سید جواد صالحی

Salafism in the Islamic and Arab world has been one of the most important political topics since the 1990s, especially in the field of political thought and politics and governance in the Middle East and North Africa. The multiplicity and emergence of dozens of Salafi currents in the recent period have led to frequent revision of Salafi currents, especially in countries leading the Arab revolutions such as Tunisia. This article seeks to examine the contexts of the rise of Salafist movements in Tunisia between 2011 and 2022, and while analyzing the most important Salafist movements - except for the democratic reading of Ennahda - opinions. intellectual, political and the areas of their differences and divisions in the center of attention.
This research has examined its data with the descriptive-analytical research method and collected the sources using library and internet materials.
The findings of the research show that, first, four common areas in the emergence and rise of Salafi currents can be mentioned: exclusion from the public and political sphere and lack of rationalization, the issue of religious weakness and security issues, social and economic problems. Second, the Salafist tradition has continued in two passive and politically active currents: the quietist tradition (silent, academic or passive), and the politically active Jihadi tradition in such movements as Hizb al-Rahmah (closest to Ennahda), Sarrat al-Tayid (closest to Ansar al-Sharia) and Ansar al-Sharia.
The silence trend mainly after the events of 2015, in its traditional way; It means tending to non-political Islam and promoting religious, ideological and moral issues. But the more influential movement of Ansar al-Sharia, after being removed from the public sphere of power after numerous terrorist incidents and the inability to present an acceptable political and intellectual model, will seek to regain its presence and share in power, which due to the lack of coherence The meaning of this current at the level of thought and the lack of ability in political rationalization, it seems unlikely that this goal will be realized - at least in the current decades.

One of the most important issues raised by the outbreak of the COVID-19 Pandemic is its impact on political philosophy. The pandemic opened an antagonistic space regarding the existing components of political philosophy and challenge them. In fact, the COVID-19 Pandemic provided a critical platform for questioning the established norms and prompted discussions on the necessity of rethinking and re-evaluating them. The purpose of this article is to answer the fundamental question of how the COVID-19 Pandemic has created an antagonistic space for the elements of modern political philosophy.

The method used in this article is the critical method. Critical theory seeks to develop and expand the understanding and awareness that penetrates beyond surface appearances to the depth of reality in order to increase the power of correct recognition of people, especially the powerless or subjugated classes. The critical aspect of this article allows the author to present the relations emerging from the COVID-19 in human societies as unacceptable and replaceable. This method helps to identify and challenge social and cultural issues in society and is effective in improving and developing human relations during pandemics. The information gathering method is both library-based and internet-based.

Among the most important challenges that COVID-19 has posed to the new political philosophy are the questioning of concepts such as rationalism, humanism and individualism, which have been temporarily challenged by the pandemic. It can be said that this virus embodies the friend/enemy distinction and Schmitt's narrative of the political in the context of the COVID-19 situation presented itself in the form of a confrontation between the coronavirus and humanity. Humanity, once perceived as dominant over nature and the world, has been rendered weak and powerless by the virus. Furthermore, rationalism and scientism of philosophy of modernity which held that humanity, through these principles, could intervene in all matters and solve its problems independently of the external world, have also been brought into conflict by the pandemic. COVID-19 has highlighted the weaknesses and limitations of human reason. Categories such as artificial intelligence have easily been able to fit themselves in the clothes of the enemy of human reason, and as Farid Zakaria points out, during the pandemic, we have come to worship artificial intelligence like a God. Therefore, despite the abundant services of science and rationality to mankind, COVID-19  has reminded us that they still have undeniable limitations and cannot be the sole solutions to human problems.

The danger of COVID-19 highlights the risks of technological manipulation of human and natural resources, using calculative and computational reasoning as a tool for the economic benefit and overall utility of dominant powers. Environmental destruction is an act of violence against nature, leading to humanity's self-destruction through the creation of pandemics that challenge human life. Therefore, attempts to prevent or resolve the riddle of pandemics require something more than the calculative and computational knowledge of modernity.

The present study compares the views and opinions of two of the most prominent contemporary political philosophers in Iran and the world, Shahid Motahari (one of the most famous speakers in the two decades before the Islamic Revolution and one of the most influential people in the Islamic Republic) and Friedrich Hayek (one of the greatest economists). and political philosophers of the 20th century) about the concept of freedom. The results of the research show that freedom from Shahid Motahari's point of view is simpler than its concept in liberalism, and by creating "spiritual freedom" literature, he tries to point out another dimension of freedom that is neglected in the liberal view. Secondly, the basis of these two concepts have differences with each other; But now we have to look at the concept of "social freedom" which is a common word in Islam and liberal thought; What are the similarities and differences and to what extent can Shahid Motahari's view be considered as an explanation of the thought of pure Islam, converging with social freedom in its liberal sense. In a general summary, it can be said that freedom in Motahari's thought is more institutional and natural, and in Hayek's thought, it is followed institutionally and in relation to economic and political institutions.

Investigating the current state of political currents after the Arab revolutions, especially in Tunisia, is one of the multifaceted, complex, and multi-layered issues in political studies, especially in political thought. In this regard, according to the developments of the Ennahda movement in Tunisia between the years 2011-2023 (August), the question has been raised that according to the intellectual tradition of the Ennahda movement, the model and political behavior of this movement, from which rule. Philosophical and political - civil democratic transformation with an Islamic reading or adjustment and deviation from the propositions of Islamic thought? In response, the proposed hypothesis states that the intellectual tradition of the Ennahda movement has moved from classical theology and thought to a new reform with the reading of civil democratic Islam. The findings indicate that this current has been influenced by the intellectual developments in response to the dualism of the West / Islam and the mystery of tradition and modernity, intellectual traditions such as the rationalist school of Al-Zaytouniyeh, and reformist (general) intellectuals. It is oriented from classical theology to reform problematic. From an empirical point of view, the constituent elements of the theoretical and methodical model of the Ennahda movement represent a continuous and relatively uniform approach, and its secular and civil aspects share commonalities with Tunisian non-Islamist movements. With the successful transition of this process from the first stage of challenges (passing Ansar al-Sharia and inevitable - sometimes unstable - consensuses), the second stage began after the dissolution of the parliament and the holding of the second round of the 2019 parliamentary elections, and a new game It was formed from competitions. As a result, the Ennahda movement is trying to push the "extra-legal" and undemocratic dictatorship of the Qais Saeed government towards democratic policies or transfer of power. The conceptual framework is based on a multi-level reading of political thought (ideological evolutions, currents and intellectual systems, and late intellectuals of each discourse) and extraction of influential components and elements to evaluate the issue; the method of collecting materials is library and internet.

Arab uprisings, interpreted by many as spring or awakening, failed in its core objectives of achieving freedom and democracy. The path to freedom by these nations soonwas highjacked and replaced by violence. This includes Islamic Fundamentalist groups such as ISIS and al-Qaeda, authoritarian regimes, and militant groups in Iraq, Syria and Yemen have displayed new dimensions of unbridled violence through the capacity of audio-visual media. In fact, violence has become an instrument for various political and military actors to represent their strength through it in these regions. Hence, the importance of this variable and the role it plays in recent developments in the countries as part of the Arab uprisings has led the authors to study the causes and consequences of the formation of violence, especially with political motives, around the question of what are the central characteristics of political violence from Dellaporta's point of view? Therefore, in this study an attempt is made to analyze this phenomenon in an intellectual and discourse format with an analytical-explanatory approach and by referring to Donatella Dellaporta's opinions in the field of political violence by referring to library and internet sources. The research hypothesis is based on the principle that political violence, especially hidden violence, is a complex and multidimensional process that has its own mechanisms. In fact, hidden political violence is the result of multi-faceted interaction and confrontation between the government and social groups and activists according to the available facilities and capacities.

From 1976 onwards, Michel Foucault began to study the state and state power in detail under the genealogy of the modern state. In the face of the linear and centralist views of power, which he saw them as a legal perspective to sovereignty, Foucault coined the concept of governmentality to analyze conflicting and often obscure roots of the present discourses, practices, and institutions. But since Foucault has dealt with this issue in a very scattered way and among his various writings and speeches, there is no coherent text in this field. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to examine the three descendants of the modern state, namely pastoral power, reason of state and liberalism, to determine how Foucault, by adopting a different approach to power arrangements, crossed the legal perspective and created a new foundation for the study of government. This perspective, which examines the lineages of the modern state on the basis of the triangle of governmental mentalities, rationalities and technologies, makes us to consider the concept of the state as a complex, multi-temporal phenomenon and a combination of various political techniques and different styles of government. From this point of view, the genealogy of the modern state can replace the theories that, by adopting a linear, essentialist, and theological perspective, create a flawed picture of historical developments

Iran-Russia relations have fluctuated a lot in the last two decades, so that after a period of lack of dynamism and stagnation between 2005 and 2013, the relations between the two countries, in 2013 to 2018, have shown great convergence in some aspects of international politics. In this regard, the present study, using descriptive and analytical methods, seeks to answer the question of how the relations between Russia and Iran in the 80s and 90s can be explained? To answer this question, the James Rosena continuity model has been used. In other words, the purpose of this study is to explain the causes of fluctuations in Iran-Russia relations based on the variables of the level of micro and macro analysis of the James Rosena continuity model. Findings show that Iran-Russia relations have experienced different conditions in these two periods, while in the first period their relations were relatively stagnant and static, in the second period these relations have become more dynamic and active, and macro-level variables such as common interests in Syria and Iraq, confronting US hegemony in the Middle East, sanctions, and gaining a balance of power with the United States have been major drivers of change in bilateral relations. The results of this study also show that the more active the variable of the international system, the more inclined Russia and the Islamic Republic of Iran are to cooperate with each other.

The terrorist group of ISIL, as one of the most modern and up-to-date terrorist groups in the world, has a social body of all kinds, both male and female. The role of gender and its functions in such a self-proclaimed state has always been attended by the leaders of the Islamic State, in order to achieve its main goal, the realization of the Islamic state (Islamic caliphate). Accordingly, what is supposed to be in this regard is the belief that ISIS has used both male and female gender roles in its struggle strategies, but what is the gender of women and men in fighting strategies? In addition, what function did they have for the Islamic state? It is a question to be answered in this research with an analytical-explanatory approach and using library and internet resources. In this study, by using the Talcott Parsons functionalism theory in response to the question, the attempt has been made to the hypothesis of the practice community It is covered in the ISIL Takfiri terrorist group that gender is based on its function, and both sexes are based on gender, propaganda, state-building, nation-building, military, and so on. They have been active in the realization of the Islamic State and only in times of emergency (such as escape and lack of fighters man and so on) have witnessed the interference of ISIL's gender activities in some activities as well.

As a result of the widespread political and social changes in the Middle East in the last decade, especially after the flames of the so-called Arab uprisings, the necessary grounds for silenced ethnic and religious minorities to raise their voices were provided in many countries affected by these developments. The weakness of civil society in the Middle East, the lack of convergence of opinions and the demands of various actors in these countries, and the powerful repression of authoritarian governments have led many of these mass protests and movements to nowhere. After 8 years not only the demand for freedom and democracy has been crushed, but the Ba’ath regime is on the verge of declaring victory over its opponents. Syrian Kurds, along with their allies, who governs a large part of north and north-eastern Syria under the title “Self-management of the north and east of Syria”, are working to create a decentralized governance system agreed by all sides. An attempt that has been abysmal so far. In this paper, by using analyzing-descriptive method and by referring to data through the search of literature and theoretical discussions, the Kurdish status in Syria, the evolution of the Kurdish movement and its developments over the past three decades in the framework of democratic self-governance have been discussed.

Before the Comprehensive Joint Action Plan in July 2015, over a decade, the nuclear program of Iran left many influences on mental and behavioral atmosphere of the Middle East. Considering the different dimensions of the nuclear program, especially in terms of its relevance and its impact on the regional order of the Middle East, is important in two directions. First, in terms of the place and significance of the nuclear agreement in foreign policy - especially in the Middle East regional order - comparable to the period before BARJAM. Second, attention to the regional actors’ mindset on the path of shaping foreign policy and understanding the linkage and systemic relationship between foreign policy issues and the regional environment and exploiting it as an important experience in the diplomacy of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Accordingly, in the recent article, in response to this central  question, we ظseek to  answer the question that “what are the Iranian nuclear program impacts on the Middle East regional order (2005-2013)?” In response, this hypothesis has been analyzed that Iran’s nuclear program and diplomacy (before the agreement) has led to threatening and reinforcing the hostile mentality of regional actors and contradictions in the regional Middle East order which can be seen in various instances, including arms races, the prevention of the issuance of Iranian revolutionary thoughts as a threat to the interests of the West and the Arabs, the consensus of the units to isolate Iran, the security queue to confront the all aspects of interests and the sanctions of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The research method is descriptive-analytical and data collection method is also the library, the use of journals and valid articles.

One of the the most important issues in middle east and contemporary turkey is the study of stability and threat factors of democracy. Among the other countries of middle east, turkey has long-term experience in democracy. A glance to the country show turkey s democracy has fluctuating matter. In the other words, democracy in turkey as a form of government and a kind of relations between society and the government have face threat and stability factors simultaneously. The main goal of the article is evaluating causes of the issue. the article argues some variables such as turkey s constitution amendments, party system and trying to accession to EU (stability variables) and ethnic threats, religious minorities challenges and the military interventions (threat stability) have influenced turkey s democracy. to evaluate the hypothesis, the article has some sections such as theoretical framework with emphasis on stability and threat factors, historical approach to democracy trends in turkey and evaluation of threat-stability variables in turkey’s democracy.

This research is intended to investigate the dilemma and the cleavage in the national security of modern Iraq (Post-Saddam era) in the context of its sociological ground. The Iraqi society has become just like a mosaic of social cleavages suppressed in the era of the Sunni-Ba'ath regime in the process of unification. After the occupation of Iraq in 2003, an encouraging situation was created which helped the gaps to expand more. As a result of the accumulation of social forces around these gaps. As the main domestic actors, these groups gained power to express themselves. This reflected in great ethnic and religious violence which resulted in the lack of a strong central government for the country. This research is aimed at exploring how the sociological foundations of Iraq have affected the failure of national security in the new era (after occupation). The research reviews the hypothesis that social cleavages, as the central feature of sociological institutes, have become more in-depth by the shift in the balance of existing identities from power centers. It has resulted in more security challenges due to their Incompatibility. Based on the theoretical approach of community security and following a descriptive-explanatory method, this research concludes that the Sunni groups, among the main Shiite, Sunni, and Kurdish activists, demonstrate a much higher incentive to get involved in violence due to their feelings of insecurity of their identity and power. On the other hand, due to an identity link between the Iraqi local actors and the ethnic-oriented governments of the Middle East, the internal conflicts has changed into inter-state clashes; therefore, it has made it more difficult to manage Iraq's national security.

At present time, as the significance of regions, hegemonic system for military presence, supporting regional plans, preventing and countering various threats and deterrence system became important, military basing in the area of regions was considered necessary in order to exert power. America's military presence in various regions of the world including the West Asia (Middle East) is conceivable as an important and strategic region in the form of various military bases (ground, aerial and naval…etc.) Establishing these bases in the front line of the country's security and military efforts is aimed at dominating various regions of the world, and to remain in the strategic cycle of power as well. The September 11 attacks, the war on terrorism and the occupation of Iraq highlighted the role of American military base's global network in protecting and advancing America's interests. In terms of of hegemon power, Iran is a discontented polity, hence posing a major threat against America's interests in the West Asia. Therefore, Iran is exposed to America's direct threat, nevertheless countering the former's threats is considered as a fundamental necessity. As a part of this, the issue that matters is that of thinking over the deterrence of the Islamic republic of Iran. The question that is put forward is "What effect do America's various military bases have in the West Asia on IRI's deterrence model?"

Arab spring and its political, economic and cultural consequences fundamentally changed the political equations in the Middle East. The role of Islamic fundamental groups such as Isis, Islamic State of Iraq and Sham, and Al-Qaeda in the recent developments especially in Syria and Iraq changed the trend of political developments in the region. Isis and its growth and promotion in the shadow of Syria civil war and crisis in the Iraq becomes the focal point of academic discussions. Despite of ideological and structural similarities between of new waves of fundamentalism in the region with previous’, many of its dimensions changed and got Metamorphosis. Isis, as the most successful and powerful fundamental group, introduces a new style and method in governing. Dominating large parts of Iraq and Syria by this group and attraction tens of thousands of Jihadists from across the world are indications for the partly success of their mission. In this article, writers, according to Isis ideological and structural indexes, are after drawing an analogy between Isis and Al-Qaeda in the terms of Structural and ideological distinctions.

Undoubtedly nuclear subject of Iran is one of the most important subjects of Iran’s diplomatic history. The subject makes an impresstion on internal & external policy of Iran. Iran’s elites have had different approaches in the beginning of nuclear crisis from Sadabad statement to Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action. However we should assess the subject in relationship with a regionl environment. The main Question of the research is what approaches & behavioral models were adopted by Iran in Nuclear Diplomacy from perspective of Rosenau’s theory in 1997-2015? In answer of the question, the research propounds the hypothsis that the behavioral model of Irananian governments have had proportional permanent in the Nuclear Diplomacy, but the model have had different shapes. Research Findings show direct relation between behavioral models of Iran with a regionl environment. Research method is explanatory & historical.

The political Islamic discourse considers Islamic teachings as enlightening in all aspects of human life; therefore, it tries to stabilize to meanings and signifiers on the basis of its semantic system and monotheistic thought. In this article, after explanation of human rights in terms of the Constitution, it will be shown that, in the discourse of political Islam, human rights shapes around the central sighnifier of “human dignity”, while other signs and signifiers (e.g. political, social–economic, cultural and civil rights) are perceived according to that. In other words, although the concept of human rights is a modern one and has entered Islamic literature just as other modern concepts have, the issues raised in relation to that have formed a specific conceptual discourse, which can be named Islamic Human Rights Discourse. In the islamic discourse, human dignity is the central, transcendent signifier or central sighnifier, while all other human rights and privileges — which are floating signifiers — are perceived based on this sighnifier.

Arabic Spring and its consequences, particularly in Syria and later its civil war, has led to fundamental changes in political layouts and alignments in the region and beyond it. One of the main effects of these developments is the deepening of the ethnic and religious divisions in the Middle East and consequently new alignments of national and subnational actors. Subnational ethnic-religious groups in the region, especially in Iraq and Syria are the most active and effective actors. Islamist fundamentalists and terrorist groups such as ISIS along with ethnic groups (Kurds) have greatly changed political and geopolitical developments in Iraq and Syria. Analysis of the new alignments in the framework of three Sunni, Shi’a and Kurdish crescents and geopolitical consequences of these developments, has faced the world with the most critical milestone in the Middle East history especially after World War I. After a century, for the first time, Middle East’s geopolitics and existing Westphalian order changed because of Islamic fundamental domination over some parts of Iraq and Syria. In this paper, we have tried to clarify some aspects of these geopolitical developments and their effects by a descriptive and analytical method, based on library and internet resources and studies.

This research being implemented based on assessment of visitors satisfaction from 22nd international Quran exhibition which being considered within descriptive –surveying groups in information classification approach. Statistical society includes visitors which being used as sample method because of large crowded of visitors in exhibition hall (approximately 4242 persons). Empirical methods proof its reliability amongst some university professors and its validity through Cornbrash’s \alpha. The result represents that average satisfactions is intermediate to high among universities، internationals، written texts، ceremonies، Childs and adolescents، Islamic council، digital media، fine art، scientific sector، female sector، public relation، education and Quran writer According result، visitors were satisfied from Quran culture، Quran reciting development، moreover the booth guide and size was suitable meanwhile the time and date was appropriate but the publicity and the Varity of product was low to intermediate in exhibition hall.

Following international relations transformations and progress in theoretical studies from 1990 s, critics has promoted against ontological and epistemological dimensions of mainstream. Hence, reflexive theories could theorizing norms and ethical categories in their explanation. This article with emphasis on international justice seek to evaluate the conception in international society school and then to compare with Imam Khomeini though. The article argues although international society school concentrate on justice and order beside each other, in Imam though justice have had priority to order and if Justice is to prove to be true the order will be obtained.

This research work intends to study the role of Internet in recent social movement in Egypt that toppled down Hosni Mubarak’s government in January 2011. During the recent years, new communication technologies, specially the Internet and social networks on the Internet, have turned to be a major source for mobilization and organization of social movements across the globe. The recent movements in Arab states of the Middle East and North Africa made use of new communication technologies and put on display a new form of revolution and mass mobilization in this region wherein people sought meeting their legitimate rights. The role of mass media in general and Internet and social networks in particular was very important ever since the outset of the movements. These communication tools promoted public awareness on one side and on the other side, accelerated the demonstrations and expansion of the movement to all cities because of possessing diversified capabilities. It is believed that large social networks such as Facebook, Twitter and personal weblogs have served as powerful and influential channels for the people of Egypt who had long suffered state censorship. Moreover, Internet and social networks brought about development of political concepts and mass mobilization for political activities in Egypt.

Russia in process of Producing and importing of natural gas is remarkably a vanguard. Producing 116.3 billion cubical meters in 2008, Iran allocate about %4 of overall production of this universal material. Consuming high level of gas, 117 billion cubical meters in 2008 caused low level of exporting gas in Iran. Regarding wide investing in gas sector and presence of the top world companies in gas industry, Qatar became the first producer of gas in the region