سید حسن ملائکه

Ayatollah Taleghani belongs to the lineage of contemporary religious reformers who, over fifty years of political and social activity, dedicated his life to the revival of religious thought and ideology, grounded in the Quran. Similarly, Abdul Rahman Kawakibi is among the renowned reformers and revivalists in the modern history of Islam. This research aims to compare the political thought of Ayatollah Taleghani and Abdul Rahman Kawakibi on the issue of despotism. Our hypothesis in this study is based on the assertion that the political thought of these two thinkers on despotism exhibits both similarities and differences. In this research, we seek to answer the question: What are the similarities and differences between the political thoughts of these two intellectuals regarding despotism? The research findings indicate that both thinkers oppose any form of despotism and advocate for resistance against it in all dimensions, particularly in combating religious and political despotism. The difference in their viewpoints stems from the divergent perspectives of Shia and Sunni regarding the establishment of governance, especially Ayatollah Taleghani's view on forming a government during the occultation of the Infallible Imam. The research method employed in this article is comparative.

The theory of learned helplessness was presented by Martin Seligman in the late 60s and the early 70s. According to this theory, the previous mental learning had a tremendous impact on future performance. Learned helplessness is a cognitive process that teaches people that staying in such a state leads them to passivity and inactivity, and can keep people stuck in the quagmire of backwardness. Previously, some authors presented articles on the theory of learned helplessness and development, but in this article, the connection between the two and the effect that learned helplessness has on self-concept is discussed. The purpose of this article is to identify the factors that play a role in the lack of development of societies in order to guide them to the path of development by raising developed people. In this research, there is a kind of correlation and causal relationship between two variables: the independent variable - the role of learned helplessness - on the dependent variable - development process. The method of collecting data is in the form of library and documentary studies. The difference between the real self and the ideal self is the beginning of tension and intellectual conflict, and such a process is associated with the thinking that no matter how much effort is made to get out of helplessness, success and progress will not be achieved, and this is exactly the basics that Seligman teaches us in Learned Helplessness.

In this paper we have raised the question: what kind of management has the political elite in the first decade of the Islamic revolution regard as the country's construction? since the iranian revolution was an islamic kind and a with verdicts, laws and islamic sharia, we formulated the hypothesis in response to the question of research that, given the nature of the islamic revolution, managers and political elites of the first decade considered their revolution to be faithful, justice and dedication to their activities in order to build, eliminate deprivation and pave the way for the country. This study is of qualitative kind, so the method of collecting data and data from documents and through the study of books, articles, etc, is prepared and analyzed. Finally, considering the viewpoint of Imam Rahel, Shahid Beheshti, and Ayatollah Hashemi Rafsanjani, we concluded that the political elite and the political elites of the first decade of the Revolution were trying to implement the administration of justice, implementation of divine rulings, fight poverty and exclusion with emphasis on the independence of internal forces and to reduce dependence on other communities and governments.

National authority for a country preserves its identity, its dignity and the means to achieve its ideals. Power is the most important goal of the countries that seek to achieve it, and this is subject to the realization of certain characteristics and components. The national authority of the Islamic Republic of Iran is based on soft authority rather than hard authority; however, the Supreme Leader of the Revolution's emphasis on strengthening and increasing military strength is only for the purpose of defending and deterring the threats that the Islamic Republic is facing. In this research, the concept and indicators of national authority in the thoughts of the Supreme Leader have been studied. His Highness addressed to the officials to strengthen the indicators of national authority. According to him, the authority of Islamic Iran requires that the country be able to appear at its highest level in all areas and affairs. Expressing characteristics such as political authority, preserving the principles of the revolution, and honorable treatment based on the principle of dignity, wisdom and expediency with the leaders of other countries, cultural authority by reproducing indigenous humanities, scientific authority, military authority and most importantly, strengthening the country economically and The severance of dependence on other countries can be formed by emphasizing a resilient economy and supporting domestic production.

Religious politics is one of the categories that has long been investigated in nations, especially Iran. In this connection, some argue that for politics to be on the proper path, it should follow religious teachings. This article investigates the criteria of religious politics from the perspective of Ayatollah Khamenei. The main question is: Which criteria are used to characterize religious politics from the view of Ayatollah Khamenei? Here, politics appears to follow such religious teachings as justice, laws, freedom, and popular choices to take steps into the proper path. We also investigate religious politics within the framework of ontological, cognitive, and humane foundations and thus examine the criteria of religious politics accordingly. This article uses content analysis to explore the thinking vision of Ayatollah Khamenei in the area of religious politics and its criteria. Content analysis is used for observational and document-based-historical research, which falls under quantitative research in terms of what it means to be. Throughout the research, we found that if the mechanisms of the political institution are aligned with religious teachings, a desirable society appears that fulfills divine ideals, thereby laying the ground for the prosperity and development of the nation in all domains. People of this society will also achieve their ideals and fulfill true prosperity and development.

The purpose of the present study is to review the relationship between society and government in the constitutional revolution based on Migdal’s theory. In this regard, the following questions are answered: What was the relationship between Iranian society and government in the constitutional revolution? How did intervening paradoxes occur in the constitutional revolution? The method of study is descriptive-analytic and the results showed that based on Migdal’s theory, the Qajar society and government represented a weak state in front of a network of influential and powerful communities. The disagreements began with the amendment to the constitution and divided the scholars into 2 groups of religion-seekers and constitutionalists. In addition to the contradiction between the religious system and the constitutional revolution, 2 other basic factors caused disunity among the clergymen: First, Shi’ite religious institutions were not pivotal back then; second, there had been numerous, mostly political, disagreements among Shi’ite scholars since before which were intensified with the revolution. In the constitutional revolution, each of the political actors adopted contradictory and fragile “survival politics and strategies” through different methods such as opposition and enmity, taking refuge to a sanctuary, religion-seeking, coup detat, killing the constitutionalists, assassination and suppression of opponents, changing the governments, supporting the tyranny of the Qajar and foreign countries, making foreign contracts and so on that could not reach any commonality and consensus. These factors paved the ground for the emergence of nationalist and republican ideas against the constitutional state and law and finally led to the rise of the Rezā Khān dictatorship.

In this article, the relationship between religion and government from the perspective of Imam Khomeini and Seyyed Qutb is examined and the possibility of dialogue among his views is analyzed. The type of tendency of Imam Khomeini and Seyyed Qutb to the relationship between religion and government or Islam and the basic policy to fight against Taghoot. The purpose of the research is to obtain the roots of the ideas of Imam Khomeini and Seyyed Qutb in the emergence of their practical and revolutionary views on the relationship between religion and government. The importance of this research is due to the emphasis on some aspects of Imam Khomeini's thought that can be seen in the Islamic Revolution and his views in order to show some extremism of Islamist groups such as Al-Qaeda. The findings of the article that although it seems that the similarity of Seyyed Qutb's views with Imam Khomeini is in the formation of Islamic government and the relationship between government and religion, but based on Imam Khomeini's emphasis on defining the fight against Taghoot and what Seyyed Qutb means in jihad and formation Islamic government is without the emergence of a people's government, the main difference is their approach to the government. Moreover, contrary to Imam Khomeini's views that jihad is the last stage in the fight against Taghoot, Sayyid Qutb emphasizes the necessity for jihad as a fundamental principle for the link between religion and government. The method of the present study is a combination of historical analysis and comparative analysis.

Jihadi management in itself has been at the heart of the Islamic Revolution. The development of the country was also important to them. On the other hand, all the managers and those involved in the nascent Islamic system had a high motivation to serve the country and the people due to the type of revolution. Jihadi management could help them because of its characteristics. On the other hand, historical studies show that elites are influential and have a special place in the social, political, economic and cultural developments and development of human society by adopting Jihadi management. The present study is a descriptive-analytical method as well as a comparative model with maximum use of capacities and requirements to better understand the effective parameters in the subject and objectives of research and with the aim of explaining and influencing the role of elites in the origin of Jihadi management for development. It was done in the first decade after the Islamic Revolution. Findings show that political elites have had a positive impact on the growth and development of Iran in the first decade of the Islamic Revolution and is one of the main motivations in the Islamic society of Iran to achieve their ideals.

Martyr Motahari tried to rationally reconstruct the Islamic ideology and defend it against other ideologies. For this purpose, he tried to rationally defend religion and religious doctrines by appearing in different fields, and in this direction, he worked on the reconstruction of religious components in the field of science and thought. Considering the importance of examining the thoughts of Shahid Motahari, the present study was conducted with the aim of investigating the foundations of political and social thought of Shahid Motahari. The research method in this research is the library method, and the data collection tool is valid documents.The results of the research showed that the foundations of political and social thinking are related to the hijab and the issue of women's rights, the mission of the clergy, ijtihad and the compatibility of Islam and science (modernity), and the ontological foundations of thinking, anthropological foundations and epistemological foundations are also based on the divine worldview. is. Also, monotheism, God's absolute lordship and God's sovereignty form the ontological foundations of Shahid Motahari's thought.

The reseach is to study the status of political participation and the factors affecting it among young students of the two universities. To do this, first the three levels of theories related to political participation (macro, micro and integrated) were theoretically examined and then based on that, a general framework for field research was designed. To collect the data, a survey method and a questionnaire were used. 800 students were selected as the samples by random sampling of appropriate classes, which was found to be between political participation as a dependent variable and variables of mass media, religiosity, base. The findings showed that there is a significant relationship between socio-economic and political attitudes as an independent variable. Each of the variables is explained based on the views of researchers in the field of political participation in the final section.

Indigenousness in Iran, like in other Third World societies, emerged as an alternative as a result of the displacement of the Western modernist discourse. The Western modernist discourse, which claimed to be universal, began to falter after World War II, becoming known as postcolonial theories. The main question of the research is what is the place of the concept of the West in the discourse of nationalism of Jalal Al-Ahmad. The research hypothesis is that the type of representation of the concept of the West in Jalal al-Ahmad's thought places him as a pioneer of postcolonial thought and the interpretation of his thought should be understood under the concept of "inferiority" in its Gramscian-Spivakian sense. It has been designed only in local and allegorical dimensions. The results of the research show that the critique of superior / inferior relations in Al-Ahmad's thought was designed in protest of Westernization and with the aim of returning to self and respecting the native culture, but remained at the level of essay writing and did not reach a coherent conceptual apparatus. In the process of articulating the indigenous discourse, Al-Ahmad was incapable of presenting a conceptual and universal formulation of his theory by transitioning from a local and indigenous perspective. The method of data collection is documentary and library.

The issue of the existence of government is a necessity of human social life. The existence of sovereignty, because it is responsible for creating order, security and law enforcement in society, has a rational necessity so that without the rule of society, there will be chaos. Every government has political power, and this is an inseparable feature of all governments and governments. Given that power is the core of government, it can be said that political power in a government when it has social legitimacy is called authority and when it does not have social legitimacy it causes tyranny. The power of its possessor is to force others to surrender against their will in any form. Authority is the starting power that acquires its legitimacy on the basis of religion, law, tradition, and so on. National authority is the product of legitimate economic, military, cultural, political, scientific and technological powers. The purpose of this article is to examine the impact of Imam Khomeini's ideas on the formation of the foundations of the national authority of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The present article tries to achieve the desired purpose with the analytical subject under discussion and by using descriptive-analytical method and by using library-documentary studies.

One of the manifestations of the unavoidable treatment of organizations with the employees is retirement and its effect on the political culture and spiritual health of the individuals. Considering the control organization practice over all aspects of human life, the present study attempts to examine whether the Law Prohibiting the Employment of the Retired Persons has an instrumental view of human and what effect this law has on the political culture and spiritual health of the employees and their families.

The present study is qualitative, which was conducted using content analysis. The statistical population of the study included 246 employees of the Kharg Oil Base, out of whom 50 were selected by random sampling. Semi-structured interviews were also conducted with the researchers. The interview questions were focused on the perceptions and feelings of the retired about this phenomenon and the effect of Law Prohibiting the Employment of Retired Persons on the political culture and their and their families’ spiritual health.

The results of analysis revealed four main themes including the functions of retirement, instrumental view of the retired, the cultural position of old age, and the importance of spirituality in human development, and 16 subthemes.

The findings of the present study showed that the Law Prohibiting the Employment of the Retired Persons causes mental crisis in the retired and this crisis endangers their spiritual health and that of their families and influences their political culture.

Intellectualism is a movement in the gap between tradition and modernity, and it is born of the gap and instability created between these two worlds. Martyr Motahhari's intellectual and fundamentalist thought originated from the ruling religious tradition of the people, which eventually led to practical movements in the continuation of the revolution. The research method is analytical-descriptive and the analysis of information is qualitative. The research findings show that the basics and nature of Springer's thinking originated from a liberal and radical environment, which is in relative contrast with the pure thinking that is from a semi-traditional and religious environment; Crystallized; Therefore, its nature can not be fully defined and interpreted in the form of a Springer model. The result of the research also shows that due to the nature of value pluralism of Springer's ideas in concepts such as freedom, democracy, application of Motahhari theories in the form of Springer's model, it is incompletely applicable.

The current study seeks to investigate different theories on bureaucracy to determine their pros and cons. Considering the background of bureaucracy in the history of Iran and Islamic revolution, this article discussed that which type of bureaucracy is more compatible with ethical and cultural models relying on revolution as well as developmental criteria in the country. The theory of developed bureaucracy proposed in this article attempted to serve significant assistance to political economy and development in accordance with Islamic-Iranian models. Furthermore, with an interactive approach to development theories, correlation between dependence and bureaucracy as well as political, economic, and management viewpoints, it was tried to determine the complexities of bilateral impacts of bureaucracy and development. The results of the study showed that negative perceptions and inefficiencies have institutionalized many negative beliefs about bureaucracy. Therefore, we should replace it with by practical reform toward development so that bureaucracy give service to the development of society rather than society giving service to the development of bureaucracy. Efficient bureaucratic system in society can be achieved by paying attention to the ethical and moral aspects in human being.

The use of the term of feminism did not take much time in social research. However, the beginning of this activity can be seen from the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries in advanced capitalist countries in order to defend women's social and political rights and free them from oppression, as well as the elimination of gender discrimination and the equal rights of women and men. Feminists believe that the world has been defined by men, and women have been ignored in this male definition. Under the influence of Western feminism, a new paradigm entered Iran. The arrival of feminism in Iran began with the arrival of modernity and intellectuals; from the era of Fath Ali Shah Qajar, and continued until Pahlavi and the Islamic Revolution. Due to the influence of this intellectual trend in Iran, the status of women in the social and political fields was promoted. Moreover, after the Islamic Revolution, women in the society had a greater presence. The present research seeks to answer these questions: what ideology the feminist approach in the West was pursuing? Can western feminism be integrated with the teachings of Islam? The research hypothesis is based on the belief that Western feminism cannot be integrated with the teachings of Islam and the religious and national traditions of Iran. The present research is descriptive-analytic.

"Islamophobia" is a term that has been on the agenda of Western adversaries since the 1980s, but it has become a special consideration since September 11, 2002. This article attempts to investigate the causes of this phenomenon in Europe and its severity in recent years. Several factors such as historical, cultural, political ideology and the September 11 incident are mentioned in this regard. And then the consequences of this phenomenon in Europe in general and in Germany in particular is analyzed. This article has an analytical-comparative approach based on the historical study method. The result of these studies is that the normalization of Islamophobia has become the strategy of a Western society with the aim of prevalence a liberal political pattern.

During the Cold War, the United States supremacy in cultural productions, especially in the form of Hollywood cinema was used in media warfare against Russia. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, the focus of America's media war on Communism changed to Islam and the Middle East. So the trend intensified after 9/11, and a wave of cultural products was produced in with Islamphobia content. But by the expansion of Russia's power and the formation of new balance of power in some parts of the world wich is considered as the New Cold War, it seems that the US media war against the Russia is re-emerging. This article attempts to answer the question of whether the US- Russia foreign relations changing had an impact on US media policy against Russia? The results of the research indicate that, in response to expansion of Russia's power, the American media policy especially Hollywood films are fluctuating toward the spread of russophobia after a period of focus on Islamophobia and representation against the Middle East and Muslims.

The influence of religion as one of the most important factors in the expansion of popular participation throughout history, especially in the Muslim world, is indisputable. Considering that one of the goals of the colonialist effort to secularize Muslim societies is to make them indifferent to their social destiny and to be the basis for easy domination of Islamic societies. Considering the religious influence on political participation as a significant social issue Review.
Regarding the importance of the subject, the present study uses a field method, scrolling technique, questionnaire research tool and SPSS software to investigate the relationship between different dimensions of religiosity and political participation among citizens as the main objective. The statistical population of this study is all citizens aged 18 years and above the city of Izeh. 376 of them have been studied using Formal Cochran as sample size.
The results of the research show that there is a significant difference between the total religiosity (P = 0.34) and its dimensions, the consequences of religiosity (P = 0.43), religious rituals (P = 0.38), religious beliefs (35.3) There is a positive and significant relationship between the empirical dimension of religiosity (P = 0.20) and the cognitive aspect of religiosity (P = 0.25) with political participation of citizens in the city of Izeh; therefore, all the research hypotheses are confirmed

  The central axis of Weber's sociology is the way of relationship between religious beliefs and social structures and the economy. Weber’s study is partially about economic organization of society, political systems, bureaucracy and themself rights is the normal sequence of sociology of religion. After rationalization of religion, the next issue is the tension between religious moral order and the everyday experiences of believers. If religion is not rationalized very much and still remained as magic issue, the possibility of resolving this tension is higher, because through summoning supernatural agents on a daily basis, the magic wards off the tensions. According to Weber, in "Sociology of Religions" the worldview and religious ethics are cultured and developed by certain groups and social benefits. He does not distinguish between religion and social group’s ideology. The main work of Weber in sociology of religions is to show that under which social circumstances, the prophet-like inspiration of one religion, firstly converted to a lifestyle of a social group and then through which tern to a main worldview of one civilization. There is a selective relationship between any religion and its bearer, therefore in the process of institutionalization of religion, the followers of that religion choose the characteristics of the religious ideas that they felt close relationship with them.

One of the important Islamic movements which have had tremendous impact on Egypt and few other Islamic countries is “Muslim Brotherhood”. This organization was formed when Egypt was in a critical situation from the viewpoint of political, economic and religious conditions. Muslim Brotherhood on the one hand tried to revive the prevalence of Islamic teachings and on the other hand tried to change Islamic beliefs from stagnation and inactivity to dynamism and liveliness. With the emergence of Arab Spring movement which started with overthrow of Ben Ali in Tunisia, the movement spread to Egypt and Muslim Brotherhood did not succeed in establishing a stable and sustainable government. The present article by a descriptive analytical method and by the help of historical facts wants to examine the causes of failure of Muslim Brotherhood in establishing a stable government. The finding of the research shows that the causes of failure of them lie in internal factors like the destructive role of the army, the influence of secular forces, distancing of Al-Azhar from Morsi government and the external factors like interference of the United States and Saudi Arabia on the one hand and Turkey and Qatar on the other hand.

In this study, using library and descriptive-analytical processing method the main thoughts as well as some of his political Ideas related to "Masnavi" are  introduced.Thus, by using the theory of love as the center of Mavlavis ideas, this article attempts to study the attributes such as humility, satisfaction and submission (to God) in his belief so in this regard led to his political ideas. Thoughts such as: authenticity of diversity, tolerance and avoidance of bias, happy life and  misconducts government which are the foundation of democracy in his political ideas.