جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « structuralism » در نشریات گروه « علوم سیاسی »

According to many Iranian analysts, this country was caught in the abuse of this situation by the Chinese side in its relations with China during the sanctions period. The Chinese also believe that they have stood by the sanctions and their friendship with Iran as much as possible and have paid a lot of costs in front of the international environment and the West. Therefore, the Islamic Republic of Iran and the People's Republic of China, while having very favorable capacities in relation to each other's needs, also have challenges in the political, economic, and cultural fields, and these challenges are the subject of our analysis in this article. . In this research, we have examined the challenges of relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the People's Republic of China in the form of a geopolitical theoretical framework, with the approach of cultural geopolitical effects on the foreign policy of the two countries, and with the method of applied research and qualitative analysis, and we have drawn conclusions. We believe that it is necessary for the Islamic Republic of Iran to pay more attention to cultural and civilizational patterns in its diplomacy towards China, as well as through dialogue, holding joint think-tank meetings, strengthening scientific diplomacy and extensive elite relations between thinkers and politicians. And the professors of the two countries will make the mentality of both sides closer and more understandable so that the challenges reviewed in this article will be solved and the relations between the two countries will be smooth and deeper.

In this article, based on the social structure presented by Vent in the constructivist approach, the analysis of the formation and expansion of the power axis of the Islamic resistance in the West Asian region has been analyzed. Based on this, the triple infrastructures of semantic, material and interests have been analyzed in relation to the West Asian region in order to understand the role of semantic and identity factors, the material environment and the type of interpretation of its actors and the structure of quadruple interests including ontological security, security Material, development and identification in the formation and expansion of the axis of Islamic resistance with emphasis on the leadership of c. AA evaluated. The author starts compiling this research with the premise that one or more material or semantic factors alone cannot be effective in the formation and expansion of the axis of Islamic resistance. The main question of this research is: From the perspective of structuralism, how did the social structure of the West Asian region play a role in the formation of the expansion of the power axis of the Islamic resistance? This article is written in an analytical-descriptive way.

This article seeks to examine some of the works of Mohamed Abed al-Jaberi, a contemporary Moroccan thinker, on his methodology in formulating a system of theory called the development of the Arab intellect.The belief that the method is changeable and does not involve the presupposition of specific and rigid content; It is shown as the core of Abed Al-Jabri's methodology.Structuralism is Jaberi's most important theoretical approach in the field of method, which dominates throughout his work.At this stage, the text with cultural, political, economic and social contexts, historical margins, time of its creation, production environment, environmental culture, factors affecting its production, interpretations, influences, possibilities that it has taken or created and characters around it The issues are being reconsidered.Algebraic uses of Western schools such as generalization, application of psychoanalytic approach, hermeneutic aspect of historical interpretations and localization of concepts are considered.In methodology, Jabri makes a new and unique practical claim by separating the ideological elements of Islamic heritage from the epistemological elements. Thus, bias prevention solutions are another area of study in this article.The application of structuralism, while expanding the possibilities of historical research, has also caused stagnation and even the imposition of abstract and unrealistic structures on the historical text.The separation of Ibn Rushd's Maghribi philosophy from Ibn Sina's Eastern philosophy is his most important theoretical background in his critique of Islamic civilization. Which also shows the most important ideological aspect of algebraic research.Keywords: Mohammad Abed al-Jaberi, Methodology, Structuralism, Historical Analysis, Arabic Reason

The main goal of the research is to study the roots of political anomie in developing societies. The research method is of the historical-document type, where the researcher looks for the answer to the research goal by referring to articles, books, and researches. The theoretical model of the research is the structuralism-functionalism paradigm (Durkheim, Merton, Parsons and Giddens). The results show, based on the structuralism-functionalism theory; the roots of political anomie are attributed to the social structure and the function of system components in the transition from traditional to modern society. Rapid, sudden and hasty changes are the cause of political anomie. From this point of view, the imbalance of the political system, the reduction of the authority of the cultural system (symbol and collective dignity), the malfunctioning of the system, the lack of identity, alienation, the feeling of disgust and the emotional crisis of modern people, and the destruction of social traditions are the roots of political anomie. The center of distinction of political anomie thinkers is in the unit of analysis, in such a way that: Durkheim and Merton have a micro-intermediate view on the political anomie; however; Parsons and Giddens approach this issue with a medium-macro view..

Western Asia is a crucial and conflict-ridden region in the world. A major conflict has been between Arabs and the Israeli regime, but Saudi Arabia- Israel relations have been normalizing since 2015. Iran, a state that holds Israel and some Arab countries as enemies, founded the “Axis of Resistance” to expand its influence and security in the region. However, the normalization of relations seems to have jeopardized the Axis of Resistance, which this study aimed to analyze. Accordingly, the study's main question was as follows: What threats does the normalization of Saudi-Israeli relations pose against the Axis of Resistance, affecting the Islamic Republic of Iran’s national security? The significance of this descriptive-analytical study was in the fact that any developing threats against the Axis of Resistance expanding around the Islamic Republic can impact Iran’s national security. The results revealed that normalization of relations has led to threats against the Axis of Resistance, including supporting domestic, separatist, and opposition forces of the Islamic Republic in Iran and supporting regional and international anti-Axis of Resistance forces throughout the axis members, i.e., Iran, Syria, Lebanon, Yemen, and Iraq.

In Syria and Yemen, the apparent power of ethnic and religious groups has led to civil war, rooted in the identity issues of these societies. Under the consensus cultural variable is the component of identity, which is one of the main factors and the foundation of the so-called Arab Spring developments. The majority of Arab societies suffer from the lack of national identity due to the plurality of ethnic and religious groups, which puts some groups in a superior political position and pushes others to the margins. Identity is at the top of the Arab developments, and other factors are placed below it. Even the difference in the process of developments in these societies is due to the identity issue. The aim of this research is to investigate the role of identity in the formation, results, and trends of recent developments in the Arab Middle East using constructivism in a descriptive and analytical way. The article's main question is, "What effect has the identity and identitarianism of ethnic and religious groups of Arab societies had on the formation and process of recent developments of these societies?" The findings indicate that the social structure of most Arab societies is very plural. Muslim groups in Arab countries are not cohesive, and there are many religious sects that fuel the religious divide of these societies. The biggest gap is between Shia and Sunni. The difference in the fundamentals of the belief principles of the various Sunni sects has led to their identity split. The Brotherhood, Salafism, and radical fundamentalism are the most effective identity discourses of the Sunni sect, which, along with the Shiites, try to spread their intellectual values and norms in Arab societies. The most prominent ethnic divide is related to the Kurdish ethnicity, which in countries such as Syria and Iraq pursue a different identity from the Arab ethnic groups due to their cultural values. Due to the lack of common norms in Arab societies, a common identity has not been formed in these countries, and we are facing a plurality of identities that are rooted in contradictions and conflicts. This is why during the Arab developments, three groups of fundamentalists, Shiites, and Kurds have become highly active in the analysis of identity action, and it is not possible to solve the crises of these societies without considering their demands.
When the political units do not pay attention to the intellectual, perceptive, normative, and identity components of the citizens, it is natural that conflicts between the government and the society will be created. This is what has been objectified in the Arab societies of the Middle East. The Arab totalitarian governments, by creating a fence around themselves, have actually limited the political and economic structure to their families and those around them and do not care about other peoples.
Therefore, what was formed in the Arab Middle East in 2011 cannot be unrelated to the ethnic-religious intellectual and normative patterns of this region. Even the trends and differences in the developments of Arab societies are not unrelated to the plural identity of these societies. The more cohesive the country is in terms of social structure, the faster the social movement ends, and we do not witness civil war or the presence of other countries in the course of the developments of these societies. A clear example of that is Egypt and Tunisia, where the overthrow of the governments resulted in relative peace in a short period of time. The lack of active ethnic-religious identities and their relatively coherent social structure caused the shortness of the transition period, low violence, and non-intervention of other countries in the course of the developments of these societies. However, identity pluralism in some societies such as Syria, Yemen, and to some extent Libya pushed the developments in another direction. In these societies, the depth of the identity difference is such that none of the parties backed down from their position, and the protests progressed towards civil war and widespread crisis. The identity and ideological war stemming from dry religious interpretations led to widespread violence in societies such as Syria, Iraq, and Yemen. The presence of active identity groups in the developments of these societies followed the reaction of transnational actors in the field of supporting identity groups close to them, which ultimately results in the prolongation of the crisis and proxy wars.

It is clear that the study and examination of issues and the nature of international relations and foreign policy of countries has always been of interest to experts and thinkers in the field of political science and international politics. For this reason, the thinkers of this field have tried to understand the foreign policy of countries from the perspective of different theories. The understanding of Iran's foreign policy has not been excluded from this issue. This matter became doubly important especially after the victory of the Iranian Islamic Revolution in 1357. Because it was followed by fundamental changes and a major redefinition in the fields of national and international identity. These large-scale and extensive national and international identity changes under the leadership of the leader of the Islamic Revolution of Iran; Imam Khomeini  was more than anything influenced by his intellectual foundations and political jurisprudence and considering that a large part of the international relations and foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran is mixed with Islamic ideals and school concepts. It is very necessary to understand the fundamentals of Imam Khomeini's political jurisprudence as the leader and ideologist of this government, who provide the theoretical foundations and specific principles for its foreign policy. Therefore, due to the importance of the topic, the author decided to answer this main question, what is the position of Imam Khomeini's  political jurisprudence in the formulation of international relations and foreign policy of Iran in the framework of constructivist theories? In response to this question, the hypothesis is formulated in this way that in the framework of constructivist theories, the political jurisprudence of Imam Khomeini  is a very important and key factor in formulating the foundations of identity and redefining international relations and politics. The foreigner of the Islamic Republic of Iran has played a role. This research intends to investigate and investigate the mentioned issue using a qualitative-interpretive method. Also, the method used in collecting information is done by library and internet method.

After the collapse of the Soviet Union, the unipolar world with the hegemony of America, with the emergence of emerging powers, including China, has strengthened the idea of ​​transforming the international system from unipolar to multipolar. The problem of this research is that despite China's claim that the country's economic rise is peaceful, it does not convince the circles and American politicians. Therefore, this research, which is descriptive-analytical and collected with library documents, seeks to answer the question, what are the views and policies of the United States regarding China's economic rise? The findings of the research show that China's economic rise has been accompanied by economic policies. These policies include the membership and establishment of international organizations, international projects such as the revival of the Silk Road, investment and lending. According to the analyzes in the framework of the constructivist theory, it should be said that in the eyes of the United States, a peaceful uprising does not remove the accusation of a serious threat to this country as a revisionist country. Based on this point of view, the United States has been convinced that it should take practical measures in order to contain China

The 11th and 12th governments of the Islamic Republic of Iran were headed by Hojjat-ul-Islam Hassan Rouhani during the years 2013 to 2021. Based on the promises made in the elections as well as the existing international conditions, the Rouhani government had promised to connect with the West, remove international sanctions, reconcile with the world, and improve the economic situation and the movement of the centrifuge and the country's economy at the same time. Due to the fact that Rouhani knew the solution to the economic problems and fulfilling the election promises in interaction with the West, he started to tie all the country's problems to the issue of negotiation. The government's efforts finally led to the JCPOA between Iran and the 1+5 group in July 2014. This agreement led to a specific mechanism to limit Iran's nuclear programs, including changing the use of the Arak heavy water power plant, collecting most of the centrifuges from the Natanz and Fardo sites, and reducing uranium enrichment from 20% to 3.5%, but this issue didn’t satisfied Western governments and they sought to limit Iran's regional and missile programs. According to the nature of the Islamic Revolution and the principles of the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran, the theory of constructivism has been used to describe the performance of the foreign policy in Hassan Rouhani's government.

The decision-making process in Iran's accession to the Financial Action Task Force is one of the most important issues in Iran's foreign policy and raises the question of what approach the decision-making process in Iran's accession to the Financial Action Task Force from the perspective of the brokerage structure. Can the elements be explained? In response, contradictory analyzes have been performed based on two approaches of structure and agent. Each of these approaches has analyzed this issue based on its own perspective, which due to a one-dimensional view of these approaches, has not provided a complete answer. From the perspective of futurology, if the prospect of Iran's accession to this institution is subject to the mere will of the structure and absolute adherence of the Iranian agent, Iran's accession to this institution will have consequences and pressure for Iran. In contrast, Iran's non-accession to From the perspective of the broker's approach, this institution will undoubtedly intensify Iran's economic passivity and isolation. However, the decision to join this institution in the framework of the interaction of the broker structure will lead to a favorable agreement for mutual benefits and the structure and broker.An important issue in Iran's foreign policy should be studied based on the approach of broker structure interaction. The premise of this paper is that the decision-making process in Iran's accession to the Special Group can be evaluated in the framework of the structure-agent interaction approach from a constructivist perspective based on the effectiveness of the international structure

States as the main player in international relations, States as rational players, International System as the determinant of states behaviors, international system as an anarchic system, and considering independent nature for international institutions are the international institutionalism’ hypotheses that have been under critics by other IR Theory’s scholars. Given the explaining ability of the theory, how various schools of IR have appraised the ontological premises of Neo-Liberal Institutionalism? It seems that the mainstream theories of IR have criticized the functional part of the ontological premises of Neo-Liberal Institutionalism, while social theories have a criticism regarding its both functional and ontological angles.

In recent years, relations between Saudi Arabia and Qatar have shifted from cooperation and interaction to confrontation. The Disputes that seriously affected their relations after the evolution in the Arab world in 2011 until their severance in 2017. Despite the resumption of relations after the Al-Ula meeting in January 2021, the two sides have not been able to normalize their relations. The hostility between Doha and Riyadh at the neighborhood and regional levels can be analyzed based on structural theories propositions. Because the two actors' different perceptions of Islamic and Arabic identity and tribal social construction have acted as a key element in the consolidation or divergence of the two. Accordingly, the main question of the present article is "how the perception of Saudi Arabia and Qatar on national and regional issues has led to a change in the political pattern of relations in the two time periods (2017-2011) and (2021-2017)? In this regard, the hypothesis is that, the different perceptions of Saudi Arabia and Qatar of political Islam, their role in the regions and inter-family rivalries, have led them to challenge each other in the field of identity, territorial and regional issues. The present research is of descriptive-analytical type and the required information has been collected by library and internet methods.

The present study, relying on the ideas of some religious intellectuals such as Seyyed Jamāl as a theorist of religious intellectualism in the Islamic world including Iran and Egypt, 'Allāma Nā'ini as an Iranian reformist intellectual, and Sheykh Mohammad 'Abdah as an Egyptian reformist, aims to answer what were the political-social achievements of religious intellectual movement in Iran and Egypt. The method of study was descriptive analysis and the results showed that religious intellectualism in the 19th century Iran has had some achievements in Iran like propagating rationalism, and creating modern structures such as parliament, law, and court. It also has brought about some outcomes in Egypt, like propagating rationalism, starting reformism, modernism movement and its manifestations such as newspapers and new schools, changing the attitude to women's rights, nationalism, and secularism.

The concept of national interests is one of the key concepts in designing the foreign policy of countries. In the constructivist perspective, national interests are influenced by norms, ideals, and national identity and, unlike the traditional realist approach, do not break with the value system of political actors. This study examines the relationship between national identity and national interests in Ayatollah Khamenei's intellectual system in the framework of constructivism and considering the position of leadership in the macro policy of the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The method of this research is to analyze the content of Ayatollah Khamenei's statements regarding the relationship between national identity and national interests. Ayatollah Khamenei considers the identity of the Iranian nation to consist of Islamic identity, revolutionary identity and Iranian identity. In this study, based on the comparison of the aforementioned identities, the three identities were examined in three dimensions: cultural interests, political interests and economic interests, and it was concluded that the national interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran derive from the national identity of the Iranian nation. And in all three levels, it has a real relationship with three levels of interests, and in Ayatollah Khamenei's intellectual system, national interests come from the Iranian, Islamic and revolutionary layers. In Ayatollah Khamenei's view, the three national identities provide cultural independence, increased political deterrence, security, and increased national wealth.

With the onset of the Yemeni crisis, which began following the Saudi invasion of the country in 2015, various coalitions were formed in the West Asian region and beyond. The nature of many of these coalitions is clear. What has always been controversial among a wide range of these coalitions is the Coalition of the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Yemeni Ansarullah movement in the field of foreign policy in the Yemeni crisis. In fact, the factors that led to the formation of this alliance at the international level between the two actors are the subject of the present study. Therefore, the present study has collected library resources in a descriptive-analytical method based on structural theory in order to answer the main research question: "What factors have led to the convergence of Iran and the Ansarullah movement in Yemen?". The importance of this research is also in the fact that it can refute the claims of many dissident countries, including Saudi Arabia, that the convergence and cooperation of the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Yemeni Ansarullah movement is military. However, the hypothesis of the present study is that the common revolutionary and Islamist identity between the Yemeni Ansarullah movement and the Islamic Republic of Iran is equally important for the two actors, which has influenced the Iranian-Iranian and Ansarullah Arab identities and converged them in foreign policy. In a way, Saudi Arabia's efforts to create a rift between Arabs and non-Arabs have not worked.

Undoubtedly, the statement of the second step of the Islamic Revolution is a reflection of the intellectual system of the greatest revolution of the century, and its analysis and explanation requires various approaches. The use of structuralist linguistic ideas, especially binary oppositions, to analyze the structure of meaning formation can be one of these approaches; Explain that the explanation and analysis of texts in order to approach complex interpretations of language and thought has always been of interest to thinkers and researchers. In structuralism, the deep principles of the structure of binary oppositions are very important (Selden, 1996: p. 14). Discovering the binary oppositions of a text is one of the general readings and strategies of text interpretation and one of the main methods of navigating the text and meaning with the aim of analyzing and explaining the structural factors affecting discourse because text units are based on their interrelationships with identity. The purpose of this study is to explain the statement of the second step of the Islamic Revolution from the perspective of binary oppositions with descriptive-analytical and comparative methods. Although in the introduction the origin and evolution of this theory is discussed, but in this article we try to explore the binary oppositions of ideas. The axis of the revolution in the second step statement should be done with the aim of explanation and interpretation. Finding these contrasts, in addition to helping to understand the speaker's main purpose, acquaints the reader with a different interpretation of the discourse governing the statement. As a result, in addition to obtaining the meaning of some concepts due to their opposite poles, by extracting the network, the positive and negative alignment of the semantic chains and the governing structure in the statement are analyzed.

Iraq's military aggression against Iran, known as the imposed war, began on September 22, 1980 and lasted for eight years. This war affected the interests of different governments. The Arab states that were at the center of this conflict, were involved in the beginning and the end of this conflict by influencing and being influenced. By studying the Foreign behavior of the Arab states during the imposed war, this article seeks to answer the main question, "What effects did the Foreign behavior of the Arab states have on the beginning and the end of the imposed war? " Findings show that the Foreign behavior of most Arab states at the beginning and the end of the imposed war, was influenced by the changes of around, by Arab nationalism and by the policies of the West and the East countries, were always directly and indirectly in line with the Ba'ath party in Iraq which is at the most aspect because of its identity elements. Therefore, this matter encouraged the war to begin, continue and impose the great financial and human losses for Iran.     Explaining the performance and positions of Arab states during the imposed war is one of the most important objectives of this study. The raw materials of this article have been collected using specialized texts related to this research and have been discussed by descriptive and analytical methods

The Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia are important countries in the turbulent Middle East region. The fields of conflict and conflict in the two countries' relations go back to the past decades. But in the aftermath of the Islamic Revolution, and especially in the last decade, the pattern of identity-based conflict has been ruled by the two countries. The critical centers of crisis in the two countries' relations lie in the conservative Wahhabi-Salafi-Arab conservative identity on the one hand and Iran's revolutionary-Shiite identity on the other. Identity has shaped the interests and security structure of the two countries in relation to each other. In Iranian-Saudi relations, along with other subjective factors such as culture, ideology, and objective factors such as geopolitical competition, energy, and identity, it is important. The role of the structure of the international system and the policies of the great powers in intensifying the identity conflicts between the two countries are also prominent. The research method in this study is qualitative in nature and in terms of fundamental and descriptive methods. This study, with the theoretical framework of constructivism, shows that the lack of a shared identity as a critical focus of the crisis lies in the two countries' relations and is an identity conflict that exacerbates and perpetuates other sources of tension and inequality between the two countries.