جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه "press" در نشریات گروه "علوم سیاسی"

Although according to certain specific and general laws in Iran and England, all media courts are required to adhere to general principles of due process, sometimes due to insufficient enforcement guarantees, deviation from these principles seems possible in specific cases. This research, conducted qualitatively and library-based, analyzes the observance of principles of fair trial in the judicial procedures of media courts in Iran and England in a descriptive-analytical manner. The research question is how the principles of fair trial have been observed in the judicial procedures of media courts in Iran and England. The existence of specialized media courts in some major cities, both in the investigation stage (Media Court) and in the sentencing stage (some branches of the Criminal Court of Tehran Province), as well as the development and enactment of media laws in contemporary Iran, reflects a particular focus on media rights and addressing related crimes. The evolution of laws in England and a historical review of English law demonstrate that English law has evolved through practice and judicial opinions. The results indicate that in criminal laws of Iran and England, prohibitions related to illegal recording and dissemination of court files and safeguarding press freedom have been examined. In these two countries, there is no specific definition of media crime, and violations related to the media are addressed in regular courts. Furthermore, the jury in both countries plays a supervisory and advisory role in handling media crimes.

Iran's Islamic revolution is a revolution in which different competing discourses compete with each other, the roots of these discourses go back to the Iranians' representation of modern concepts in the constitutional revolution, Iranians became familiar with modern concepts in the constitution, and this was while There were different representations of the new terms, each of these discourses had their own central and secondary signifiers. The conflict field of these discourses, in addition to the messages of the scholars, is the press and the speeches of the representatives in the Constitutional Assembly. Iran's Islamic Revolution also continued. In fact, without knowing the constitutional discourses, it is not possible to achieve a precise understanding of the discursive differences about the concepts and their representation in the Islamic Revolution. Based on this, by examining these texts, three discourses emerged from the representation of modern words. identified and explained in the constitutional revolution as the basis of the discourse of the Islamic Revolution 57, the discourses of the opponents of the constitution with the central signifier (Sharia) which is the basis of the discourse of fundamentalism, the discourse of the constitutionalist scholars with the central signifier (Sharia) which is the basis of the discourse of the reformers and the discourse Constitutionalist intellectuals with the central sign (law) which is the basis of journalists' discourse after June 2nd were the three discourses that were present in the constitutional revolution and continued in the Islamic revolution as well.

The purpose of this study is to identify the optimal model of press governance in Islamic society from the point of view of Imam Khomeini (RA). The research findings indicate that in Imam's view, the press should govern the nation and reflect public opinion to govern. The favorable model of press governance extracted in Imam Khomeini's thought has four conditions, which are: 1- Rejection of authoritarian rule with two components of opposition to the authoritarian system and fight against corruption in the press. 2. Orientalism is in the work of the press. 3- In educational governance, in these principles, the Imam of the press is considered as a university and the component of the educational role is considered. But without criticism and the critical role of the press, it is not possible to govern them. The press, in Imam's thought, is closely related to the denial of authoritarian rule. , In this context, understanding the strategy, the consequences of this rule can be enumerated, including freedom of the press, criticism, observance of the law, and the publication of content without conspiracy

The Constitutionalist era in Iran brought about a period of significant transformation, where Iranians were exposed to a multitude of new terms and phenomena, resulting in heightened awareness. This newfound awareness laid the groundwork for a shifting of power dynamics and eventually led to structural changes within the country. However, it is important to note that religious, political, and elite figures, shaped by their distinct backgrounds and interests, did not equally reflect these changes. Consequently, varying interpretations of key concepts such as freedom, equality, and law emerged, which were then reflected in the press and media of the time. This research aims to examine the representation of the concept of freedom in the press during a specific historical era, utilizing van Leeuwen's model as a framework. The focus is on analyzing newspapers such as Qanun, Habl al-Matin, Sur-e Esrafil, and Mosavat. The research method employed is content analysis, drawing upon van Leeuwen's theory of representation. The theoretical framework is based on his model, which comprises four key categories: authorization, moral evaluation, rationalization, and mythopoesis. These categories contribute to the discursive construction of legitimization, demonstrating how each element plays a role in legitimizing concepts within representations. Consequently, this research investigates the legitimization of events presented in the press utilizing van Leeuwen's model. Data has been collected from documents and the aforementioned newspapers during the two-year period of the Constitutional Movement, spanning from spring 1285 Sh to summer 1287 Sh.

With the victory of the constitutional movement and the fall of the authoritarian system, the political atmosphere of the country underwent fundamental changes. After the establishment of the constitutional system, the press continued to maintain and develop its role and importance as the most important means of mass communication. During this period, due to the reduction of restrictions and the opening of the political space of the society, the critical and supervisory role of the press increased in all areas, especially in relation to the political structure of the society. In this research, we intend to examine the way of their interaction with the political structure and elements of the constitutional government (parliament, government, court) by relying on the press of this period (1324-1326 AH). According to the findings, after the victory of the constitution and the establishment of the new political system, the relationship between the press and the parliament and the rulers, especially the Shah, experienced many ups and downs. Although the performance of the press in the free expression of news and events, as well as their critical approach to the social and political situation, and especially the critique of the government, increased after the constitutional victory, the enlightening and sometimes extremist content of some of these presses caused currents. There was dissent and reactions from the opposition to further restrict the press. This research has studied the subject of the research using historical method and descriptive-analytical approach and with emphasis on the press of this period.

“Collective action” is the capacity and communicative quality of those social actors that fulfill individual determinations through collective determinations building on the understanding and commitments related to the role. As such, they trigger the institutional change resulting in development through incentivizing the political will to accept the “public good.”Centered around the concept of “collective action,” the present study rejects the general arguments in the analysis of the lack of development of the press in Iran that aim at presenting top-down solutions. It contends that the absence of institutional agency via press syndicates, which can be made possible with the participation of all media practitioners, is the missing link of the underdevelopment of the press in Iran.This study covers the time period after June 1997 up to June 2022. The data required were gathered through the conduction of in-depth narrative interviews with journalists as well as building on textual sources and data available in written forms. For data analysis, the narrative analysis method has been used through a thematic model for thematization. Drawing on the mixed purposive sampling method, an effort has been made to ensure compatibility sampling to achieve representativeness.The results signify that in press syndicates, “antagonizing” connections with other power centers are replaced by relationships with the “co-workers” that often eliminate the possibility of a consensus for taking essential steps and furthering impactful collective action, or significantly minimize such possibilities.Also, the unsustainable development processes of the press, especially in associations and syndicates, lack the “effective connection of the constituents” that hamper the institution-building of the collective action. Identity-oriented and professional resources are not attached to material resources, and as such cannot result in “hegemonic actions” and the emergence of institutional agency required for solidifying the development discourses.

The establishment and development of the press in Iran has had many effects, among which press violence is one of its manifestations. The purpose of this study was to analyze the content of media violence (a case study of press violence in the Iranian presidential election). The statistical population of this study was Iran, Shargh, Kayhan and Vatan Emrooz newspapers and the statistical sample was articles containing violence in these newspapers. Quantitative content analysis and purposive sampling have been used in the research. The measurement tool was observation and study of the content, how to implement the coding of cases related to violence and the unit of analysis of "word" and "sentence". Findings showed that during the elections, the newspapers in question were different in four dimensions of audience, subject, type of accusation and form of violence.

New communication technologies have realized the idea of a global village. technical innovations have created new conditions in the media sphere, contributed to the growth of the media, and changed the view of information exchange, regulation, and government policy in this area. These changes have forced planners and decision makers to create an efficient and appropriate model for managing and organizing this space. The free flow of information has also challenged the power of governments and made the media policy-making process particularly important. This study seeks to answer the question: what are the basic components of the media policies of the IR-Iran in the field of press and social networks? What is the system's media policy towards the free flow of information? hence, the theoretical approach of the network community was used. To conduct this qualitative research, various data were collected and analyzed using library and documentary sources. In this regard, citing Article 110 of the Constitution, and using the environmental scanning method, the leadership statements were examined. Extracted themes were coded by thematic analysis method, which resulted in extracting the basic themes of media policies and categorizing them into comprehensive themes (Political, economic, social and moral). The findings indicate 13 main components of the media policy of the IR-Iran in the field of press and social networks. Also, due to the emphasis on the justice and the two-way flow of information, these policies are closer to the opponents of the free flow of information.

The right to opinion is one of the fundamental rights that has been accepted by the world. Belief arises from a series of complex political, historical, cultural, and social issues that may not have a fundamental insight on their own. The imposition of belief and thought is common in all religions and cultures, and Islam emphasizes rationality and belief along with choice and research. Therefore, the main question of the research is what is the right of opinion in the constitutional law of Iran and the judicial procedure of the United Kingdom? Therefore, according to the research method in a descriptive-analytical manner and by using library tools and studying the legal laws of Iran and England, we came to the conclusion that the constitutional law of Iran provides for an absolute prohibition for any inquiry and its tools are provided by law. Non-conflict with legal and religious principles is allowed and the laws and jurisprudence of the United Kingdom recognize freedom of opinion and there are differences and restrictions with freedom of opinion in Iranian law. Restrictions on freedom of opinion in the UK are non-conflict with national security and the political system.

This research examines the political newspaper advertising in the 12th presidential election campaign in Iran (2017). The main aim of this research is to analyze the signs and ideology of the two political rivals in their press advertising campaign. For this reason those visual symbols and texts were investigated in seven newspapers. In this study, national newspapers were selected in three political stands: Iran (Government newspaper), Etemad, Arman and Mardom-salari (Pro Reformatists), Vatan-e-Emrooz, Resalat and Siasat-e-Rooz (Pro Foudemetalists). Using the John Fiske semiotics method and Barthes’ theoretical framework, photographs and texts of the seven adverts of the two main electoral candidates were examined. The results of this study showed that out of a total of seven advertisements, six of them were related to the reformist faction and in support of Hassan Rouhani's candidacy. Rouhani's advocacy emphasized the modernization approach, the development of industry, the increase in production, as well as those concepts such as freedom, justice and citizenship rights. The only rival candidate (Ibrahim Raeisi), backed by other newspapers, followed a populist approach by promoting religious values, back to the basics and fair distribution of wealth.

The press appeared after Abbas Mirza’s modernization efforts and the Iranian students returning home from Europe. The first newspaper published in Mohammad Shah‘s time and after issuing the constitutional decree the Internal newspaper except the newspapers in exile  praised the Shah's orders and published news of the court. Therefore, in this research press is called the monarchy (courtier) political system in Iran. The constitutionalism order and fights for it leads to more freedom for the press and newer ideas and concepts were created in public life that differed from the monarchy political system in Iran. This difference is the core of this research and is called double consciousness .On the one hand, from the advent of the press to the end of the 13th solar century when Reza Shah involved in politics, fundamentally the press were a new phenomenon. On the other hand this phenomenon was supposed to work on political and social fields but it was not in accordance with individuals and public awareness. Consequently, this difference caused a contrast with the public awareness and opinions. In this framework, the main focus of this research is on how the press worked and the appearance of this kind of awareness in Iran’s history with a discovering approach until 1299 when Reza shah involved in politics.

The Egyptian Revolution of January 25th, 2011, in fact was the result of crises in the Egyptian society such as increasing social gap and corruption and Mubarak efforts for inheriting the presidency. These crises by the help of the media –from the press to social networks- provide the grounds for shaping anti Mubarak social movements and eventually led to fall him. In this regard, one should consider the prominent role of the press and print media in the process of the revolution. While we are traditionally faced with three types of journalism system in Egypt (governmental, independent and the parties press), In this context, the researcher has tried to respond to this question that how was the role and position of every press system in the land of pyramids in the process of the revolution (especially from January 25th to February 11th, the day that Mubarak resigned), and how were the effects of these roles  ظand positions on the January Revolution? In this regard, in addition to detailed introduction of every newspaper of each system, we study their views and positions and portray the main differences between governmental newspapers with the independent and parties’ ones. As the research findings show, it seems in the revolution, the relative freedom of these traditional media in expressing their opinions with the growth of the middle class, could
provide the possibility of transition of Egypt from a thirty years old dictatorship by mobilizing people to achieve their demands and forming powerful social movements.

This study examines the impact of different types of media on people's decisions about the possibility of participating or not participating in the presidential election of 96's. There have been very little empirical research to evaluate the effectiveness of different types of media on the participations rates. The present study is an attempt to examine this effect, and to do so it divides the media into five categories namely newspapers and printed media, TV news, satellite news, online news sites and social networks. The results show that only three of the above namely satellite news channels, online news sites and social networks are going to have a decisive impact of the people’s mind regarding participating or not participating in the 1396 presidential election. The results also show that while satellites have a negative impact on the election, the online news sites and social networks increases the likelihood of turnout in the election.

Although in the political and legal discourse the term of political supervision is used repeatedly, there is little discussion available about the analysis of the meaning of this concept and the quality of practicing it through the governmental institutes and also by the people in the political systems. This article emphasizes the position and role of the people in applying this supervision mode in order to control the power, and it tries to provide a clear definition for the political supervision and its features, so that it is clarified that in the current society of Iran, considering the vastness of the society, it is not possible to use the people’s direct supervision for the realization of a favorable control system. Instead, it is inevitable to appeal to modern mechanisms in accordance with the requirements of the current time and also it is necessary to reform the existing mechanisms.

The high-rated press in Iran started a general and influential strike to obtain the freedom’s assurance of the government، in the adventurer days of September 1978، for the first time in the press history of this country. The current study is going to find which reasons caused the strike’s formation and preparation، by searching in different resources and specially that era’s gazetteers; it is also based on using the descriptive and explanatory methods. The hypothesis of the current research is that in the press strike، the presence of military in the gazetteers editorial، unlike how it seemed، was not the main reason of the strike، but just as a hint and in other layers of this strike، other reasons could be traced back. This research summed up to the fact، that the press strike is the result of a permanent and historical conflict between journalists and the Pahlavid government which made such reaction possible along with two other reasons: “the presence of an organization called the authors and press journalists’ syndicate” and “the struggling and revolutionary atmosphere in 1978”. The presence of military guards in Etela’at and Keyhan’s editorials without agreement and despite the government of the day’s will were a convincing excuse to form the strike which showed a critical disagreement among different decision-making organs of the country. This event resulted in the formation of press strike and its lasting، along with such reasons as “other journalists’ activities’ ineffectiveness before government’s pressure” and “public demand and the press need to a revolutionary movement”

The main inquiry of this article is how differently the news of uprisings in Bahrain, Yemen and Syria has been covered in conservative and reformist press. In the section of theories, a review of agenda-setting and social constructionism has been offered and using theory of constructivism the role of values, identity and norms in social uprisings has been studied. In this article, ten newspapers in a six month period (from Jan 21st 2011 to Jul 22nd 2011) have been studied applying content analysis.

The role and work of the associations of constitutionality primary on subversion of the pillars of the young political system in Iran and particularly the downfall of the first parliament (1906) has enough space and dimension in the contemporary history and even has created a kind of monopoly to majority of political analyst. it’s clear that developments in the initial years of the constitutionality and in particular the downfall of the first parliament has a firm relations with the actions of the associations of this era and has overshadowed the judgment on the association’s work report in every respect, but any analysis and evaluation concerning the associations’ constitutionality Primary without taking the existing reality’s of the political and social scene of the country under consideration would inflict serious damage to the final judgment. In the whole even though, associations and some news papers had great role in radicalization of the atmosphere, but evidences exist that clearly show the associations had not been the main influential factor, rather a combination of factors with the presence of associations has led to the aforesaid events.

Today, the determinant role of mass media in shaping public opinions at different levels are not hidden to the observers. This paper tries to study in a detective manner, the origin and purposes of the Jewish domination of the media in American society and to consider methods, approaches and institutions which are applied in this case.

Constitutional Revolution, took place in 1906 for establishing of National Sovereignty and the Rule of Law. In the Constitution, some indices of democracy Like: Freedom Of Associations,Press And Legal Equality, were stipulated. In the Constitutional age, too many associations, political groups and two main parties and dependent press were shaped, but instability and law-breaking spread in the society. In this article, the author tries to explain the malfunction and failure of the first experience of associational & party participation. To explain this theme, Huntington’s institutionalizing theory and theory of social cleavages are used.The author maintains that, on the one hand, this revolution occurred in the absence of cultural, economic and social necessary conditions for parliamentary democracy and on the other hand, ideological paradoxes and undemocratic, un institutionalized competition lead to failing of associations and political parties in their democratic functions.