The current paper tries to find out effective components in historical and political behaviors and beliefs of Ardebil sheikhs before the emergence of Safavid as well as the extent of influence from other contemporary historical movements. In the middle of the 7th century, we are witness to the growth and reproduction in Safavid faith arising from political vacuum after the invasion of Mongols on the one hand, and declining caliphate structure on the other hand. Between 7th and 10th centuries AH, the tripartite operation from casual relationship with Aghkoyunlulars, crusade component in the political bed, and frequency of rhetoric in religious domain, made the faith of Ardabil Sheikhs successful. Mongol invasion helped increase Sufi tendency as a mental base (fulcrum) of public and made the Safavid government in 10th century possible. At the same time, turning the faith in gaining political power effectively with internal transformation in Safavid creed tends to crusade and keeping with the precedents of other Sufi movements of 8th and 9th centuries. Although the marriage of Safi al- Din Ardebili with the daughter of Sheikh Ibrahim Zahed Gilani, was the beginning of recourses to Sufism and from components of legitimacy with Iranian-Shiite basis and problems arising out of Mongols as well as peoples’ need made an inclination towards miracle, but the assumption of some researchers in equalizing Iranian thought with Shia culture in order to select a leader or introduce it as an outcome of Safavid politics lack any religious base. Thus, theories of Tomas Burn, Rojer Sivry and Valter Heints regarding similarity and matching the Shiite believe with other cults are reviewable. In fact, taking into account the library approach, the current study tries to find the answer of the question as: "How was the religious thought of Ardebil creed prior to the formation of the Safavid government? And which factors affected the approach of Safavid Sheikhs the most?” Although, the Mongol invasion and strengthening of Sufism caused Sufi and Ghalian faith with internal transformation but the point is that, Safavids were the most prominent factor of Sufi movements at that time that were successful in forming an inclusive government.

The Timurid period coincides with the period of the expansion of Sufism and the increase of Khanghah. In this era, the conditions of religion were favorable and the work of temples and mosques was prosperous, and the domination of religious authorities in various forms of people's lives was more visible than before. Sufism in this period was doubly increased due to various factors. The situation of Sufis and eunuchs and sheikhs was not the same. One of these paths, which became very influential in the Timurid court, was the Naqshbandiyeh cult, the importance of this cult was that it could be done everywhere, with everyone, and in all cases, and in fact their main motto was this discourse. In Naghshbandi's teachings, a reading of asceticism and Sufism was developed that paid the most attention to economic activities and the most distance from seclusion and desertion of the world. The distinguishing feature of the Naqshbandi from other ways was the emphasis of the eunuchs of this dynasty on consistent teachings based on socioeconomic activities, and Sufism entered a new phase in this era. The question of the research is based on what factors or factors contributed to the expansion of the influence of the Naghbandieh Tariqat in the Transoxiana and Khorasan? The theory in question suggests that Sufism entered a new field for the first time in this period with the wisdom, intelligence, interaction and emphasis on livelihood issues by eunuchs of Tariqat Naqshbandieh. This continued until the end of the Timurid rule, so that it can be said that the collapse of the Timurid government equaled the end of the Naqshbandi dynasty. This paper explains the research question and also the hypothesis discussed by descriptive method and data analysis.

Relatively speaking, the policy and approach of the Naqshbandi Tariqat is derived from the Tariqat of Abdul Khaliq Ghajdwani (died 575AH). But the origin of this sect is attributed to Bahauddin Muhammad Naqshband Bukhari (717-719 A.H.), which was established and expanded in the Khorasan region and beyond. During the Timurid period, his successors were given the position of peshvai. However, the peak of prosperity and spread of the Naqshbandi Tariqat happened in the second half of the 9th century AH under the leadership of Khwaja Ubaidullah Ahrar (died895AH) who had a close relationship with Sultan Abu Said. Naqshbandiyeh was influenced by the cultural and political conditions of the Timurid period in Mawra al-Nahr(Transoxiana)and Khorasan. Investigation and research showed that 1: The Naqshbandi sect had an impact on the religious and religious orientation of the ruling body in Mawra al-Nahr(Transoxiana) and Khorasan, which was the center of power of the Timurids, and the prosperity of the Naqshbandi sect in Mawra al-Nahr(Transoxiana) and Khorasan was the result of a direct relationship with the system of social values and its religious principles. Tariqah was with the cultural and political structure of Timurid period society.2: the weakening of the Naqshbandi Tariqat in Mawra al-Nahr (Transoxiana)and Khorasan after the fall of the Timurids was due to the change in political and cultural conditions in the region of Naqshbandi and Khorasan, and this caused the influence of the sheikhs of the Naqshbandi Tariqa and its ability to influence the society to be greatly reduced. The method of this research, like historical research, is based on the description and analysis of library resource data, which uses Foucault's theory of genealogy in historical analysis.

The study of historical narrations related to the emergence and suppression of the worldly power of Sheikh Junaid and Sheikh Haidar Safavid shows that the main theoretical basis of these narrations is based on jurisprudential concepts. This research seeks to explain this issue by using a historical approach and analyzing resource data. The results show that The first attempts to gain political power in the Safavid way were justified under the jurisprudential theory of jihad in Dar al-Kufr, among power-holders such as the rulers of Qaraqoyunlu, Aq Quyunlu, and Sherwan Shahan. In the same direction, pro-Safavid and anti-Safavid historians, by proposing narrations that were formulated under the influence of jurisprudential concepts, sought to legitimize or violate the right to worldly power in the Safavid way; Because instilling legitimacy or doubting the roots of the formation of the secular and political power of this Sufi family was directly related to the legitimizing and ideological foundations of the founding and longevity of the Safavid state. Among the opposition, the approach of the Sunni historian and jurist Khanji was innovative. He tried to challenge the legitimacy of the emergence and growth of worldly power of this dynasty by applying jurisprudential concepts such as prostitution, militant and bandit about the sheikhs of the Safavid way. On the other hand, historians such as Khandmir, Amini Heravi, etc. also tried to use the theory of jihad in Dar al-Kufr and war with the rebel and rebellious companions,

The origin of the Naqshbandi order can be traced to the Sufi tradition of Khojagan in Transoxiana. This order has continued to live as an active and universal one. In spite of the apolitical approach of the Khajagan, Naqshbandi's Sheikhs gradually entered into politics during the Timurid era. The aim of the present research is to find out why and how Naqshbandi's sheikhs has entered into politics during this period. According to the findings of this study, the close connection of Baha'addin Naqshband, the eponym of the order, with influential religious scholars, opened the line of Naqshbandi's sheikhs to politics. Moreover, the struggles of the Timurid princes over power after Shahrokh's death, increased the activity for the growing order of Naqshbandiyah, especially since Ahrar, the active Naqshbandi Sheikh at that time, was an influential figure among the Timurid.

The Safavid dynasty (1135-907) was the result of more than two centuries of patient preparation of Safavid sheikhs to reach power. Until before the period of Ṣāfī al-Din Ardabili, the Sufis turned to isolation and distance from the centers of political power. during the period of the Safavid sheikhs, a kind of metamorphosis occurred in the thought of the Safavid sheikhs, which can be referred to as their gradual entry into politics using financial and social Struggles. The present research tries to answer this basic question by using the descriptive-analytical approach and the library method, what were the most important financial and social efforts of the Safavid sheikhs in the long time and stable management of the Safavid Tariqa? The research hypothesizes that the Safavid sheikhs managed the Tariqa and established the government in a long process by relying on people and informal financial and social efforts. The results of the research show that the Safavid sheikhs, through creating links between rural and nomadic areas with the city institution and using the financial capacities of these three institutions, Optimized of incomes related to endowment  (waqf), khums (xums(, zakat and Anfal, people-oriented management of the Safavid Tariqa, Emphasis on clean bite, financial benefit from holy war with Shirvanshahs infidels, attention to the oppressed and poor layers and utilization of bureau and tax exemptions that granted by the concurrent rulers, in a long time and patient process, succeeded to establish the Safavid government.

The origin of the Naghshbandiyeh was Transoxian and Khorasan and from these centers found its way into other regions, including Kordestan province which this important measure was taken by Mawlana Khaled Shahrzouri. Why and how the Huraman sheikhs (sufi outhorities) in fluenced among the public and their role in the political developments of the 20th century AD. Is the focus of the present study. The sheikhs and dignitaries of the sufi seets in Kordestan, particularly Naghshbandiyah, due to the people’s support as well as through seizing the local rules power were in line with increasing their political social inflwence in various realms. The political influence of the Ouraman sheikhs was issued and encouraged them to fight against the two aforesaid governments. Generally speaking, the political activitis of the Naghshbandi sect, particularly the Ouraman shaikhs reached its Zenith during the Qajar era.

Abbasid caliphs tried to strengthen their caliphate foundations supporting the tradition of chivalry in the sixth and seventh centuries and joining with Fathian. This issue led to the development of chivalry systems in the Islamic lands.
Following the Mongolian assault, taking refuge of a group of scientists, mystics and sophists in the territory of Rome Saljuqids, supporting of Saljuqid kings from followers of chivalry and Sufi sheikhs along with the political and social changes of this area, various tendencies of Sufism in Anatoly got prevalent.
The sophism of Baktashi Alawites was one of them which turned into the most influential schools of Sufism in Anatoly by preserving its aggressive nature with Saljuqids and under the great influence of chivalry tradition.
Following Baktashi Alawite Sheikhs’ gaining power in the age of Ottoman sultans and the spiritual domination of this sophism over the Yanichari army, the followers of chivalry gradually joined with Baktashism in Anatoly.
This article has investigated the effect of chivalry systems on Baktashi Alawites sophism as well as the similarities between them.

Mir Arab Madrasa was built in 1553 A.d by Seyyed Abdullah Yemeni Hadramauti, nicknamed Mir Arab, one of the sheikhs of the Naqshbandiyya sect, and Friday prayer leader of Bukhara during the reign of Obaidullah Khan Sheibani (r. 1534-1539). Mir Arab granted the finance of Madrasa by trading Iranian slaves, captivated in the battle of Ghazdewan. Soon, it became an important center for religious higher education along with other Madrasas in Bukharaand students of religious sciences from all over the Muslim-populated areas of Russia and other neighboring towns entered Bukhara to continue their studies. Many Muslims of that territory were breaking into Madrasa of Bukhara, passing Postgraduate and returning to their homeland as an imam or a Khatib in Madrasa or mosques. Namely, Tatar, Hafizuddin Bernagwi, accepted the offer of Khatib in 1850A.d/1267A.d also Ali Mufti  bin Walid, was originally from Semey, Kazakhstan and graduate of Bukhara Madrasa, appointed as Kokand’s mufti in 1865A.D/1282A.H. Many Tatar and Bashkir scholars who studied in Bukhara became known as “Bukharais” after returning to their homeland. In addition to the significant credit they presented to their community, they also enjoyed a privileged social and saintly status. The educated youth of Kazan found promoters in capitalists, to train scholastics in the way they had been taught themselves. Till the end of Emir Mohammed Alim Khan’s rule, coincident with the Bolshevik revolution in Russia, the Mir Arab Madrasas were held on (from 1910-1920 A.D/ 1329-1339A.H). During the Soviet Union era, after the fall of Bukhara by the red army, the mentioned Madrasa like the other seminaries was closed in years till 1945A.D following parley between the head office of Muslim clergies in central Asia and Kazakhstan and the ruling party reopened in 1946 A.D. Traditional national architecture is peculiar to this building a square yard surrounded by two floors of cells, two big domed halls in the left and right corners. Two-store loggias that are adjoining the main façade in the center highlighted with a portal. The inner yard is adorned with composed carved mosaic. In the center of the madrasa, there is a shrine of Ubaydulla emir of Bukhara, who had ruled the city from 1533 to 1540 A.D. At the head of the building, you will see a burial place of the spiritual guide of the khan Miri Arab, whose honor the building got its name. Life in the Mir Arab SCHSA began with the private study of several brief tracts: Awwal-i ‘ilm , a short track that covered the essential requirements (zururiyat) of Islam in a question-and-answer format; Bidan, an exposition of the basic rules of Arabic grammar in Persianand Adab-i muta’allimin, which covered the adab of the student. After that, the student read Sharh-i Mulla, a commentary on Ibn Hajib’s Kafiya (which the student had already studied) by Abdurrahman Jami, the Timurid poet; written in Arabic, this was the first book studied with a mudarris. At the same time, the student started studying formal logic with an assistant teacher, using the Shamsiya of Najmuddin Qazvini (d.1276); when he was ready, he moved on to the Hashiya-yi Qutbi, a commentary on Shamsiya; concurrently with the Hashiya, the student was introduced to theology (‘Ilm-i kalam ) through the ‘Aqa‘id of Abu Hafs Nasafi (d. 1142), which he read with an assistant teacher. Later, the student moved to various glosses on this book. These were followed by the Tahzib ul-Mantiq wa’l kalam , a tract on logic and dogma by Sa’duddin Taftazani (d. 1381); Hikmat ul-‘ayn by Qazvini, a tract on natural science and metaphysics; Mulla Jalal, a commentary by Jalaluddin Dawwami (d. 1502) on the ‘Aqa‘id ul-adudiyat of Abdurrahman b. Ahmad al-Iji (d. 1356), a tract on Muslim beliefs. There was no formal termination of studies in the madrasa and many students lingered on for decades. The core texts, however, could be mastered in nineteen years. Formal lessons took place four days a week. The entire study group assembled; a designated reader (qari, elected by the students) read out the passage to be discussed; the mudarris then translated the passage (if necessary) and proceeded to explain and comment on it; a disputation involving the students concluded the lesson. There was no compulsion to take courses at the madrasa of residence; indeed, at many madrasas no lectures were held at all. A student was free to learn from any professor in the city. The Madrasa year, lasting from September to March, was short, allowing students to work productively in the summer. Indeed, many students left Bukhara for their villages in October to gather the harvest. At the same time, sons of Ulama began madrasa education with a distinct advantage in cultural capital and wealthy students could always hire others to tutor them. This article intends to answer this question by using historical and archival sources and in a descriptive-analytical manner looks for what role have Bukhara Madrasas played in the spread of Trans-Islamic culture? Therefore, to respond to this question, Mir Arab Madrasa, which is considered to be the most important and largest Madrasa in Bukhara, has been chosen as a case study. Hence, the prominent position of Bukhara Madrasas in the spread of transcendental Islamic culture will be explained.  The research results show that the Madrasas of Bukhara, of which Mir Arab Madrasa is an example, have been the center of protection of the discourse of the Islamic tradition of this land. Moreover, these people played an important and effective role in propagating and spreading Islamic culture among the Turkish and Tatar peoples of the Qabchaq Plain and protecting the Islamic identity of these people against the domination of Tsarist Russia and the Soviet Union.

The distinct atmosphere characterizing Mongol rule did the groundwork for a shift in the informal belief systems such as Sufism in the vast territory of Iran. This atmosphere paved the way for the rise of Sufism from political isolation, and the emergence of various sects, which consequently provoked a revisiting of Sufi thoughts on political and social activism. Naqshbandi, which was founded in the ninth century AH thanks to the efforts of sheikhs such as Khajeh Obaidullah Ahrar in northeastern Iran, underwent changes, developed and persisted during the Sheibanian period under the theoretical and practical contributions of Khajeh Ahmad Kasani. The present study explores the distinctive political approach of Kasani and the main determinants of his approach. Informed by the findings of this study, the rivalry and antagonism of religious scholars toward Sufism in the first half of Sheibani rule, the modification of Sheibanian’s religious policy in the second half and the rivalry of Naqshbandi sheikhs for leadership following the collapse of the Timurids urged Kasani to change the conventional belief system of Sheibanian. The position that Kasani ascribed to the advocacy of Khan in the Sufi tradition was radically different from the traditional and cautionary view of the Naqshbandi sheikhs. The assignment of an ijtihad role to the Sufi sheikhs, the spiritual status of the khan, as well as the redefinition of the Khajegan’s tradition were among other changes introduced by Kasani.