محمدباقر قالیباف

Authoritarian policies that prioritize state power often hinder the development of constructive international relationships, fueling tensions and reducing opportunities for cooperation. This is particularly evident in the Middle East, where countries in the Tigris and Euphrates river basins are deeply affected. The region's unique geopolitical and hydropolitical context makes it especially vulnerable to such conflicts. In recent years, relations between Iran, Turkiye, and Iraq have grown increasingly complex due to various factors, including dam construction, persistent droughts, and Turkiye's authoritarian policies. These elements have heightened sensitivities in their relations, compounding the challenges of their already tumultuous history.In such a complex environment, it becomes increasingly crucial to accurately understand and thoroughly analyze the ongoing regional processes. Additionally, forecasting future trends is critical for preventing international crises. A detailed examination of the impact of dam construction on the flow of the Tigris and Euphrates rivers, coupled with an assessment of the consequences of recurring droughts on the region's water resources, is essential. Analyzing the water policies of key regional players, particularly Turkiye, can also further enhance our understanding of the current situation and inform more effective responses.Furthermore, exploring how these policies affect relations between neighboring countries can provide valuable insights. Through such studies, it is possible to propose solutions that promote more effective cooperation in water resource management. This could involve sharing information, creating joint mechanisms for managing water resources, and developing collaborative projects focused on sustainable usage. Ultimately, prioritizing cooperation over competition and hostility can foster a more constructive environment for addressing regional challenges. Achieving this, however, requires a shift in attitudes and broader policies among regional countries, but it can safeguard the long-term interests of all parties involved.

Research methods generally fall into three categories: quantitative, qualitative, and mixed (a combination of both). This study employs a descriptive-analytical approach to assess and interpret the current situation. In the descriptive phase, data is gathered through library research, while the analytical one applies a deductive method, utilizing Peter Haggett’s Hypothetica model and Ashok Swain model for data analysis. In the quantitative section, Food-Energy-Water (FEW) indicators are employed to demonstrate and derive key concepts.The research process involves gathering information, conducting a thorough analysis of the collected data, and identifying patterns based on the assumptions of the two models. The final step is to pinpoint and articulate the challenges that need to be addressed to enhance the current situation. To clearly and comprehensively present the research findings, diagramming software is used to infer and illustrate the conceptual model. This model visually represents the relations and connections among various research elements. This integrated approach enables a deep, multifaceted examination of the topic and leads to a well-rounded and actionable analysis.This mixed-method approach, which combines descriptive-analytical techniques with quantitative analysis using FEW indicators, offers a strong foundation for the study. It facilitates a thorough examination of the current situation while also enabling a data-driven analysis of trends and patterns. By integrating the Hypothetica and Swin models into the analytical process, the study gains a deeper interpretation of the data, revealing insights that might be overlooked when using a single methodological approach.By clearly mentioning the existing challenges, this research goes beyond merely describing the current state—it also lays the groundwork for potential solutions and improvements. This forward-thinking approach significantly enhances the study's practical relevance, making it valuable for policymakers and stakeholders alike. The comprehensive methodology, which seamlessly integrates qualitative and quantitative approaches and is further supported by visual modeling, allows for a detailed and nuanced exploration of the topic. As a result, the research not only provides valuable insights but also establishes a strong foundation for future studies and practical applications.

Authoritarian or power-centric policies focus on consolidating and expanding governmental authority, both within a nation and in its foreign relations. However, an excessive reliance on this approach can hinder constructive international engagement, often leading to tensions and even potential crises. The Middle East, particularly the Tigris and Euphrates river basins encompassing Iran, Turkiye, and Iraq, is especially vulnerable due to its unique geostrategic importance and the complex interplay of regional dynamics.The findings reveal that Turkiye's unilateral and authoritarian management of water resources - primarily through large-scale dam construction and hydropower projects designed to enhance agricultural development - has deepened regional disparities and heightened tensions. Iraq's geographical disadvantages, combined with its limited financial and technological resources, have left it ill-equipped to effectively counter Turkiye's actions. The advanced dam projects in Turkiye, along with similar initiatives in Iran, have severely affected Iraq's water resources, exacerbating water scarcity and contributing to environmental degradation.Turkiye's centralized and dominant approach to dam construction has worsened the region's water supply and demand imbalance. At the same time, internal conflicts and divergent water priorities between the Iraqi government and the Kurdistan Regional Government hinder a cohesive response to regional water disputes, underscoring significant organizational weaknesses within Iraq.As Turkiye's influence expands, Iraq's vulnerabilities become increasingly evident, largely due to its central authority deficiencies and organizational weaknesses. Iraq faces significant consequences, including environmental degradation and threats to human life. However,Turkiye is also affected by its actions, such as diverting water from the Tigris and Euphrates, which disrupt Kurdish regions in Iraq and risk fueling unrest and instability.The Swain model demonstrates that population growth, driven by the Food-Energy-Water (FEW) nexus, leads to resource depletion and heightened tensions. This growth further intensifies water scarcity and regional instability. As a result, population growth strategies centered around these components become increasingly costly and demand a fundamental reassessment by the countries involved.An analysis of the Food-Energy-Water (FEW) components shows that Turkiye holds a relatively stronger position compared to Iran and Iraq, though this advantage may not be sustainable in the long run. However, with its abundant water reserves and extensive dam infrastructure, Turkiye is not on the verge of a water crisis. Iran, although better off than Iraq in terms of water resources, still confronts considerable challenges. Iraq, in the most vulnerable position, faces severe threats to its water supply, underscoring the serious security and environmental implications for the country.

Active and close cooperation between Iraq and Iran in managing water resources is crucial. This partnership can foster the creation of joint programs and strategies for water management, helping to maintain a balanced approach to resource usage while easing regional tensions. Through such collaboration, both countries can improve water security in the region by addressing risks and ensuring that the water needs of affected communities are met effectively.At large, addressing barriers and challenges to sustainable and equitable water management in the region requires a multifaceted approach: 1) Strengthened regional cooperation; 2) Adoption of water-saving technologies; and 3) International interventions and mediation. By implementing these strategies collectively, the region can move toward more sustainable water management practices and reduce tensions in this geopolitically sensitive area.

Regimes are a well-known theory in political studies and international relations that is widely used in the analysis of transnational and global phenomena. Although the concept of "power" plays a key role in the process of forming the concept of regimes, so far the scientific literature of the geopolitical field to study these phenomena has not been used, unfortunately. Accordingly, the geopolitical explanation of the concept and role of "regimes" in geopolitical structures and the introduction of this concept analysis in the field of geopolitics is the subject of this article. The main question is how to explain the structure and function of the concept of regimes with a geopolitical approach? In response to this question, using a descriptive-analytical method and using library sources, the hypothesis of the article is that “regime is a complex structure of objective and subjective agents that directly or indirectly is responsible for the political organization of the geopolitical structure. It controls the function of the structure and generates power by the spatial distribution of power among the components of this structure. In fact, regimes are the regulators of the functioning of geopolitical structures and system governance”. Findings show that mental regimes are the subject of social studies, political studies, and international relations, and in particular, are not the subject of discussion in the field of geopolitics, but they are the subject of our discussion in the field of geopolitics when they are objectified in the form of institutions and organizations and affect geographical environments.

In recent decades, factors such as climate change, lack of water resources, increase in world population, increase in urban and consumer population, use of food to produce biofuels, use of food as a pressure lever in geopolitical competition, and weakening The rival country and other factors have turned the food into one of the most important geopolitical issues today. This research was conducted to analyze the global food geopolitical system using a mixed exploratory research method based on FAO data and using Delphi, Prometheus, fuzzy hierarchical analysis, and Excel and GIS software. The results show that the top powers in food geopolitics are, respectively, ten countries of the United States, France, Argentina, Germany, Australia, Brazil, India, Netherlands, Spain, and Belgium. Iran ranks 16th, 5th, 74th, and 13th in the production, import, export, and consumption of strategic food products and is considered a vulnerable country in global food geopolitics. In order to reduce or eliminate its geopolitical dependence on food, Iran needs a range of different factors, such as the optimal use of domestic resources and the sustainable supply of food from crossborder sources, including the selection of strategic suppliers, concluding long-term contracts in the field of the food supply with exporting countries; membership in regional organizations; leasing land from other countries to produce food; joint investment in food production; improving the level of economic exchanges with exporting countries; create interdependence on the agenda.

The cultural teachings of the Holy Defense are a central component and continuation of the Islamic Revolution that must be preserved and reproduced and passed on to future generations, as the basis for the promotion of national power, national deterrence, national stability, development and all. It is important to equip and carry out the long-term roadmap of the Islamic Revolution. The present article, based on an extensive research entitled "Strategic Plan for Transmitting the Cultural Teachings of Sacred Defense to Future Generations", has benefited from extensive documentary and field studies. In this article, the strategic desirability as well as the basic and strategic priorities for the transfer of cultural teachings of the Holy Defense are identified, the goals and strategies for the transfer of these teachings are determined and the institutional mapping of their transfer is formulated, and the requirements for their strategic plan are specified. Is.This achievement, through the study of upstream documents; Commands and measures of the Imams of the Islamic Revolution; Strategic documents of self-sacrifice, jihad and martyrdom, study of theoretical literature and existing research background, comparative studies, conducting in-depth interviews with 56 experts (in the first stage) and receiving 40 questionnaires from experts to weigh and measure reliability and validity ( In the second stage) is obtained. Respondents 'responses and respondents' responses to the questionnaires were structured, categorized, and categorized in several stages, along with several "focus group" sessions, by a team of expert judges

Geographic factors make the political organization of space geographically. Each factor at any geographical scale, due to the level of power and to the extent that it utilizes various instruments appropriate to the level of sovereignty and power, leads to the political organization of space. The global action circle represents the world's largest geographic scale. The question raised is how the global system, through which mechanisms and processes at the global level, makes political organization of space.

The research methodology of the present paper is based on the qualitative method and on the principles of analysis-explanation.

The global system, through structural and non-structural elements, leads to the political organization of space. Power is the driving force behind the global system for achieving its goals. The global system creates and strengthens the structural power of institutions and organizations. Institutions and organizations produce the rules and norms they need globally. All political units are required to observe the laws and regulations of the world system and, in the event of non-compliance of political units and countries, these rules are faced with the violent power of global powers. Through discourse, global powers differentiate themselves from countries that they dislike for the global order and punish them through violent power or sanctions.

In the end, global powers, with the backing of institutions, laws, regulations, norms and production discourses, legitimize their actions on the global stage.

After the establishment of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) in 1949, while aiming to keep the Russians second-guessing, the Americans deeply involved and the Germans neutral, NATO has so far shifted its security priorities twice. The first shift in priority came in 1999 when Warsaw Pact’s priority shifted to identifying new threats and cooperation and association with former enemies, and the second time in 2010 resulting in its concurrent accompaniment by the priorities of collective defense, crisis management, and common security. The recent shift led to the establishment of the third generation of NATO, which leads the organization more than before to attend outside its traditional region. By providing the most comprehensive interpretation of its existence, NATO is present in all parts of the world and engages in various military, security, political, social, cultural, environmental, scientific, and even sports activities with various political units. This trans-geographical presence of NATO, which is accompanied by the creation of formal organizational structures, has led the organization to be directly and indirectly present at all borders of Islamic Republic of Iran; a presence that has irreparable effects on national security and the regional role of Islamic Republic of Iran; not only in the short term but in the future as well. Accordingly, the subject matter of this article is to examine the quality in which the boundaries of this organization are expanding in the geopolitical regions in the far north of Islamic Republic of Iran; where the authors are trying to proceed using the concept of geopolitical territoriality. The main question of the research is “How is NATO expanding their territory in the Baltic region, Black Sea, and Eastern Europe?” Areas in which post-soviet union power vacuum, enormous sources of energy, and racial and ethnic diversity have gained them double-fold significance. In response to the present question, the authors believe that "NATO is trying to preserve and extend the sovereignty of liberal values of democracy and the free market as the driving force of contemporary global order by utilizing the strategies of expanding official political boundaries, expanding unofficial political boundaries, humanitarian missions, defense and security cooperation and the expansion of organizational and administrative offices; further expand its territory through its presence in the Black Sea, Russia and the geopolitical regions of the Baltic Sea and Eastern Europe in the far north of Islamic Republic of Iran.” It is noteworthy to mention regarding the research background, that despite a general lack of geopolitical studies on NATO in domestic literature; a lack of research and studies focusing on its new approaches based on different regions and countries is strongly felt.

The type of research is fundamental. The method of data collection is library resources and documentary research while the data analysis method is deductive reasoning and the data evaluation approach is based on critical rationality.

In a geopolitical clarification, NATO is expanding its territory; in other words, NATO is trying to expand its geographical value outside the region to preserve and expand the sovereignty of liberal values of democracy and the free market; as the driving force behind the contemporary global order and this means territoriality. Accordingly, the review of NATO's documents and performance and its leaders’ speeches show that they have adopted approaches to this end, which include: A: Expansion of official political boundaries B: Expansion of participatory political boundaries C: Defense and security cooperation D: Expansion of organizational and administrative offices Conclusion The planning and operation of NATO's territorialization and territoriality projects as a military-security institution that pursues the protection of liberal values of democracy and the free market, which is in clear contradiction to the slogans and objectives of the Islamic Revolution of Islamic Republic of Iran; communicates the fact that these agendas are manifestly in conflict with the discourse of the Islamic Republic as well as the geopolitical territorialization of our country. It is evident that neighboring this organization, which is not only present on the northern borders of Islamic Republic of Iran, but also on the eastern, southern and western borders, has its consequences for Islamic Republic of Iran's national security. Given these interpretations, the expansion of NATO's sphere of influence in the geopolitical areas of Russia, the Baltic region, the Black Sea and Eastern Europe, although above-mentioned areas do not share a common border with our country, even so, our country’s national security faces serious challenges in different dimensions. - Political consequences - Trade and economic consequences - Military and security implications - Cultural and social consequences Finally, the authors recommend that attention be paid to the national security of the country so that the pertinent authorities show more attention and supervision to the consequences of the organization's geopolitical territorialization and therefore the following operational proposals are presented in this regard: - Bilateral and multilateral talks with NATO official and unofficial members located on the northern borders of Islamic Republic of Iran on the subject of “The damages of NATO’s expansive territorialization to the national security of Islamic Republic of Iran and the challenges lying ahead of the bilateral or multilateral relations”; - Strengthening our security and intelligence presence in the countries of the northern region of Islamic Republic of Iran, in which NATO is active, with the aim of monitoring and observing the activities of this organization; - Holding specialized and international conferences on the issue of the damages of NATO's territorialization in the northern borders of Islamic Republic of Iran and its effect on increasing in the crises of Central Asia, the Caucasus and the Caspian region, and further efforts to introduce NATO and its multiple scientific, cultural, political, economical, military, social and artistic elements in Islamic Republic of Iran's scientific and academic literature has been seriously neglected.

Today, tourism is one of the most important industries contributing to sustainable development. This industry has created great cultural, social, and economic opportunities for metropolises. Abundant and diverse tourist attractions of Tehran have created a great capacity for this city in terms of tourism. However, this issue has been less investigated so far. Therefore, this study attempts to examine the opportunities and limitations of tourism development in Tehran. It also presents tourism development strategies for Tehran.

This study seeks to provide strategies for the tourism development of Tehran.

This research is descriptive-analytical. Data for this bibliographical research were collected through relevant literature, documents, and interviews. Data were analyzed using content analysis based on the SWOT model. The subjects of the research were experts of tourism, managers, and experts of organizations and institutions in charge of urban tourism in Tehran. The sample was selected through purposive sampling. The sampling procedure was stopped when the theoretical saturation was achieved. A total of 35 experts were interviewed.

Findings of this study show that developing urban tourism in Tehran requires considering different aspects. The most important strategies and suggestions presented in this article are as follows: Strengthening the will power of people and authorities for tourism development, thinking of tourism as networks, forming an integrated destination management system, improving tourism marketing, presenting and promoting a positive image of Tehran, fostering the culture of tourist hospitability and retention, increasing event capacity, and branding Tehran in tourism.

As the capital and largest city of Tehran, the metropolis of Tehran needs more efficient and efficient management. In the wide range of managerial proposals, centralized to decentralized approaches, the semi-centralized governance model is proposed and claimed. On the other hand, considering that the spatial distribution of power is the focus of changes that the semi-centralized model with its transformation will determine the possibility of transition to efficient management of Tehran, the present study, relying on it, tries to examine the spatial distribution of power. And its practical priorities in this metropolis. The main topic of this article is to present the priorities of spatial distribution of power for the management of the city of Tehran with a semi-centralized approach. In this regard, the main question of the research is that in the transition from the current centralized to semi-centralized model, the spatial distribution of power in Tehran, with what characteristics can be presented in the four dimensions of executive, judicial, legislative and security? In response to the main question of the research, the hypothesis is that "it seems that the separation of governance from local affairs in four dimensions: executive, judicial, security and legislative, is the most important priority of spatial distribution of power for governing Tehran in a semi-centralized model." . The research method is quantitative and, according to the purpose, practical and problem-solving type, and library and field methods have been used to collect information. The statistical population of this study includes 44 faculty members in the field of political geography at Tehran universities and senior managers of Tehran Municipality, whose minimum university degree is master's degree and sampling method, snowball and questionnaire measuring tool. The research findings provide the most important priorities of the Tehran city administration based on a semi-centralized approach with a focus on the spatial distribution of power in the legislative, executive, judicial and security dimensions of the metropolis of Tehran.

 During the Cold War, India adhered to the non-alignment strategy and got away from the two-bloc rivalries in Warsaw Pact and the NATO. But after the collapse of the Soviet, by activating its geopolitical capacities, this country has not only become an emerging power of the 21 century, but also by using strategy of globalization, has put convergence with international powers including NATO on its agenda. The relation of India and NATO and its impact on the national security of the Iran is the subject of the present article. The authors tried to answer this question: What is the effect of the expansion of the fields of cooperation between India and NATO on Iran’s national security? Hypothesis of the article is that by partnership with India as an emerging economic and technological power in the South Asia region, NATO is seeking security and expanding hegemony in the region with the aim of controlling Iran and China. This article has used a descriptive-analytical method. Also the authors have used library resources for data collection. The findings show that participation of NATO and India in three areas of the subject, environment and level simultaneously creates opportunities and threats for Iran’s national security.

During the Cold War, India adhered to the non-alignment strategy and got away from the two-bloc rivalries in Warsaw Pact and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). But after the collapse of the Soviet Union and change of the international environment, by activating its geopolitical capacities, this country has not only become an emerging power of the twenty-first century, but also by using strategy of globalization, has put convergence with superior international powers including NATO on its agenda. The relation of India and NATO and its impact on the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran is the subject of the present article. The authors tried to answer this question: What is the effect of the expansion of the fields of cooperation between India and NATO on Iran’s national security? Hypothesis of the article is that “by strengthening of strategic cooperation and partnership in the South Asia region with India as an emerging economic and technological power, NATO is seeking security and expanding hegemony in the region with the aim of controlling Iran and China.” This article has used a descriptive-analytical method. Also the authors have used library, internet, and media resources for data collection. The findings show that participation of NATO and India in three areas of the subject, environment and level simultaneously creates opportunities and threats for Iran’s national security.

This is a fundamental research whose data have been collected using library and Internet resources, media, and NATO documents. The method of analysis in this research is qualitative analysis due to its descriptive-analytical nature. Theoretical framework of the research is written based on the new security concept of NATO for the second decade of the twenty-first century and the subject of convergence.

If the relation of India and NATO is divided into three parts of the environment, level and subject, then some important dimensions of this relation will be clear that can affect the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The relation of India and NATO affects the environment of the Islamic Republic of Iran in far and near borders including Afghanistan, Pakistan, China, Russia and Central Asia. If close relation between India and NATO in Afghanistan provides stability and security to this country, it can be an opportunity for Iran’s national security. But at the same time promoting India’s political, economic and cultural approaches as a model of Western democracy and liberal democracy in the region will be one of the most important threats that the Islamic Republic of Iran will face with it. On the other hand, if the relation of India and NATO leads to the mediation of NATO and especially the United States in the relation of India and Pakistan, it will not only solve one of the most important historical problems of this geographic region, but will also lead to security and peace in Pakistan, which is directly related to interests and national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Now the political instability in Pakistan and the historical disagreements of India and Pakistan, which have led to armed peace between these two countries, are potential threats to Iran given the nuclear weapons of both countries, and especially the presence of numerous jihadist extremist groups in Pakistan. Finally, the growth of relations between NATO and India will provide an opportunity for India to expand its presence in the Central Asia more than before, because not only NATO and most Western organizations are pushing for promotion of democracy and free market approaches in the Central Asia, and in the meantime the best option is an Eastern democracy and successful economic system like India, but also India’s presence in Central Asia will be a major obstacle to the influence of the China, Japan, Russia and even Iran in this region. The presence of India on behalf of Western countries in Central Asia is not only a serious obstacle to the effective presence of the Islamic Republic of Iran in this region due to differences in political, economic, security and cultural perspectives, but also in practice prevents many geopolitical opportunities of Iran like transit and traffic. Also, the relations between India and NATO on the level affect the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran; the convergence of the two sides, which began in the fields of economics, military exercises, and logistics, nowadays is expanded to the security, intelligence, military and political dimensions, and the growth of this trend will add new dimensions to this convergence; the above mentioned cooperation continues strenuously. In this regard, Iran’s interests and national security will undoubtedly be endangered by the various dimensions existing at the level of relations between India and NATO. In this context, given the contrast between the interests and goals of Iran and NATO and numerous grounds of convergence between NATO and India, the growth of relations between these two actors will jeopardize the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Obviously, in case of membership of India in NATO or the official joining of this country in one of programs or plans of NATO, the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran will be endangered more than ever, because by these measures not only the territory of NATO formally enters the eastern borders of Iran, but also continuous cooperation of India to NATO as one of the main priorities for NATO membership or one of its plans will impose numerous political, security, economic and ... damages on the country. Moreover, NATO attempts to highlight differentiation points between India and Iran and to introduce Iran as a threatening country for the region and the world. This is a strategy that has been specifically emphasized in some of declarations of NATO.

Selection of numerous geopolitical strategies, including  globalization and development of neighborhood by India, and geopolitical strategies of presence outside the region and participation with emerging powers by NATO have made these two actors close partners in the second decade of the twenty-first century. The broad change in India’s approaches to foreign policy and new ideas of NATO about strategic concepts have provided the grounds for convergence of NATO and India, and both sides have entered into a new era of strategic relations in the form of convergence and participation. In the present article the authors have tried to examine these relations. It was said that although during the Cold War the immediate impact of the geopolitical factors had made the relations between India and NATO to be divergent, but with change in grand strategy of the two actors after the Cold War, nowadays these geopolitical factors again have caused convergence to be the most important characteristic of the relations between India and NATO. Although India has no relation with NATO in the form of formal membership or formal presence in strategic plans of NATO, but development of cooperation with NATO in the areas of combating terrorism and extremism, security of Afghanistan, security of energy, countering piracy, controlling China, presence in Central Asia and ..., are signs of formalizing this relation in the future. In this regard, the present article has examined the effects of this convergence on the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran and by introducing the relations of India and NATO in three main areas of the subject, environment and level, has described these areas. It was said that, by focus on the close relations of NATO and India, in addition to the many threats that can be conceived of because of the conflict between discourses of the Islamic Republic of Iran and NATO, the opportunities of this convergence should not be neglected. At the end, it is suggested that: 1) The authorities of the Islamic Republic of Iran should attach importance to the presence of NATO in all of the maritime and territorial borders of Iran, because this presence undoubtedly undermines the national security of Iran due to the conflict between discourses of NATO and Iran. Also by formal dialogues, scientific conferences and programs, and … the authorities of Iran can use capacities of India and other formal and informal partners of NATO that Iran has a better relationship with them. Instead of the strategies of silence or opposition, In the dialogues and conferences Iranian officials can talk with these countries about expansionist policies of NATO in the Southwest Asia and by using other capacities like Shanghai Cooperation Organization and a centralized and coherent strategic management can compete with NATO; and (2) by using existing opportunities and policies and by extracting and focusing on the needs and commonalities with India in bilateral and regional relations, authorities of Iran can prevent official membership of India in NATO.    

After the four decades, the Islamic Republic of Iran has used political and economic models that has left special influences in the geographical space of Iran according to the political thought embedded in it. However, the common point of all spatial patterns in the Islamic Republic of Iran has been activism within a completely centralized pattern. The increasing concentration of affairs in centralized political-spatial units causes shortcomings and inadequacies that disrupt the spatial distribution of justice and development at the same time; Because the political-spatial units that make up countries have a different and heterogeneous set of natural-human elements and factors. Hence, the issue of the form and process of spatial distribution of power in such units has always been a fundamental concern of geographers. Iran, as a political-spatial unit, has also struggled with the functional patterns of power distribution. In this regard, the present study with a descriptive-analytical method has investigated the feasibility of using the semi-centralized model of local government for the optimal distribution of power within the judiciary and security in Iran. The results show that by doubling the spatial distribution of power in Iran into two parts of local affairs and governance, a logical framework for the application of each of these two parts emerges. In judicial affairs, organizations such as the Registry of Deeds and Property, the Organization of Prisons and Security-Training Measures, the Center for Dispute Resolution Councils, and the Forensic Medicine Organization have an increasing capacity to delegate to local governments due to their service-welfare nature. In the field of security, the categories and organizations in the police force, such as the Passport Office, the Public Service Organization, categories of the Preventive Police and the Traffic Police, due to the preventive nature and services can be Delegate local affairs representatives.

The Mediterranean Basin is the name of a large area around the Mediterranean Sea. The basin includes the Mediterranean Sea and the continental regions near the coast of southern Europe, north Africa and the eastern Mediterranean. The most important part of the Mediterranean basin, located in the fragile belt of the Middle East, is the "Mediterranean East." This is the center of the rivalry of the three powers of Iran, Turkey and Saudi Arabia. Iran has focused on the Eastern Mediterranean since the beginning of the victory of the Islamic Revolution, and this region is one of the infiltrating centers of Iran. The three countries of Syria, Lebanon and occupied Palestine are the main geopolitical core of Iran in the eastern Mediterranean. In this research, the research methodology was descriptive-analytical and used to collect information from written sources and the Internet, in response to the question of what impact the East Mediterranean has on Iran's geopolitical abstraction in Southwest Asia? It can be said that the Eastern Mediterranean has an important role in the geopolitical exploitation of Iran in Southwest Asia and, ultimately, its leadership over the Islamic world. The findings of the study indicate that the position of the Eastern Mediterranean on the Mediterranean coast, located at the crossroads of the three continents, the proximity to the Straits of Gibraltar and the Suez, the existence of Shiite minorities in Syria and Lebanon, only countries close to Iran adopts regional and global policies, Iran's geopolitical supplements in domination of the central part of the Islamic world, the route of energy transfer between Iran and Iraq to Europe and, finally, Iran's embankment in confronting Israel are important geopolitical factors that make regional policy in the East Mediterranean justify. Therefore, it can be said that Iran's geopolitical erosion in the Eastern Mediterranean is realistic and in line with the national interests of Iran.

The Muslim Brotherhood began as a political-social movement in 1928 by Hasan al-Banna in Egypt. Despite the fact that the Muslim Brotherhood is an Egyptian organization, the essence of this ideology, based on territory, a nation, and divine sovereignty, gave it transnational motives on a regional and global scale. In order to be able to achieve its ultimate goal, the Brotherhood sought to build a territory in the political geography of the Islamic world, and thus, in the late 1930s, it began to establish ties with Islamist enthusiasts in the Arabic and Islamic world. Using a descriptive-analytic research design, this study aimed to determine factor motivating the territory building activities by the Muslim Brotherhood in the political geography of the Muslim world. The results indicated that such activities were motivated by the ideological beliefs of this Islamic movement to awaken the Islamic Ummah and defend the greatness of Islam and Muslims.The findings of this study also indicated that the collapse of the Ottoman caliphate, the domination of the colonialists over the Islamic countries, their oppression to the Muslims, the establishment of the regime of Israel, and also political tyranny in Islamic countries were among the factors that strongly influenced the Muslim Brotherhood and forced them to react to the turbulent conditions of the Islamic world. Therefore, the territory building activities by the Muslim Brotherhood in the Muslim world can be considered in the context of Islamic awakening movement and unity and convergence in the Muslim world based on the teachings of Salafi Islam promoted by Seyyed Jamal al-Din Asadabadi.IntroductionAt the end of the First World War, the Ottoman Empire collapsed and Britain and France began to divide the Ottoman Empire among themselves, each dominating a part of Southwest Asia. Aside from Iraq, Jordan and Palestine, which were occupied by the Britain, and Syria and Lebanon that were given to France, the rest of the Ottoman territories, including Egypt, have become the focal point of rivalry among the colonial powers. Apart from the colonial powers and governments, which have always been a constant force for the territory building in the Muslim world, ideologies are among other actors motivating the territory building activities. One of these actors is the "Muslim Brotherhood" that was established by Hassan al-Banna in 1928, and has been taking considerable efforts for the territory building, especially in the West and Southwest Asia, despite its failure in Egypt (2013). This study was motivated by the role of this ideology in the territory building and regional competitions, because the Turkish government is now using this ideology in line with its “Neo-Ottomanism” tendencies.MethodologyA descriptive-analytical method was employed in this study. The data were collected using a library method from different books, articles, first hand and Internet resources in three phases: first, identifying relevant and relevant resources, identifying and extracting important materials by note taking, and finally collecting and processing them. And set. By examining the role, the presence, and influence of the Muslim Brotherhood's ideology on different national scales, the main question addressed in this study is: What factors have motivated the territory building activities by the Muslim Brotherhood in the political geography of the Muslim world? Based on the methodology taken in this study and according to the theory of territory building, it seems that such activities can be attributed to ideological beliefs of this Islamic movement to defend the greatness of Islam and Muslims.Results and discussionWith the collapse of the Ottoman caliphate, colonial powers dominated Islamic countries. The rulers of the Islamic countries did not have a strong will not handle the affairs of their country, and the colonial countries treated the people as they wished. The cruelty and oppression of the colonialists against peoples of the Islamic nations were so intense that the anger of Muslim people and intellectuals was provoked. One of these Muslim intellectuals was Hasan al-Banna from Egypt. He believed that the whole world of Islam is a single homeland, all Muslims, a nation that must be based on the rule of divine law. In 1928, al-Banna established the Muslim Brotherhood in response to the oppression of French companies against Egyptian workers. After a while, the Brotherhood became a widespread ideology in Egypt. This movement had some clash and conflicts with Israel, Gamal Abdel Nasser, Anwar Sadat, and Hosni Mubarak. With the advent of the Arab Spring which was followed by the Egyptian Revolution (2011), Mubarak was overthrown and the Brotherhood rose to power after years of struggle, but their rule was short and they were overthrown in 2013. The Brotherhood’s dominance has been developed on a regional and global scale. But their territory building activities were not uniform and concurrent outside the borders of Egypt. In the early 1930s, the Muslim Brotherhood established the “International Organization of the Muslim Brotherhood”. This organization, beyond the Islamic world, sought to spread its influence in Europe. After the dissolution of the Brotherhood by Nasser, this organization played an important role in connecting the Brotherhood branches.ConclusionThe Muslim Brotherhood was founded in response to the developments in the Islamic world. This movement also developed its power beyond national borders in pursuit of their goals such is the Islamic awakening and the defense of the greatness of Islam and Muslims, and launched a territory building campaign on a regional scale. The Brotherhood also sought a sphere of influence on a global scale to advance its goals and plans. Therefore, the Muslim Brotherhood established the International Organization of the Muslim Brotherhood in the 1930s to create and enhance coordination and communication between the branches of the Muslim Brotherhood. Therefore, the territory building activities by the Muslim Brotherhood in the Muslim world can be considered in the context of Islamic awakening movement and unity and convergence in the Muslim world based on the teachings of Salafi Islam promoted by Seyyed Jamal al-Din Asadabadi.

The spatial distribution of political-executive power in countries has different patterns with its weaknesses and strengths. In Iran, a centralized simple model is used; This type of system caused the national unity and cohesion of the country  in the first decade of the Islamic Revolution, but now, it seems has gradually become an effecting deterrent factor for the country's progress and development due to extensive changes and transformations. The main question of this research is what are the most important disadvantages that a centralized simple system has caused to the country? And what is the severity of these? Based on the finding of this study conducted in the descriptive-analytical method with the participation of 185 academic and executive elites of the country, 10 thematic axes were identified and prioritized as the most important disadvantages of a centralized simple system. These were assessed in a one-sample t-test. The main disadvantages of the centralized simple system in the country are, Neglecting the requirements of local characteristics (t:33.00); neglecting of legal and legislative capacities (t:24.00), inefficiency of administrative-bureaucratic system (t:24.00), spatial injustice and unbalanced development (t:23.00), incomplete participation of people in Local Government Office (t:23.00), non-segregation of activities and responsibilities (t:22.00), irresponsibility, lack of belonging sense and accountability of local officials (t:22.00), pressure on the central government (t:21.00), Lack of development of parties(t:16.00), Continuation of authoritarian and flattering political culture (t:14.00). It seems that the Islamic Republic of Iran has to pay enough attention to these disadvantages in order to progress and develop faster. It has to smooth the way for the excellence of society by changing the level of concentration in the context of a decentralized simple system.

The worn out tissues are mainly the core of the city, which over time has not been able to match the accelerated growth of modernism. One of the most challenging topics in recent years is the issue of urban regeneration in management. The present research is applied in terms of the purpose of development and in terms of descriptive-analytical methodology based on library studies and field studies. In the meanwhile, for determining the condition of the worn texture and achieving the research objectives, the indicators of the structure, material, and number of floors, granularity, building age, penetrability and quality of the building were extracted. In order to explore the process of the model in order to influence the selected indices on regeneration in the worn out texture of the geographic spatial regression tool (GWR) as well as to weigh the studied indices and spatial data from self spatial correlation, the Generate Spatial Weights Matrix used in ArcGis software. In order to investigate the human casualties model and the spatial distribution of casualties in the trapped area of the 12th zone (Norouzi, Melville and Salmons), we used the methods. The results of the trend section of the model in determining the classification of regeneration indices in the worn out texture show that the highest coefficient among the factors affecting the reconstruction of the body of worn out texture is the structural skeleton indices and the number of floors with a coefficient of 0.96 and 0.94, 0 and the lowest coefficient is related to the index of unit number with a coefficient of 0.71. The study of human casualty model showed that 35971 people with M3 coefficient are in the status of occupied residents in collapsed buildings. Also, in other situations, the number of 10,684 people with M4d mortality in the immediate aftermath of the collapse were reported.

Introduction and Background: The complications and problems of urban areas worn out are multifaceted and multidimensional in nature, and in each case they occur in a particular way. The decline in social and economic status, and the functional and physical dislocation of these tissues, together with the very severe deterioration in the quality of the urban environment, are among the reasons why policymakers and urban planners are required to provide management strategies and solutions in the face of related problems and challenges. One of these new approaches is the regeneration approach within the framework of urban governance. The purpose of this study is to assess the urban governance status in the process of rehabilitating urban environment of the 12th district of Tehran. This paper attempts to answer the question of how is the status of indexes dominated by the urban depreciated texture and also to evaluate the influence of governance on urban regeneration of urban old texture. Research method is descriptive-analytical and in terms of purpose, is developmental. The unit of analysis is considered the head of household. The sample size was determined using the Cochran formula which is 383 people. To define the sample, random sampling was used at district level according to the number of inhabitants.
Library and field methods have been used to collect the required information. A questionnaire was used to collect field information. Descriptive and inferential statistics were used for analysis. Results show that among the indicators of urban governance, the index of justice and effectiveness and efficiency are the most, and the indicators of accountability and strategic insight have the lowest rank. In general, urban governance indicators in the 12th municipality district of Tehran are at a lower than average level. Also, governance is affected more from physical, economic and social indicators comparing to cultural and environmental indicators.

Introduction: In the urban system of developing countries, due to differences in the political, social and economic structure of these countries, the spatial distribution of population and the distribution of urban activities and services have been carried out unbalanced and unequal. In our country, the phenomenon of inequality in the distribution of urban resources and facilities has been shaped by the escalation of false urbanization along with the socio-political and economic developments.
Today, in urban planning system, in order to avoiding interference between land uses and also availability of these services in each region to residuals, land use and public services tend to centralization and aggregation pattern in certain regions of the city.
In Sanandaj, relatively high aggregation of administrative, political, economic, and service providing organizations and its surrounding areas resulted in high population and consequently incidence of spatial effects such as inappropriate physical growth of the city and increase illegal settlement phenomenon in some parts of the city and also spatial distribution of urban land uses in the city has been unbalanced. In these cases, urban development plans organize the land use system conduct the city to specialize activities and segregate some of in certain regions of the city that withdraw land uses and functional zoning from traditional, physical, and deterministic approach.
Main purpose of this paper is evaluation and studying the polarization process of urban land uses in order to specialize functions and systematic spatial development of urban activities in accordance with different socio-spatial structures between different regions and urban areas based on the suggestions of urban development plans. This research from the materials and method is descriptive-analytic. The method used to carry out research-given that this is an applied research in order to explore relations between variables and phenomena and also solving existing problems or impasses in spatial and physical development of Sanandaj is as follows: We assessed land uses aggregation in Sanandaj by using formal data and statistics and also apply statistical methods and LQ. At this stage, we use statistical methods and spatial coefficient model to analysis data as well as we use Arc View and Arc GIS software to draw up the required maps. we act based on the Shannon entropy model in order to analyze the spatial distribution pattern of land use in Sanandaj city. Based on the calculations, Shannon's entropy coefficient has been changed from -1.511 to -1.569, for commercial uses which indicates a relative increase in Shannon and shows spiral and diffused development of this activity. Significant changes have occurred in academic services and an increase in coefficient Shannon from -0.843 to -1.208 indicates that this use not tends to be aggregate and centralized. The Shannon entropy for medical uses decreased from -1.420 to -1.165, that indicates an intense and centralization in this function at some regions of Sanandaj.
Regarding workshop industries, calculations show that the Shannon entropy coefficient for these activities has increased from -1.180 to zero, indicating a high centralization and aggregation of these functions. The LQ index or spatial portion is one of the models that illustrates the spatial distribution of urban utilities and their degree of specialization and polarization.
According to the calculations, the workshops and medical uses have the highest aggregation in region 1 of Sanandaj, and in the region 2, military and tourism uses are high aggregated, as well as facilities and equipment, and academic and profession services, have the highest level of aggregation and centralization at region 3.
According to the calculation of LQ range, industrial and workshops uses, academic services, urban facilities, equipments and healthcare in 2004, with LQ values were (0.09-2.80), (0.10-2.61), (1.77-2.61) and (0-2.45) have the highest amount of specialization or centralization among other activities, and the general education, governmental, police and residential uses have the lowest indexes respectively with (0.83-1.06), (0.50-1.23) and (0.61-1.37). According to the Sanandaj General Master Plan, which prepared by Tadbir Shahr consulting Co. in 2005, industrial and workshop uses, transportation and depots, healthcare, exhibition and shopping centers respectively has LQ amount by (0-7.55) (0-6.15), (1.46-4.35), and (0-3.10) will have highest centralization up to 2015 (Ofogh Tarh) and in case of realization suggested uses, the public education, residential, governmental, and police uses will have lowest centralization amount respectively by (0.88-1.23), (0.58- 1.32) and (0.44-1.34). In general, comparing the proposed land use pattern in the development plan (comprehensive) in Sanandaj with the current pattern of urban land use, shows the tendency to centrifugal and polarization of urban functions. The transfer of military, industrial, transportation and depots uses from different parts of the city to the suburbs and even outside the city, the ecological separation lower classes of society on the northern and eastern suburbs of the city and even the Ghafour hill region in the interior of the old city versus the residence of middle and high class people in modern city buildings which is mainly observed in the southern parts of the city can be seen. Also tendency to move governmental, police center, municipal facilities and equipments, shopping centers, and exhibition from downtown to streets around the city are from the items that led to providing similarities between urban ecological and morphological structure with sector pattern. Formation of new cores such as university centers (Kurdistan universities, medical sciences and Teacher Training), service centers, such as terminals and military centers, as well as old villages such as Haji Abad that entered into the urban area, all indicate the similarity of Sanandaj spatial construction with the multi-core model of Haris and Ulman.
Keywords: Spatial development, polarization, Shannon entropy, LQ coefficient, Sanandaj city.

On the international arena, countries are seeking increased power and exerting influence over other countries in order to impose their own wills over them only to get to their intended interests. Sometimes, this struggle of power takes on a harsh face, and evolves into a total war. Having this in mind, the scientists of politics and geopolitics have been making their efforts to determine the factors that generate power for countries, as well as measure the extent to which they have power in relation to each other, particularly in the field of military power, in which the result of the efforts made by the scientists has been the definition of various formulas for measuring the countries’ power including military power. This article tries, in the process of conducting fundamental-applied research, to study the formulas and the definitions presented for measuring power in addition to using the library resources, and to establish, by using the descriptive-analytical method, whether or not a country’s power can be assessed in relation to another country by using those formulas in the real world. The researchers finally concluded that the available formulas are unlikely to carefully assess a country’s power over that of another country, hense setting forth the following formula by referencing to the conducted researches:MP= UP.NP/100(AP+GP+SP+PP+RP+ARP+HFP)+NW±WW+NDT+NWG

The study of cities resilience against earthquakes is one of the requirements for planning to reduce damages, fatalities, and financial losses due to earthquakes. Resilience has many definitions and there is no a comprehensive model for calculating; Therefore, this paper aims to provide a quantitative indicator for resilience. First, effective indicators and dimensions in resilience of cities against earthquake were extracted by using library studies and obtaining experts opinions. Then, the weight of each dimension and indicator was determined based on expert judgment and paired comparison method and finally, the resilience index was introduced. Findings: In this paper, while introducing a summary of disaster definitions and resilience, the dimensions and indices obtained from previous studies and expert opinions were introduced. These dimensions and indicators represent the factors influencing urban resilience against earthquakes. Accordingly, the urban fabric dimension, which represents the city structure, plays a major role in the resilience of the city against earthquakes, after which the security dimension is the most important factor in resilience of the city. Regarding the indexes, in the physical dimension, the "building height / passage width ratio" index has the most impact on the resilience of the earthquake against the earthquake in experts’ opinions. The number of building floors has little impact and does not matter much about vulnerability in case of using proper structure, sufficient space, and easy access to the passages. The results show that the introduced index for different cities, as well as various strategies for retrofitting and increasing resilience can be calculated and make it possible to choose an optimal strategy for increasing resilience. It is also possible for planners and decision makers to observe the effects of different sections on the resilience of the city or region under study.

IntroductionSince the end of the Second World War, the development paradigm has become the dominant discourse in the world. During the more than 6 decades that the concept of development discourse has been dominant, many theoretical and practical developments have accompanied it. First, attention was solely paid on economic development and nature was considered as a facilitator of economic growth. However, it was gradually recognized that development with this economic growth approach changes the natural systems of the planet and leads to numerous environmental hazards that can threaten the economic and political systems of countries. Therefore, it is very possible for a political entity to attain the development, but sustained development will be faced with serious doubts because environmental aspects are ignored. Therefore, the concept of sustainable development replaced development.
MethodologyGiven the above- mentioned approach, this descriptive-analytic research examined the relationship between Development Programs and the environmental problems with Urmia Lake as a case example. To do this, an analytic and explanatory method, the accumulation of data and the existing literature have been adopted to carry out a library and document-based research.
DiscussionUrmia Lake, located in the northwestern part of Iran, is one of the salt over-saturated lakes in the world. This lake was introduced as a Biosphere Reserve to UNESCO’s program of Man and the Biosphere and was included in the list of the Wetlands of this Convention on Wetlands of International Importance (Ramsar-1971). The water level in Urmia Lake was at its highest in 1995 and then, since 1995 up to 2012, it has declined more than seven meters. A review of other studies shows that although climate change and particularly evaporation increment are significant agents in decreasing the water level, the main causes of drying up the lake have been anthropogenic factors. For example, Lak, Darvishi Khatooni and Mohammadi (2011) suggested that although Iran has experienced a long-term drought since 13000 years ago up to now, Urmia Lake has never experienced dryness except in coastal areas and the main part of the lake has had lacustrine environment for 13000 years. On the other hand, according to Jamali, Sharifi, and Pourmand (2013), climate change never affects a single point selectively, and the performance of these changes is always on an extensive scale. The dramatic decrease in the water level of Lake Urmia has not been observed in the neighboring lakes such as the Sevan Lake in Armenia and Lake Van in Turkey. Therefore, the National Development Programs as well as development plans in the Urmia Lake Basin as human factors influencing the current situation and the environmental problems of Lake Urmia have been analyzed in this research. At present there are about 95 dams in the Urmia Lake Basin, 57 of which are operational, nine are under construction, and 29 are in the study phase. Moreover, water utilization has increased very rapidly in the past two decades and has depleted more than 90 percent of the water in the aquifers. The agriculture sector is the most important consumer of the water in this Basin and has experienced remarkable changes during the last three decades. So, The Development Programs have been one of the main reasons for the drying up of the Lake. The consequences resulting from the implementation of Development Plans in the Urmia Lake basin and drying the Lake are mainly the disruption of the biodiversity in the region, increased salinity, soil erosion, pollution of water sources, salt dust, and weather changes in the region that can threaten the sustainability of the development.
ConclusionThe analysis of the planning process and Development Programs in Iran shows that the patterns of development in Iran have always been based on economic growth which allows for achieving other economic and social goals. So, environmental resources have been considered as the foundation of national wealth and economic growth facilitator. Development with the economic growth approach has led to numerous environmental problems in the country of which Lake Urmia is an example. Therefore, it is possible for a political entity to attain development, but sustained development will be faced with serious doubts because environmental aspects are ignored.

The term “state” owing to its simultaneous presence in two epistemological and scientific fields named political science and political geography has assumed multiple meanings, applications, natures and synonyms, in a way that it has stirred a kind of chaos and lack of consensus, especially among political geographers. According to various texts, “state” is an abstract entity, intertwined with a selection of notions, values, and thoughts concerning human and spatial issues. Accordingly, the present research tries to analyze the spatial-philosophical aspects of the word “ state” and answer the question as to the reasons why this word has gained varied and sometimes contradictory synonyms and meanings (especially in the fields of political science and political geography in Iran).
In terms of collecting the data, the present research is a qualitative one, and in terms of its nature is regarded as a foundational research. With respect to the method of processing and interpreting the data, Meta-analysis has been used. Meta-analysis is a collection of methods used to resolve the contradictions created by researches conducted concerning a single topic. Meta-analysis converts the findings of various researches to a joint scale, investigates the relation among research specifics and the findings and finally, proposes an overarching suggestion for converging the studies. The present research, in line with its objective which concerns the investigation of divergences and conceptual, theoretical and semantic contradictions of the term “state” among political geography’s thinkers and theoreticians and its attempt to bring viewpoints, in an overarching manner, together can be categorized as a meta-analysis.
Every concept in geography, considering the comprehensive and holistic epistemological nature of this science, gains a “comprehensive and universal “feature, where no other rational trajectory neither can nor should be traversed, before unwinding the interwoven elements and components of this twisted skein. Nonetheless, it seems that any attempt to resolve such a conflict would be irrational. The only rational thing remains paying attention to the “spatial, comprehensive, holistic and multiplicity” basis in geographical concepts which stem from its epistemology. It seems that incorporation of spatial, geographical structures and factors such as “ land”, “ country”, “ nation”, “ regime” and “ governance” have paved the way for its plurality of sense and profusion of meaning, to the degree that meanings and concepts of “state” are closer to reality that in addition to structure-agency views, incorporate “spatial” and “holistic geographic” views.
So on the basis of the epistemological feature of geography (to which political geography belongs) the conceptual expansion and long range of inclusiveness in political geography is neither too surprising nor paradoxical. The word “state” contains simultaneous and multifold other meanings such as “ land”, “ government” , “ governance” and “ people” and unless these elements are included and combined in creating a whole, we cannot use the word “state” for it. Thus, only when the biologic and cultural feature specific to humans, i.e. territoriality, adopts a national (concerning a population with a given and fixed identity) and political (a country, when all the elements of the administration, governance, execution and management or government are organized) quality can it represent a word called “state” in the political geography.
State is an abstract concept, intertwined with a collection of concepts, values, and thoughts regarding human and spatial issues and owing to its simultaneous presence in two disparate epistemological and scientific fields called political science and political geography it has assumed multiple meanings, applications, natures and synonyms. The word state, in its general sense, has a meaning of “condition” and “situation”. This concept, in order to materialize in the fields under discussion, has no other way than to be manifested in its material components. Among the components of “state”, the concepts of nation, regime, and country has been used, many times, interchangeably thus causing multiple meanings for the concept of “state” such as country, regime, administrative, executive branch and etc. The findings of this research indicate that each of these concepts (country, regime and nation), in different situations where the concept of “state” can be situated, can carry its semantic features. For instance, when there is a geographical and territorial understanding of “state” , it comes very close to the concept of “country” and when its administrative-executive aspect is intended, it referrers to the government .So, the profusion of the meanings of “state” is not in contradiction with its main sense. To put it simply, “state” in some situations is synonymous with country and in others with government or political society. This does not damage its abstract and main meaning, since without these components, “state” has no meaning and in order to become materialized and manifest in various situations, it is dependent upon its constituent elements.