development of  the country. The modern Malaysia, especially the Malaysia at  Prime Minister Mahatyr. M time, is a good example of a development-oriented state affirmative action. To answer this research question, descriptive - analytic study is utilized.