محمدعلی رنجبر

Forsat Shirazi is a familiar face among the elites of Fars amid the constitutional era. Numerous written works, involving journalism and presence in the field of management of nascent institutions such as education and Fars judiciary, provide the possibility to identify his thought system. Two important elements of the thought system are the opportunity of tradition and modernity. Here, tradition refers to the repeated popular methods and practices that are institutionalized and Modernity refers to the approaches and achievements of the Western bourgeois civilization, which is settled in various fields with constitutionalism. Since creating a balance by choosing one of these two cases has been a strong difference in the elite society. This research intends to examine how it is in the thoughts of Forsat Shirazi. To reach this aim, the conceptualization of these two categories and the ratio of these two in the thought and practice of opportunity are followed in the writing. The findings indicate a balanced way of approaching these two fields. In thought and practice, he considers accompanying modernity as a historical necessity but this approach does not open the way to conflict with tradition and accepts the Qajar political structure after the constitution and the role of religion as The most important element of the period of tradition is kept in his personal life until the end of his life and as long as it is placed in the framework of the constitutional law and is accepted in social life as well.

The establishment of commercial companies in the Qajar period (1344-1210 A. H), from the perspective of their owners, was not only considered an economic measure; Rather, in the conditions of the 19th century when Iranian businessmen were facing the commercial monopoly of European companies, it pursued broad political, social and even cultural goals. The most important of these companies was Jamshidian trading center, which had branches in Bushehr and Shiraz in the field of exchange. In addition to Jamshidian trading center, there were other trading places in Fars province active in buying and selling currency. Iran's trading company, the merchants of Bushehr's company and Mohammad Reza Kazerooni and Sons' company were among the companies active in Fars. Fars Trading Company was also established in Shiraz under the management of Abdol Rahim Shirazi. The introduction of these companies and the explanation of their internal and external challenges during their establishment and activity is a problem that this article seeks to explain relying on the descriptive-analytical approach as well as the primary sources. The findings of the research show that the failures of the colonialist banks, the opposition of the rulers, and the lack of support of the central governments from the Iranian commercial companies in Fars, caused some problems for them, and finally, it led to their bankruptcy.

With the constitutional decree in 1906 until the end of the Qajar period, which we refer to as the constitutional era, five parliaments of the National Assembly were formed in Iran and the minutes of the parliaments of this era reflected some of the conditions of Iran at that time. This research, which has been written by descriptive and analytical methods, shows that the negotiations of the first and second parliaments of the National Assembly have been influenced by the events of the constitution and the constitutional movement, and this can be seen in the details of these negotiations regarding music. The diversity of music discussions in the first and second parliaments of the National Assembly was greater than in the other five parliaments of the constitutional era; in a ranking, the number of music-related political issues is in the first place and the number of economic ones is in the second place. Many of the negotiations were not about music, but it has been used as an example and for persuading other members of the parliament in their speeches. The proposal to ban the phonograph and the issue of the phonograph and instrument in the privacy of houses was raised in the second and fourth parliaments, which represented the conflict of opinions and the Assembly's capacity for a dialogue on this subject.

Developments in Europe in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries led to the development of world trade and the competition of powerful countries for new markets and an increased supply of raw materials; Under these conditions, Iran was assessed by Britain and Russia in terms of its geographical and political position, and Iran's relations with these two countries increased. due to the special location of the province of Fars, which covers most of the coast of the Persian Gulf and has back trade routes, representatives of foreign companies and government consulates, including Britain and Russia, were present in this province. this article discusses the activities of British and Russian trading companies and their influence in the Persian province. Companies such as Ziegler, Gary Paul, David Sassoon, the Russian Merchant Shipping Company, the Iran-Russia Commercial Complex and the Nikola Avaginians Trading House are included in this reseach study.The findings show that, the variety of business activities of foreign companies serves the export of products such as sheep, animal oil, sheepskin and lamb, in addition to the needs of the two powers in new markets and raw materials in the England and Russia. negative effects on society, among which are the high price of meat and popular protests against it. Iranian merchants set up local companies and firms to deal with foreign companies. however, in the end, the provocations of the Imperial Bank and foreign interference did not allow Iran to enter foreign markets and develop local trading companies.

The Inallus are among the Turk tribes that played a special role in the government of the Mamalik of Syria and after joining the Safavi, as Shamloo Ghezelbashs, one of them became the governor of the Chadegan region and then his descendants until the Pahlavi period as the governor and the political elite, the local military had many economic and cultural activities such as the creation of mourning ceremonies in the first decade of Muharram. In this regard, the important issue that the present article addresses is "What role did the Inallus play in launching and continuing the Ghameh zani ceremony in the Chadegan?" which in this article are studied in the current and the period of Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi, that is compared and analyzed with the information presented in the travelogues of Safavi period tourists to investigate the history of the Ghameh zani. The findings of the research indicate that the Ghameh zani of the Chadegan in the contemporary period is very similar to the Safavi period, and the more we go back to the previous periods, the more prominent the role of the Inallus in holding the ceremony. Therefore, the continuation of the four hundred year rule of the Inallus in the Chadegan, caused the continuation of the Ghameh zani in the Chadegan and the centrality of the Inallus in holding ceremonies from the Safavi period, opening a hole to the dark background of the Ghameh zani, in the records and origins of the Ghezelbashs, before entering Iran.

At the beginning of the implementation of compulsory military service, Fars state faced some drawbacks and a lack of coordination among civil and martial units. Such as the lack of details of the participants and the lack of unity of procedure between executive organs. On the other hand,in order to centralize and perform the modern army, Reza Shah emphasized the implementation of this law. Therefore, compulsory military service faced some conflicts. This study is compiled based on a descriptive-analytic model and documentary- library resources. The main question of this article is about the challenges that Reza shah government had to encounter in order to execute a mandatory system ،and also about the solution to solve them, and finally the result of those approaches. The results show that despite the lack of coordination among the different parts of the state and formational drawbacks in performing compulsive military service, no relinquishment or disappointment was seen in governmental sectors. To stop this profligacy and prevent pluralism, and confront the center of influence of the influential, dealing with evil and insecurity. Reza Shah used all martial and administrative capacities. Compulsive military service was one of those capacities. The pertinacity of the authorities resulted in a gradual decrease in flaws and obstacles in Fars. As well as this, organizations such as state birth certificates also came into existence. Only socially speaking, some people created a challenge for the government offices as they did not accept the compulsive military service.

The problem of categorization in the study of the social history of daily life Traditional historiography studies on great men's lives and the relations between power and politics, categorization has not been directly approached methodologically with social- demographic criteria. However, the emergence of contemporary social-history and especially the prevalence of daily-life studies in this area, has shed new lights on Categorization. The mentioned subject gained a high level of importance in both demographic issues and the relation between demography and social-history subjects. The aim of this study, is to explain the methodological importance of categorization in social-history, by comparing selected categorizations in several daily-life of research The main question is how daily-life researchers have selected and organized the categories of their work, according to or under the influence of what factors; Also, is it possible to provide a single categorization method for all historical periods with different geographical and cultural coordinates? historians, relying on hermeneutic methods and also taking into account the political, social, cultural and historical conditions of each period and the variables under study, have made a proportional categorization. In this study, by comparing selected categorizations in some researches on daily life's history in the West and Iran, we have documented the method of categorization while finding out the logic and criterion behind them to make sense of these categorizations. What we have found in this study, is that the author’s research status, intention, requirements, and priorities of a category in each historical determine their approach to categorization.

The establishment of the Safavid dynasty with its Shia religion in 906 A.H brought about excitation and anger in its powerful and Sunnite Ottoman Empire. This Ottoman Turks were eager to conquer Muslim world, so they considered this new Safavid dynasty as an impediment in realization of their favorable purpose. In addition to religious differences which existed between these two dynasties, territorial expansion policies which were adopted by those Turks caused sanguineous confrontations between these two countries. These confrontations were continued until overthrow of Safavid dynasty. These political and ideological differences wasted military and economic resources of these two countries and gave direction to their internal and external policy, as well.

This study has been done by historical method, by which historical texts and new relevant studies are investigated by reference to libraries and database necessary evidence are gathered for conducting this study. The next step is allocated to critical analysis of those documents which are organized with descriptive-analytic and used for the final version of the research.

The Turks conquered the religious centers of Iraq; so, they benefit it for resisting against their rival. These Turks abused hearty devotion of Persian pilgrims for making the pilgrimages in these religious centers of the Mesopotamia region by taking considerable amount of money from those pilgrims with different pretexts .They also treated them with a manner that hurt the dignity of Shiites and Iranians. Since Persian pilgrims must pay the expenses and the shares of Ottoman officers with golden coins, which were scarce in the territories of the Safavid dynasty; so, this event would greatly affect the local market and foreign trade and the harmful economic outcomes which were caused by these pilgrimages became more severe afterwards. On the other hand, these financial resources which were achieved by those Turks reinforced economic and military potency of the Turks and it was not a pleasant matter for the Safavid dynasty, as well. Actually they witnessed the transition of the large amount of gold from the Safavid territory to the Ottoman Empire that weakened economical potency of the Safavids, and these resources were achieved by their competitor and used for the improvement and development of their economic and military potency. However, there was not any practical measure for confronting these proceedings until the coronation of Shāh Abbās the Great, who changed these conditions. Shāh Abbās was a great and mighty king of the Safavid dynasty with a religious characteristic, though this king took different measures regarding religion and the religious policy. Shāh Abbās considered political and economic interests of the Safavids in his relations with religious minorities. Thus, because of this characteristic and despite of his great respect to the twelve imams, this great king took an appropriate measure to resolve the transitional issues of Persian pilgrimages, as well as  its economic outcomes in the religious cities of the Mesopotamia region.  This mighty king considered restrictive regulations for the Persian pilgrims in their visit to those shrines in Mesopotamia region. According to these rules, the pilgrimages that were eager to go to this region must have payed an amount to the Safavid court for issuing a permission, in addition to the expenses and prices which were received by the Ottoman Turks. As the majorities of pilgrims had financial problems and were not able to pay the court’s expense, which was an additional payment besides the huge expense and price of the pilgrimage itself, there was a considerable reduction in this kind of pilgrimage. However, this circumstance brought about dissatisfaction in the pilgrims who considered the cruel politics of the kings as the barriers of their desire and wish. On the other hand, there was no reaction from the clergies against these acts of the kings, since there was a settlement between them and government. Furthermore, Shāh Abbās motivated the peasantries to visit Imam Reza's shrine in Mashhad with his publicities and construction affairs. So, this mighty king made two essential proceedings in order to realize this purpose. The first was the construction of Imam Reza's shrine as well as the centers for the welfares and the services in a route that lead to Mashhad. On the other hand, this mighty king made some publicity affairs such as his several visits to Mashhad and consecrated an amount from his own properties to the development, improvement and rebuilding of this shrine and livelihood of its servants, as well. So, these proceedings developed the infrastructures both for the shrine and the city of Mashhad that were advantageous for reception of those Shia pilgrims and the importance of the pilgrimage visits to Mashhad were understood by the peasants with those publicities in turn. This mighty king has done several proceedings in constructions and development of this shrine and its infrastructure as well as the centers for the welfares and the services. In his several pilgrimages to Mashhad, he made the attempts to improve this shrine from its unorganized situation which was caused by Uzbek’s invasion so it was prepared for the visits of those pilgrims. According to this context, his proceedings can be studied in four different levels.  The first was the organization of the staff and servants of the shrine, the second was providing the required tools and instruments for this sacred place such as utensils and carpet, the third was providing water for the residents and the pilgrims as well as the improvement and expansion of the green spaces on the shrine’s site, and the forth was the extension and development of the inner space which was accomplished with the changes as well as the new aprons and porches. In addition to these improvements and development, he made some other developments in the infrstructure of Mashhad in order to facilitate the travel of the pilgrims in different regions and areas. One of these changes was the construction of a street that guided the pilgrims to shrine. This mighty and powerful king gave a considerable attention to the construction of the caravanserais in the route of the pilgrims to Mashhad as well as security and the centers for the services and the welfares such as the mosques, so there were more facilities for the travel of those pilgrims in Mashhad afterwards. In addition to those constructions, the publicities had a considerable role in the development of those aforementioned policies by this mighty king. This mighty king made several visits to Khorasan both in time of the wars or in his pilgrimage visits while he had done the affairs such as a long trek as well as the services in the shrine. These matters showed his sincerity to the Twelve Imams and inspired his own peasants, as well. In addition to consecration of property to this shrine that secured the expenses of the servants in this shrine, the importance for pilgrimage of this shrine increased among his peasants afterwards.   

These proceedings which were realized by this mighty king were accompanied with some favorable results afterward and he fulfilled his purposes partially in this context. In other words, these two essential proceedings made by this king for the reduction of economic loss accrued to the pilgrims in their visits  to the Atabat Al-Aliya,t such as the restrictive laws, the constructions and publicities caused a reduction in the visits of the pilgrims to the religious cities which were located in Mesopotamia before conquering Baghdad by the Safavids in 1032 A.H. Afterwards, those proceedings which were legislated by this king could not be performed anymore since Baghdad became a part of Safavid dynasty as a center of Shia

From the earliest days of the formation of human civilization, human beings have tried to keep things secret from others in various ways. Among these, riddles and conundrums are among the oldest, which include some traditions, customs and history of a society. In this article, it has been tried to explain briefly the position of this art or science in the Safavid period. In other words, it is going to answer this question: "What was the position of the science of riddle and conundrum in the Safavid era?" It seems that what continued as a riddle from the beginning to the end of the Safavid period (907-1148 AH) was an old tradition that became popular by writing of remained works of the past and was retained and accepted as a science, art and technology among the teachings and texts.

The Safavid period (1357-1907 AH) is one of the most durable and prominent periods in the history of Iran in the Islamic period due to the revival of the political authority of the government and the strengthening of the foundations of the Iranian government. This period marked the beginning of a new period in trade relations and ambassadors' travel to Iran due to international developments and geographical discoveries made by Westerners. Therefore, the process of developments and trade relations between Iran and Western countries, provided a platform for many tourists, including Chardin (1664) to travel to Iran. Among the tourists who traveled to Iran during the Safavid period, Chardin's works have special importance; Therefore, considering the importance of Safavid Iranian customs as one of the important elements of Iranian culture, this study, while examining the important examples of Safavid Iranian customs in Chardin's travelogue, seeks to answer this question: What are the aspects of Chardin's attitude in examining the origin and development of Safavid Iranian customs? Using Chardin's travelogue, the present study has classified and analyzed the customs of Safavid Iranians in two national and religious areas and examined the characteristics of Chardin's view in this field. The findings of the present study indicate that the characteristics of Chardin's attitude about the customs of Iranians in the Safavid period, based on the analysis and comparison of the above with the components of cultural elements and specifically the customs of contemporary European society in this period. (11th century AH) / Seventeenth AD) In addition, it has been determined that in Chardin's studies and attitudes about the national and religious customs of Iranians, factors such as the culture and civilization of ancient Iran, the teachings of Islam and the climatic conditions, have been influential in the formation and continuation of customs.

Ismail I (907-930 AH), in addition to a centralized government, by formalizing the Shi"ism, made radical changes in the iranian Government and Society. and specially in the field of foreign affairs, he - as both Uzunhassan" successor and venetian ally persevered the serious transformation that had been developed since the time of the Aq Quyunlu. Therefore, the process of this power struggle was surveilled accurately and closely by the venetian ambassadors and agents.Venetian agents settled in the Ottoman Empire, states and other places, reported any recieved news from Ismail to the government of Venice. The reported documents include official reports from venetian agents to the Senate and reports from travelers, businespeople and ambassadors which have not so far been seen by Iranian scholars. The aim of the present study is investigating the ways that Ismail got into power from the viewpoint of Venetian and their reactions to his activites especially in relation to the Ottoman based on Italian sources which has not so far been investigated in the Safavid studies. The narrative of these resources from the events of Safavid Empire formation, has presented a new perspective of that time of history. Although the venetian narrative version is mixed with their ideal imaginations, it presents a new attitude toward the Ismail"s nature of faith, his way of making relationship with Ottoman and his attitude towards Venetian.

The decrease or increase in Waqf (charitable endowment) on Sufis during the Ilkhanid period (656-735 AH) was directly related to gaining legitimacy through Islamization and conformity with Iranian culture and civilization. The non-Muslim Ilkhanids did not need to gain legitimacy through Sufis and their masters, and as a result, the charitable endowment remained stagnant. After the fall of the Baghdad caliphate and the Ilkhanids' Islamization at the hands of the Sufis and their masters, the charitable endowment on Sufis in the new trend of Ilkhanid rule increased. Some influential figuers, such as Khawaja Rashid al-Din Fadlullah, played an important role in the process of cultural adaptation through Sufis. The increase in the charitable endowment on Sufis has improved their economic status. Therefore, the rule of the Muslim Ilkhanids was beneficial to the Sufis and their masters financially and spiritually and socially.

By studying the Nader shah life, we find that he was always in war or preparing a military unit to attack a point; Hence, it is very important to consider how Nader Shah battle movements, especially those related to the rare military and civilian support and procurement during their campaigns made, which are discussed in this paper as a general issue. One of the remarkable characteristics of the Nader Shah wars is the speed of action in moving and delivering a division of army from a point to a remote area in a short time; which requires adequate logistics and full support.
Nader Shah in various parts of Iran, including Bandar Abbas, Bushehr, Mazandaran and other places had workshops to build artillery, gunpowder and bullets and in most of its troops movements, they supplied the grain needed as well as feeding through the main pillar for their army, which were preparing and supporting by themselves. He also sought to restore Iran's authority in the Persian Gulf and protect the southern frontier by building a strong naval force.
In order to do this, firstly he ordered Latif Khan the Fars province ruler to purchase and purchase warships and artillery needs, on the other hand, set up a shipyard in Bandar Nadariyah -Booshehr-and provided and sent the wood for this workshop from Mazandaran and Also, artillery and casting workshop was launched to equip the ships with ballistic guns in Bandar Abbas.

The Safavids were engaged in four major wars with the Ottoman Empire during the reign of Shah Tahmasp I (1514-1576 A.D.). Since the Kurdish-inhabited areas were the Iranian–Ottoman borderlands, the Kurds also unwillingly entered these wars and played their roles. Therefore, given the decisive role of the Kurdish tribes in this confrontation, this descriptive-analytical study basically seeks to determine the Kurds' approach to the battles occurred. The findings indicate that their approach drew on the influential political and economic factors and was closely linked to the policies of the Safavids and the Ottomans towards the Kurdish tribes. Thus, given the geographical location of the Kurdish-inhabited regions, through exercising expedient policies, the two rules sought to take the utmost advantage of the Kurds' military power and the strategic position of Kurdistan in their own interests and to win the battles. These confrontations eventually produced the maintenance of independence and political realm of Iran for the Safavids, the Ottomans' dominating Mesopotamia and reaching the coasts of the Persian Gulf, and the survival of the Kurdish local emirates for the Kurds.

The local and bureau elites had been always among the effective political and social groups in Fars province in a way that the Fars governance was directly related to their performance. Therefore, the analysis of the historical events of Fars requires understanding and explaining the relations existed between the elites and the other effective elements in province. Moshir al-Molk family is one of those local elites who, with the presence of nearly half a century (1826-1876) in the Ministry of Fars, gathered a lot of strength and credibility. Considering the influence of this family on the political and social life of Fars and using historical sources, the actions of this family in the governance of Fars is examined in present study through a descriptive-analytical method. The findings show that, with regard to the arrangement of political forces and distribution and concentration of power in Fars, the Moshir al-Molk family interacted and competed with other local elites, especially Qashqai and Qawam al-molk families, to access interests relying on power resources (class, personal, public, spiritual etc.). Beyond their political functions, their socio-economic activities had a significant role in promotion of their social status. The results also prepare detailed information about their arrival and performance, especially their most famous character, Mirza Abolhassan Khan Moshir al-molk (1840-1917).

This paper discusses the importance of Mazandaran roads during the times of the Safavids and Qajarids. It then explores the reasons behind the failure of the Qajarid government in keeping the roads in the region in good condition. Data was extracted from the contract document for repair and maintenance of a road in the region with Seif al-Mulk. Shah Abbas I made state-of- art roads in Mazandaran which increasingly contributed to the economic flourishing of the region. The repair and maintenance of these roads during the time of Naser al-Din Shah, however, was not successful due to the lack of modern road-building equipment, lack of specialist knowledge, corrupt bureaucracy and the Russian Imperialist policy for expanding its influence in the region.

The present article examines the Russians' concern about Germany's influence in Iran during World War I based on Achiq Soz newspaper. Considering that this newspaper was one of the most important newspapers of the Caucasus in the years 1915 to 1918, analyzing its approach to the issue of Russians' concern about Germany's influence in Iran can provide firsthand information on this issue. The purpose of the present research is thus analyzing how the aforementioned concern is reflected in one of the most important publications of the Caucasus in the first decade of the 20th century, in addition to attempting at a rereading of the newspaper. To achieve these goals, this study seeks to answer this question that how the Achiq Soz newspaper reflects Russians' concerns about Germany's influence in Iran? And what was the most important of these concerns? It is assumed that the newspaper Achiq Soz and its editor Mohammad Amin Rasulzadeh had a German-oriented approach to reflect Russia's concerns about the German influence in Iran. The results show that, despite all the pressure from the censorship office, Achig Soz newspaper did not spare any attempt to expose Russia's colonial policy in Iran and to indirectly accompany the German supporters in Iran. The Achig Soz newspaper also had examined the most important Russian concerns about Germany's influence in Iran in the years 1915 to 1916 in five areas: Russia's lack of confidence in the neutrality of Iran's political and social structure, the mobilizations of the Germans in Hamedan and Kermanshah, Germans' use of Pan-Islamism weapon, Gendarmerie's cooperation with the Germans and Russia's mistakes in its relations with Iran.

Because of the geographical and geopolitical position of Ardalan state, it has experienced much fallings and downs by the Safavid and Ottoman competition. So that the realm of this state gradually reduced. The present study aims to describe and analyze the transition process of the Ardalan state in the Safavid era and considers the Safavid and Ottoman viewpoints and politics on that. In addition, it aims to answer two questions: why did the state turn as a conflict area for those governments? What was the role of this state and its governors against aforementioned powers? The present study aims to examine this hypothesis: Geographical and geopolitics position of Ardalan realm had dramatically increased the strategic importance of that in the ideological and political competition between the Ottoman and Safavid. The rulers of this state were prudent and also tried to tends to one of the powers for maintaining their situation and independence as much as possible.

Reflectivity of historical knowledge particularly in terms of determining the power of social powers in traditionalist societies has considered the validation of this epistemological domain as a necessary issue.
The discipline of history has led to the skeptical challenges in concern with the epidemiological value of investigating the history because it is the basis and the criterion of validation of knowledge and sources for the justification of knowledge on the one hand and on the other hand the sources of the knowledge of historians are incapable of providing these ideal criteria.
These changes which can be illustrated in form of epistemology and methodological challenges are stated as the issue of historical knowledge. It appears that any endeavors towards solving the challenges before the historical knowledge is in need of pathology of the issue of historical knowledge by the reidentification of the presumptions.
The present article has concluded that the structure of historical knowledge matter like the other philosophical issues follows the patterns of skeptical reasoning and to put the other way, completing the epistemological criteria of other cognitive domains on the basis of historical studies is the reason of developing the issue of historical knowledge.

Mulla Hussein Vaez Kashefi (820 -910AD) is one of the most prominent representatives of the ninth-century Hijri intellectual-cultural movements. He has created works of great importance in various fields, such as the interaction of religion and politics. What emphasizes the importance of analyzing Kashefi's political doctrine is that he was born in one of the most important centers of the Shiites in Khorasan (Sabzevar), and at one of the most important centers of the Sunni East of Iran (Herat), with politicians and friends culture such as Sultan Abu Said Teimuri, Sultan Hussein Bayghara, Amir Alishir Nawai, and Nouraldin Abdul Rahman Jami, all of them were Sunni religious scholars. This paper, using historical research method, aims at answering the following questions: in what circumstances and with what purposes did Kashefi address the political-religious ideas? The study of historical data sets and existing knowledge showed that, based on Kashefi’s thought, politics has the same traditional meaning and the new structure is not presented in action. This concept preserves its long-standing relationship with the realm of religion, and without the policies and measures of affairs, no religious rules and the rule of durability and consistency can be realized; and with the policy and religion, the system of subsistence and rescue of people in the traditional form organizes itself. Religious thought Kashefi is a great achievement of the mixing of Sufi-Shiaic and the final stage of the evolutionary process of passing Shiism. In practice, it is the proximity of the minds of the Sunni-Sufi community to the Shiite beliefs.

In the clashes of Mohammad Ali Shah with the Parliament in the years 1324 to 1327 AH / 1906 to 1909, the National Assembly of Isfahan has repeatedly declared its firm support to the Parliament. They threatened the king to send fifty thousand devotees to defend the parliament in the case of attacking the parliament by Mohammad Ali Shah. But when the Parliament House was bombarded by order of Mohammad Ali Shah in 1326 AH, the National Assembly of Isfahan did not send troops to rescue the Parliament and didn’t succeed to do its historical role in line with constitutionalism. This led to pessimistic points of view about the National Assembly of Isfahan and Isfahan Constitutionalists in the historical sources. This article deals with this issue on the basis of the main sources of constitutionalism, specially, the newspaper of the Holy National Community of Isfahan, and discusses the organization of this troops by Association of Isfahan and analyzes the reasons for its ineffectiveness in defending the Parliament.