جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « Germany » در نشریات گروه « علوم سیاسی »

Germany is recognized as one of the world's most powerful economies, with unique experiences in economic modeling and institutional building. Ordoliberalism is a German socioeconomic school which believes that the country can maintain its ideals of social justice, and at the same time, establish a unique governance model to substitute Anglo-Saxon classical liberalism in the context of market economy and neoliberalism, by avoiding the pitfalls of "market fundamentalism." In fact, the German nation-state has been confronted with internal and external crises and conflicts since the unification of German-speaking political units during Bismarck's time in 1871. Nevertheless, Germany is a distinctive case regarding political economy and state building. Germany introduced the unique model of state building in the form of ordoliberlism as a modified version of liberalism in favor of social ideals. Based on Hegel's definition, one can explain that ordoliberalism creates a separating wall between "the political state" and the social individual based on the market processes, thus safeguarding the "civil society”, for which the institutions of the state are built in Germany. Ordoliberalism emerged during a severe crisis of liberal political economy in the Weimar Republic of Germany in the late 1920s. In fact, there was a sort of concerted political effort to restore the rationality of the free economy in the behavior of the state as well as the behavior of the market participants. Ordoliberalism— based on the teachings of ancient Greece, Christianity, and the Age of Enlightenment— became the theoretical backbone of the German social market economy. At the time, the liberal governance was presented as the necessary foundation of the free economy and as a force that could provide the framework of expected conditions for the intervention of the "invisible hand" in the economy to preserve its characteristic of ‘being free”.If economic liberty under liberalism means economy is completely free from any government intervention, there is the risk of the creation of monopolies and oligopolies, and the expansion of poverty in society by “Commodification of Rights”. In its historical process, ordoliberalism in Germany prevented such an outcome by establishing the civil society (i.e., the external state in Hegel's terminology) and reforming liberalism in favor of the common good while still contributing to the formation of governmental institutions in Germany. Earlier ordoliberals had argued in favor of ‘strong government’, which could not be manipulated by corporate pressure, and underscored the concept of ‘social market economy’. They cautioned that economic growth enhancing policies should not be at the expense of social programs. Domestically, Germany utilized democratic and fair mechanisms such as the presence of unions, state intervention in the equitable distribution of income and wealth, and preventing wealth accumulation by the cartels, based on respect for free-market principles. Principally, the paper aims to examine the evolutionary process of the German state during the 20th century by focusing on political economy and ordoliberalism. The primary goal is to explain how the ordoliberal system in Germany has been able to strike an optimal balance between the state and markets despite scores of ebbs and flows in the political history of Germany. At the same time, the article explores how the ordoliberal system has been integrated in the global neoliberal order while coordinating internal political forces in an effective way to build a democratic order. In short, the authors try to investigate the role of German ordo-liberalism in the historical process of the evolution of the state in Germany. The two research questions to be answered are as follows: 1. What are the foundations and characteristics of the German state? 2. From the point of view of state building based on Hegel's theory of state, to what extent has ordoliberalism influenced German politics? Ordoliberalism, as a variant of neoliberalism (or a state-centric neo-liberalism) has coordinated Anglo-Saxon liberalism for the benefit of the "collective good", and ordoliberal ideas have influenced postwar institution-building in Germany. In the research hypothesis, it is postulated that the strong state could regulate free markets to guarantee competition and social justice.This study introduces the main elements of "neoliberalism" as a German interpretation of neoliberalism using a historical approach. The findings of this article demonstrate that ordoliberalism, as the convergence of three intellectual and practical traditions (i.e., ancient Greek, Christianity, and Enlightenment) has successfully created the intermediate space between individuals in society and governmental institutions that Hegel had envisioned while adapting neoliberalism in favor of the social good. After World War II, Germany was integrated into neoliberal international order and reasserted its economic power as part of the capitalist world but aspired to be a model of ‘organized capitalism.’ To achieve the research objective, Hegel's theory of the state is used. First, the authors explain the main components and definition of the state, as well as the primary features of each of these components. Then, Germany's main efforts toward state-building are examined through a historical lens. Finally, the conclusion highlights the role and contribution of ordoliberalism in creating and developing the German state institutions.

The purpose of study is to describe and explaine the role of political hypocrisy in the failure of autocratic regimes (Nazi Germany, the Soviet Union before its collapse, and Pahlavi II Iran). The study method is case study and the manifestations of hypocrisy have been described in the three mentioned historical cases and have been compared historically using the method of agreement and difference of Mill. Data were collected from primary and secondary sources and analyzes were presented in a comparative-historical manner.Findings confirm the importance of hypocrisy in the authoritarian failure. Vulnerable regimes have suffered from both the hypocrisy of the leaders and the power apparatus and the hypocrisy of the masses. The regimes in pre-collapse period were lower in terms of the power of repression and, accordingly hypocrisy management, than in more stable periods. The propaganda apparatus of authoritarian regimes has played an important role in strengthening the hypocritical face of the regimes. Scientific and academic systems have been one of the most important factors in exposing the deceptive face of regimes and have played an important role in exposing the behind-the-scenes facts in reducing repression. Rival political wings and the opposition movement have also played an important role in raising public awareness and creating a revolutionary consciousness for collapse. In the case of Nazi Germany, the decline in mutual trust between the elite and the people, as well as the defeat in the war, were major factors in the collapse of the dictatorship.

balance of power in Europe began with coagulation of Peace of Westphalia Contract in 1648. With the formation of the balance of power, competition between European countries intensified to penetrate other regions of the world. From Fath Ali Shah Qajar era, that, Iran established Regular relations diplomatic with European countries, was impressed of International political processes and fight of major world powers. Since then Iran's foreign policy was particularly influenced by competition between the two countries, Russia and the England. By following this process during the First Pahlavi period, Reza Shah tried to reduce of volume of intervention of the two countries to internal affairs with open the "third force" in Iran. The development and deepening of relations with Germany was done for this purpose. In order to examine the present issue, the question arises as to What effect has the balance of power in Europe had on Reza Shah's foreign policy? It is further hypothesized that Iran's foreign policy during the reign of Reza Shah was practically a function of the policy of power and balance of power between European countries. The purpose of this study is to investigate the impact of these developments on Iran's foreign policy in the era of Reza Shah by descriptive-analytical method and by providing explanations related to the balance of power and European developments.

Energy security is a high priority for Germany as an industrialized country and any disruption in this issue will severely damage the country's economic strength and security. Russia's conflicts with Eastern European states, the European Union and NATO since the collapse of the Soviet Union have made it clear to Germany that energy security is fragile given the high potential for conflict between the two sides. Therefore, in response to the concern that in case of any disruption in the transmission of Russian natural gas by the countries of Ukraine, Belarus and Poland to the countries of the European Union, how to supply the energy needed by the members of this union caused the German government to sign the Nord Stream 2 project with Russia despite serious opposition of some members of the European Union and the United States. This project is supposed to transfer Russian gas through the Baltic Sea from the port city of Ust-Luga to the port city of Greifswald in Germany through two pipelines for a distance of more than 1200 km. The capacity of these pipelines is about 55 billion cubic meters of gas per year. This pipeline, along with the Nord Stream 1 pipeline alone, can supply 110 billion cubic meters of gas needed by Europe, which constitutes a large part of Europe's gas imports from Russia. The Nord Stream 2 project, which was halted and ultimately sanctioned due to Russia's invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, was supposed to transport Russian gas directly to Germany without any intermediaries but due to the impact it could have on the security and interests of some members of the European Union and the United States, it caused us to see conflicts of interest between some European Union countries with Germany and Russia, Germany and the United States, and between Russia and the United States.Research Question: What is the reason for the support of Germany and Russia, as well as the opposition of some members of the European Union and the United States to the Nord Stream 2 project?Research Hypothesis: The research hypothesis is based on the different effects that the Nord Stream 2 project can have on the interests and security of Germany, Russia, some members of the European Union and the United States which has caused the support of Germany, Russia and also the opposition of some members of the European Union and the United States to the Nord Stream 2 project.

To answer the research question and test the hypothesis, the authors have used the qualitative method of multiple case studies to analyze the impact of the Nord Stream 2 project on the national security and interests of Germany, Russia, the United States and some members of the European Union. The data collection was also done in a library method and documents were collected as one of the methods of information collection and they were monitored using multiple case studies. In this way, at first the data was collected by referring to the sources related to the topic using note-taking tools and then the collected data was analyzed with a descriptive-analytical approach in the conceptual framework of Neo-realism theory and in this way, it has been tried to test the research hypothesis and answer the research question.

The results obtained from this article indicate that ensuring Germany's energy security in light of Russia's conflicts with the countries of the Eastern European region, the European Union and NATO, promoting Germany's centrality in the field of energy and converting it into a political and economic center of energy in the European Union, Stabilizing Germany's position and political and economic influence in Russia and eliminating fluctuations in the final gas transit price is one of the main reasons for Germany's support for this project. Diversification of energy transfer policy from Russia to Europe due to the high capacity of non-transit energy transfer from third countries to Germany, gain enormous revenues from gas exports in light of Russia's dependence on oil and gas revenues and the Provide Russia with a powerful tool to counter the anti-Russian policies of Eastern European countries, as well as the United States and Western institutions are the main reasons of Russian’s support for the Nord Stream 2project.On the other hand, the European Union's greater dependence on Russian energy, concern about Russia's instrumental use of this project, deprivation of income from gas transit, ignoring the essential role of Poland and Ukraine in transferring Russian gas to Europe and removing their leverage over Russia, the impact of this project on the US sanctions and goals against Russia and the economic interests of this country in the European energy market is the main reason why some members of the European Union, especially Poland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and the United States, oppose the Nord Stream 2 project.

In this article, using the propositions of the neorealist approach, we examined the interests of Germany, Russia, the European Union, and the United States in relation to the Nord Stream 2 project and the reasons for their support and opposition to this project. According to Neo-realist statements, due to the anarchic structure of the international system, governments seek to increase their power in various ways to achieve their national interests. At the top of national interests is survival and security and any strategy that can achieve this in the best way will be the priority of countries' foreign policy. Therefore, according to the results of this article, countries such as Germany, Russia, some members of the European Union and the United States have a realistic view of the Nord Stream 2 project and considering the effects that this project can have on the security and national interests of these countries, Germany and Russia have supported this project and some members of the European Union and the United States have opposed it.

Establishing and developing economic and political relations with other countries has a special role in improving the situation of governments and ensuring their economic and political security. In order to achieve economic development and a favorable position in the structure of the world economy, the Islamic Republic of Iran needs a special look at other international actors, in particular, the Federal Republic of Germany in the European Union. It is important to examine what are the characteristics of the perspective of relations between Germany and Iran in the 21st century? The main question and purpose of this research is and in response, the claim and hypothesis of this research will be that; Iran-Germany relations in the 21st century have been strengthened by German security considerations as an international power and by Iran as a troublemaker. The findings of this study confirm that the security of the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran since 2000, a serious obstacle to strengthening relations between the two countries and diminishing Iran's economic opportunities and capacities by Germany to the point of being a troublesome partner to Iran, It has been from this country. The research method of this paper is a qualitative explanation and efforts have been made to collect research data by using documentary sources.

On the verge of the 21st century and the dismantling of the barriers created by the Cold War, the world is witnessing the escalating power of the Federal Republic of Germany and the People's Republic of China in industrial, commercial, and political fields in regional and international levels. While China is seen as a strategic partner in German foreign policy in the political and economic fields, for China, Germany is recognized as the gateway to expanding political and economic ties with the EU. Meanwhile, these two countries relations have always been influenced by human rights concerns or Taiwan and the issue of Chinese sovereignty over Tibet. Thus, the purpose of this paper, applying a descriptive-analytical approach based on the theoretical framework of Allison's decision models: Bureaucratic Politics Model and Organisational Process Model, is to answer the question of what role did institutions play in German foreign policy towards China? The results of this article reveal that in the foreign policy process, different institutions have always caused Germany to shift or substitute its foreign policy priorities toward China, depending on which of these institutions had more influence in various governments.

Although the history of relations between Iran and Germany goes back to the Qajar era, but during the first Pahlavi period, it brought them closer together, and in the second Pahlavi period, there was an understanding Political and economic relations between the two governments developed in many regional and global issues. After the victory of the Iranian Islamic Revolution, with the occupation of the American embassy in Tehran and Iraq's imposed war against Iran, it affected the political relations of the two countries, although on the relations The economy of the parties did not leave much impact. Finding an answer to the question that the relationship between Iran and Germany from the first Pahlavi period to the end of the imposed war based on Stephen Walt's balance of threat theory forms the main goal of the article. The hypothesis of this article is based on the documentary method, relying on written library sources and inspired by Stephen Walt's balance of threat theory, based on the fact that during the Pahlavi dynasty, we see relatively growing relations, but after the victory of the revolution. Islam is a series of controversial issues such as Germany's role in Iraq's acquisition of chemical weapons, human rights, the existence of disputes over the Middle East peace process, Iran's nuclear program, support for some terrorist groups, and the negative role of the United States, in general, leading to a lack of relations It was stable between the parties.

Studies on the ineffectiveness of political parties in Iran, mainly analyze the historical, cultural, social and economic factors. Usually, little institutional studies are carried out in this field and the party politics is completely neglected. In this article, we examine, from an institutional point of view, the political party politics of the political system and its impact on the ineffectiveness of political parties in Iran. Political systems adopt their own party politics with different approaches and, on this basis, can make different effects on the life of political parties in countries. Therefore, in this article, the approach of party politics of Islamic Republic of Iran is compared with that of Federal Republic of Germany. The basic question here is, what is the difference in political party politics in Iran compared to party politics in Germany and how do these differences affect the life of political parties in Iran? According to this article, the approach adopted in Iran's political party politics is a controlling and restrictive approach, and this has made it difficult for the political parties to form, grow, and effectively operate and it causes them to be ineffective. At the end of the article, there are some suggestions in favor of good political party politics in Iran. We believe that the approach of political party politics in Iran should be modified in a way that support parties.

Currently, in order to understand Europe's attitude towards the 2020 United States Presidential Elections, we should, as a matter of course, gain a complete and accurate knowledge of the transatlantic relations, principally the approaches of the Germany and France (in the absence of the United Kingdom) as the driving forces of the European Union for arranging the relationships. Unlike France, Germany lacks the historical experience of non-cooperation with the NATO and therefore, we can see the difference of outlook in German officials' opinions about the quality of the transatlantic relations and also their hesitation and desperation in the decisions they make regarding their relations with the US. Emmanuel Macron is now dealing with some domestic problems and therefore prefers to maintain the current state of cooperation with the NATO despite the commercial disagreements with the US and not create another conflict in his foreign policies; he would rather advance the two ideas of "the army and the European security council" and the continuity of "Russian-French Security Cooperation Council". Germany has also explicitly expressed the it will present the plan of "the framework of the European security council" in the second half of 2021 with the presence of the United Kingdom. In the years to come, Germany would worry more about the NATO's internal conflicts but would eventually be closer to France that before. It seems that Europe's security interactions with the US in a mid-term time span would be a combination of these two factors: first, the quality of German-French cooperation, and the European Union's new team's approach.

About 80 countries with over 1.1 billion populations don’t have regular access to healthy freshwater resources. According to Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development findings (OECD), due to the excessive usage and climate changes, lots of freshwater resources will be disappeared by 2030; therefore over 3.9 billion people all over the world will face a fresh water shortage. Lack of water resources will cause political, social and economic crisis and will also result in extensive migrations and finally triggers regional conflicts. One outcome of the colonization of tsarism and then the Soviet era was destroying natural infrastructures including water resources (e.g. drying the Aral Sea), creating marginal areas, and making Central Asian countries a single product economy. The single product agricultural industry in the Central Asian socialist economy completely depends on the irrigation system. To irrigate cotton planting farms in Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, and Kazakhstan, more than 90 percent of existing water supplies being used. This amount becomes more catastrophic where in some areas, about 10.000 cubic meters of water were used for every hectare of the cotton farm. After the independence, this competition continued between 5 Central Asian countries. Increasing cotton production in Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan made these two countries pioneers in the world. Between 2004-2005, these two countries accounted for 65 percent of the world’s cotton production. This policy in the agriculture industry results in severe depletion of farms, excessive use of chemical fertilizer as well as a reduction in cotton production in the last ten years, so this reduction in addition to population growth, makes these 5 Central Asian countries import food products. Decreasing freshwater quality, increasing the amount of salt in the soil, and farms salinity along with fast population growth were some causes of appearing marginal areas in Central Asian countries. Marginal areas because of the lack of social, educational, healthy, and cultural services and facilities are a place for future crises. Based on the World Council’s estimates about International Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) studies, Central Asia is among areas that are severely affected by water shortages; the drying of the Aral Sea was a disaster and some parts of Central Asia were depopulated. Based on World Bank predictions, water shortages in this area will reach 25 to 30 percent by 2050 and it is also predicted that the population of Central Asia will increase to 90 million. It shows that we should expect a different crisis in Central Asia in which the results will be expanded all over the area including the Middle East, Europe and Central Asia. On the other hand, the area is located at the crossroads of international interests in the new geopolitical and geo-economic conditions which were created in the last decade of the twentieth century. From then on, it has highlighted the importance of this region in political stability and global security. In new conditions, Germany was always trying to find a suitable place to increase its economic and political presence in the region. At the beginning of 1990’s, political leaders of Germany showed some signs of independence of action in foreign policy by adopting a multilateral policy in the international system and gradually approaching other centers of powers; to this end, areas such as Central Asia became a place to show the power and the economic, commercial and almost political presence of Germany. On the other hand, political and security conditions in Afghanistan and their effect on multiple crises in Central Asia as well as conflicts among Ukraine and Russia and its effect on the gas transmission to Europe increased the importance of Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan. Germany as the biggest industrial unit in the European Union is the most important exporter of technology and industrial goods. Because of the dilapidated economic and production structure left from the Soviet Union, Central Asian countries have the potential needs to accept technology and Germany’s investment in different sectors. Therefore, during years after independence, Germany tried to take advantage of these needs and increase its share. But Central Asian countries tend to face the crisis due to different factors including extremism, terrorism, drug trafficking, poverty, unemployment, extensive addiction, tribalism, the unfinished process of state-nation building in these countries, fragile security and educational structures (intelligence Police), low legitimate governments based in Central Asia, the intervention of regional and trans-regional countries including Russia, China and United States and the most important factor water storages. A crisis that if remains pervasive, will not only have social, political, economic and environmental consequences in Central Asia but also leads to the growth of extremism, terrorism, increased drug trafficking, disruption in energy flow and migration to Europe. Also, it poses a serious threat to Germany’s interests, especially its economic interests in the region. Therefore, Central Asia and countries within its sphere became of strategic importance to Germany in various ways, including in diversifying energy demands, economic, trade, security and cultural resources after the end of the cold war. So, all these factors have caused concern in German Foreign policy and this country has tried different measures to manage water resources. According to the aforementioned items, by using a descriptive-analytical method based on the theoretical framework of neoliberalism institutionalism, this paper seeks to investigate German measures to manage water resources in Central Asia and prevent political and social crisis caused by lack of sustainable management in the field of vital water resources in Central Asia. The results of this paper show that despite obstacles such as lack of mutual trust between the governments, the dominance of some Central Asian countries, low level of cooperation between 5 countries of the region concerning water resources management, and a series of structural problems, Germany has been able to work through multilateral cooperation between institutions and scientific centers and carry out important and significant measures, both technical and academic. Data collection in this article is based on library methods.

In the wake of its economic superiority, Germany has strengthened and institutionalized its active presence in the regional and international affairs by restoring its capabilities. These include developments related to the nuclear issue of the Islamic Republic of Iran and the developments leading up to the JCPOA. The paper sets to address “Why, how and with what consequences has Germany played its role in this issue?” Germany entered the nuclear negotiations and signed the JCPOA by relying on its traditional relations with the Islamic Republic of Iran and stress on its new strategy “More Responsibility” aimed at “playing a global role”. A review of Germany’s practice in this area under foreign ministers Fischer, Westerwelle, Steinmeier, Gabriel and Maas, within German Chancellor Angela Merkel leadership, shows that Berlin priority regarding the nuclear issue has been “promoting international security” and “avoiding war” while “realizing Israel’s concerns on Iran”. The German contribution has affected the developments related to Iran's nuclear program at three levels: international, regional and bilateral relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and Germany.

Among the main western power, Germany is the only government that have not left a colonial or domineering record in Iranian historical memory, in the last quarter of Qajar’s political life, throughout the Pahlavi era and during the last four decades of the Islamic Republic of Iran, expanding relations with German have always been one of the Iran’s foreign policy priorities. Decoding the reason of the continuation of historical relations between the two countries, have always been one of the main concerns of international relations scholars. The purpose of this article is to thoroughly examine the political relations between Iran and Germany, after the Islamic revolution in spite of the ideological confrontation between Iran and west. Based on this fact, the main question of this article is how Germany, despite of the intense lobbying of the United States and Israel, have led EU foreign policy toward engagement with Iran. Given the inspiration of this research, from the theory of the balance of power of relation in the analysis of German-Iranian relations, the research method used is also a descriptive analytical one. According to the reasoning of this research in response to the main questions is that Germany have been able to lead by applying some form of balance policy to pursue its geopolitical interests in developing relations with Iran and adhering to its transatlantic obligations to the U.S. and its historical responsibility for Israel, have been able to take the lead in EU foreign policy in engaging Iran.

Following the official announcement of the first cases of the COVID-19 virus in China on late December 2019, it outbreak rapidly to most parts of the world and putting the world in a state of emergency. Different governments have reacted differently to this crisis. It is noteworthy that variables such as the type of political regime, the structure of government and the capacity of governments have not necessarily a direct and decisive relationship with countries' response to this crisis. For example, the number of mortality in developed and democratic countries such as the United States, Spain, Britain and Italy has been much higher than some developing countries. The key question of this paper is that "What is the reason for the different behavior of different countries in the face of the COVID-19 pandemic?" The hypothesis of this article is that "in times of crisis, the most important factor in determining the reaction of countries is political leadership and different ways of sense-making." This article judges this hypothesis with using the CIP leadership model and dividing leadership and sense-making into charismatic, ideological, and pragmatic, and case studies of India, the United States, and Germany, the authors, while proving and confirming the article hypothesis, have concluded that pragmatic leadership is more effective in the recent crisis.

Under the influence of political and economic nationalism, competition in the production and distribution of vaccines, and the strengthening of the new discourse of world order, the post-Coronation world is undergoing new developments. In the meantime, it is necessary to study the interaction of these developments on the German program in the presidency of the Council of the European Union in the second half of 2020, as the first planned European policy after Corona, to understand the effects of this phenomenon. At the same time as chairing the Security Council as a non-permanent member, the presidency has provided a unique opportunity for the country to strengthen its role in Europe and the international arena. Content review of the statements of German officials and their plans in various fields, especially economic and foreign policy, helps the authors of this article to answer the main question: "How and what effects has the Corona crisis had on the Council of Europe?"  This descriptive and analytical study concludes that Germany seeks to use "Corona Crisis Management" as an opportunity to repair and strengthen its economic and moral leadership and to strengthen its political position in line with "more responsibility" policies.

Assistant Professor at Allameh Tabatabaee University;( )[email protected] Relations between the US and European countries has always been one of the most important pillars of the today's international system and Western hegemony over the global structures. The relations basically formed during the colonial times and since then the Western countries have tried to keep their problems among themselves and do not let them block their way of gaining interest from other regions. Trump's victory in 2016 elections and his different slogans from the one hand, and the problems of power structure in the West raises the two questions that how the US-Europe relations have changed during these years and how fundamental .they are The present paper hypothesizes that there have been substantial changes in the relations of these two sides, but the fundamental change (whose ideas have been gradually formed) is yet to come. The US-Europe relations have been examined within the fore frameworks of the US relations with the European Union, and with the three important countries of England, France and Germany. The most significant common ground of the relations has been the discussion to fight terrorism; howev er, the two sides have had a lot of disagreements over the economic, business, security, military and identical affairs. The US relations have most changed with Germany.

Criminal mediation is alternative to resolving disputes outside the judicial system mediation, criminal justice also came from about two A decade ago, it gradually opened its doors under conditions to the Law of the Dispute Resolution Council in which "mediation" was one of its features. Mediation is a reflection of restorative justice and is used in most countries for this purpose, has non-restorative application in Iran’s criminal policy and is designed to reduce the number of lawsuits. In German law, the criminal mediation law is drafted very generally. Due to the cultural diversity in society, such legislation is better than the Iranian legislation, which deals with the details of criminal mediation. Finally, comparing the laws of Iran and Germany, the deficiencies and strengths of Iran’s law are described in juxtaposition with the German law, and analyzing the German law and applying the experiences of German researchers in this area.

Germany, as one of the most important European countries and leading founders of the European Union, plays an important role in the international system. The main purpose of this article is to investigate Germany's position in the European Union and its influence on the international system. The study, therefore, seeks to answer the following main questions: How does Germany's position in the European Union influence Europe and the international system? This research argues that Germany, as Europe's economic engine, has a determining role in Europe and in the international system. The scientific method applied is descriptive-analytical and the data collection was accomplished by utilizing library resources. The findings confirmed the research hypothesis that Germany, as Europe's economic power, plays an influential role in Europe and the international system. In fact, according to the results of this research, Germany, due to its influential role in the EU and its geographical, political and institutional traits, is one of the most significant drive of the integration in the European Union and in the international system.Germany, as one of the most important European countries and leading founders of the European Union, plays an important role in the international system. The main purpose of this article is to investigate Germany's position in the European Union and its influence on the international system. The study, therefore, seeks to answer the following main questions: How does Germany's position in the European Union influence Europe and the international system? This research argues that Germany, as Europe's economic engine, has a determining role in Europe and in the international system. The scientific method applied is descriptive-analytical and the data collection was accomplished by utilizing library resources. The findings confirmed the research hypothesis that Germany, as Europe's economic power, plays an influential role in Europe and the international system. In fact, according to the results of this research, Germany, due to its influential role in the EU and its geographical, political and institutional traits, is one of the most significant drive of the integration in the European Union and in the international system.

The alliance of Islam is the name of an organization which is placed in Istanbul. This organization has been created by some writers and religious scholars such as Seyyed Jamalodin Asad Abadi in the beginning of the 1890s. The alliance of Islam sought to capture the support of the Muslims from the Islamic Caliphate (Ottoman Empire) and to struggle with colonial countries. The delegation of the Alliance of Islam is the name of a group that was founded by the religious nationalists with the beginning of the first world war and the invasion of Russia, Britain and Ottoman into Iran. The milestone in the activities of the delegation of the alliance of Islam was in organizing and directing the jangal movement which was led by Mirza Kuchak Khan. But this indigenous uprising brought about only the name of the alliance of Islam, and did not show any respect towards the Islamic alliance in the policies of the jangal movement. The jangal members, led by Mirza Kuchak Khan, not only did not only help the Ottoman troops, but also they categorized the Ottomans as the enemy, comparable to Russia, therefore they defeated the Ottoman forces in Iran.

Following the defeat of European powers in world wars, Europe lost its pivotal role in the international system, and with the division of the continent, European countries came under the control and influence of the two great poles of power, the United States and the former Soviet Union. Or their development took place within this framework. Weakened Europe, in order to play a more effective role in the international system, took the path of cooperation and convergence in the form of regional organizations, of which the European Union is a clear example today. Among the members of the union, Germany has a prominent position as an economic and industrial power. Iran is facing deep challenges with the United States, has always looked to the EU in the international arena and in its trade and economic relations to use the science and technology of its member states for political and economic development purposes. This article seeks to answer the question of how close relations with Germany, as a powerful member of the European Union, can strengthen Iran's relations with the EU and secure its economic interests and industrial development. To answer this question, the hypothesized examined that if political challenges are overcome, du to Germany's economic and industrial power and its position in the European Union, Iran's close ties with that country could pave the way for strengthening ties with it. The European Union and the use of these relations in the direction of economic and industrial development of the country.

This article examines the impact of German dependence on Russian gas supplies for Europe’s ability to apply effective sanctions against Russia. It demonstrates that by focusing on the environmental dimensions of energy policy and a policy of rapprochement with Russia, Germany has neglected the security of supply implications of its dependence on Russian gas. The article argues that Germany’s excessive energy dependence on Russia has limited the ability of the EU to challenge Russian revisionism by targeting its energy sector through sanctions. The article makes a number of energy policy recommendations which will be essential for Germany to avoid undue Russian influence on its foreign and security policies. The article concludes by exploring the utility of Neoclassical Realism in understanding Germany’s approach to energy security. In doing so it highlights the dangers of allowing ideology to cloud a sober assessment of the imperatives of the balance of theat.