دکتر زهرا احمدی پور

The political organization of space in Iran has two dimensions. The first is the national divisions' system, and the second is constituencies. The national divisions’ system divides the country into provinces, cities, districts, and villages by the interior ministry. The executive branch plays a role in the territorial space according to these divisions. The second dimension is the territorially determined constituencies, where the competition for the representative seats is divided between many distinct regions. The details of these areas have an influential impact on the election outcome. In the Constitution of Iran, only Article 64 and Note 2 of Article 14 of the National Divisions are the only legal principles about electoral constituencies. Since the weight of indices is not definite in Article 64 of the Constitution, this caused many problems in determining the limits of constituencies. This research tries to identify these problems and provides an optimal model as a solution.

This research is an applied in terms of its purpose, and is descriptive-analytic in terms of methodology. The method of collecting information is a library data collection which includes the study and review of books and scientific articles, and documents (government bills, studies of the Islamic Parliament Research Center, and speeches of the parliament members), interviews, and statistical information. We use the AHP method and Expert Choice, SPSS, and GIS software to content analysis of the documents.

There are 208 constituencies In Iran, and the total number of representatives of the Islamic Consultative Assembly is 290. Using 2016 census data, the country's population is 79926270. There is one chair for every 280443 individuals. Given the fact that five seats are reserved for religious minorities, we divide the total population to 285 instead of 290 since it has no significant impact. Therefore, by dividing the country's total population by 285, the average number of representatives to the country's total population was calculated. By implementing the simple proportionality equation, the percentage deviation from the average of the constituencies has been calculated. According to the table and calculating their population deviation from the national average, demographic inequality in the constituencies was confirmed.

Conclusions :

  The constituency is the most apparent spatial manifestation of citizens' participation in political decision-making. The primary basis of power is formed in the relationship between spatial justice and Parliamentary electoral constituencies. This relationship deals with the participation of people in power through the election of representatives and is linked to electoral constituencies. The research findings showed that population inequality, non-compliance with the country's divisions, the number of cities and the large size of some constituencies, gerrymandering, competitions that have security aspects, and the absence of an independent institution of election constituencies are the most critical shortcomings of electoral constituencies in Iran. In order to reduce these problems, the optimal model of electoral districting in Iran needs fundamental changes to ensure its efficiency. These changes include a series of actions such as scenarios for redistributing representative seats in the provinces, attention to religious minorities, adaptation of the boundaries of constituencies with national divisions, territorial continuity, and determining the boundaries of constituencies in the provinces based on the importance of exploratory indicators.

Political organization, as the process of dividing territory, is undertaken by the government with limited borders to control and administer the country through divisions. Governments require a political division of space to effectively manage the territory, facilitate service delivery, promote development, and achieve spatial justice within the country. Country divisions in Iran have historical roots. In recent years, driven by political motives and development needs, there has been an increase in demands for new country divisions, taking the form of promotion, annexation, and abstraction. Lorestan province, located in the western part of the country, is recognized as one of the less developed and less affluent provinces due to reasons such as the lack of coordinated distribution of facilities, services, and resources. Country divisions in this province in 1991 included 6 townships, 20 districts, and 80 villages, which increased to 11 townships, 31 districts, and 87 villages in 2016. A trend that indicates that over the past 25 years, the levels of country divisions in the province have shown a greater tendency to improve. The present study, using a descriptive-analytical method and an applied nature, employing the VIKOR technique within the framework of the Spatial Justice approach, aims to examine how political divisions of space impact spatial justice in Lorestan province. Accordingly, this article seeks to answer questions such as: What effect has country division in Lorestan province had on its spatial justice? Has the situation of townships in health, economic, and physical components improved with the creation of 5 new townships? Results obtained from descriptive data and VIKOR technique analysis show that the spatial justice status in 50% of the townships in the province in 1991 was much lower than the provincial average, and in 2016, this figure encompassed 63% of the townships in the province. Consequently, it can be stated that the increase in country divisions has not had a positive impact on improving the status of the spatial justice index and the equitable distribution of health, economic, and physical-infrastructure components in Lorestan province.

Organization and management of political space through administrative divisions play a crucial role in effectively managing natural territories and their interconnected ecosystems. Failure to align political-administrative boundaries with the natural characteristics of regions, particularly the borders and boundaries of basins, poses a significant threat to ecosystem connectivity. In this study, by employing a descriptive-analytical approach and drawing on library sources, we examined the impacts of political organization of space, specifically national divisions and their changes, on the ecosystem of the Bakhtegan Lake and Tashk Basin. As the second-largest lake in the country, this basin served as a critical case study. The research findings revealed that frequent and arbitrary changes in the country's administrative divisions, particularly the creation of new units and cities in the upstream areas of the basin, had resulted in an increase in political-administrative territories, predominance of a sectoral development approach at the basin level, proliferation of local actors, passage of water currents across multiple political-administrative territories, escalation of hydropolitical tensions, hindrance of integrated basin management, loss of natural homogeneity, and failure to align the basin's natural borders with political-administrative borders. Consequently, this trend had facilitated the unrestrained exploitation of water resources in the upstream territories, disregarding environmental and ecosystem linkages with the lake and ultimately leading to its depletion.

Geopolitics is science of studying the interrelationships of geography, power, and politics, and the actions that result from combining them. Its main difference from political geography is the combination of power with the other two elements, which makes it more different. The common point of the two sciences of international relations and geopolitics is in this common element of power, which both have a special place in the science of political science and political geography. Since the main subject of geopolitics is the study and study of cross-border relations between political units at local, national, regional and global scales, there are many similarities and closeness with the subjects studied by the knowledge of international relations, and this has caused ambiguity about the reason for the existence of two sciences, their relationship with each other and the common and specific concepts and issues of the two sciences. Among the basic concepts of geopolitical knowledge that play an important role in shaping relations between countries, the concept of geopolitical interests has a special place in theories of political geography and international relations. The concept of geopolitical interests is the assumed spatial and geographical complementarity across borders that is structurally homogeneous and functionally meets the needs and shortcomings of a country. Geopolitical affiliation forms the basis of the national interests, goals and interests of countries.

The research is descriptive-analytic and data gathering procedure is based on library and field finding methods. 130 questionnaires in the form of Likert scale were distributed among professors and specialists in political geography, geopolitics, political science and international relations. Finally, 107 questionnaires were completely answered and collected. The T-test was used to test the hypotheses. Finally, the Friedman ranking test was used to examine and rank more precisely the eight dimensions of the components of geopolitical interests in Iran-Turkey relations.

The variables of geopolitical interests in the foreign relations of Iran and Turkey can be explained and divided into eight dimensions: political, geographical, geoeconomic, geoculture, geostrategy, cyberspace, science-technology and ecology. These components have had different effects depending on the geographical location and geopolitical conditions of the two countries. Based on the T-Test results the effectiveness of the components in the foreign relations of the two countries shows that the components of geography, geoeconomics and science-technology have the greatest impact on the bilateral relations. On the other hand, the components of ecology and geoculture have less impact than the three other components. It should be noted that all components had an average above 3, which indicates a positive impact on relations between the two countries. The Friedman test was also used to rank and determine the importance of the components of geopolitical interests of countries (political, geographical, geoeconomic, geoculture-social, geostrategy, cyberspace-media, science-technology and ecology). According to the results, geographical, geoeconomic and scientific-technological components have the highest rank and on the other hand, habitat and geoculture components have lower ranks.

The Islamic Republic of Iran and Turkey with different and sometimes conflicting political systems in the West Asian region, with a special geopolitical position in the global and regional system and interactions and relations with each other and with other countries, always create new issues that collectively provide a suitable background for the study of dynamic and evolving factors, political, economic, scientific, etc., with an emphasis on geographical realities to explain politics and foreign relations. As discussed, the wide level of relations between the two countries caused geopolitical interests to appear in the eight components of foreign relations. Also, since Turkey's foreign policy has been constantly zigzagging and changing since the AKP came to power, and has been based on various theories such as Kemalism, Ottomanism, attention to the doctrine of the blue homeland, etc, the pattern of foreign relations of the Islamic Republic of Iran and Turkey based on geopolitical interests can be explained and studied in four aspects: interactive, competitive, conflicting and domination. The results of reliable field and documentary data showed that the competitive aspect is more visible.

Cities are complex spatial-geographical phenomena that need to be studied and providing security as one of the most basic human needs of urban societies is considered. Security and threat studies have been developed and changed simultaneously with the transformation of societies and the concepts of security, power and threat. It seems necessary to identify the threats of the urban area, especially with the expansion of the use of new tools and technologies because new threats are also associated with them. The purpose of this research is to analyze the role of technology- based threats to the security of Tehran city. The approach of this research is mixed, and the data collection method is library and documentary. The results of the analysis of questionnaires by SPSS software led to the prioritization of technology-based components in urban security. The findings of this research show that emerging threats are based on technology, and some of them include Internet of Things, artificial intelligence (weapons), e-commerce threats (electronic skimming, ransom ware, and malicious bots), bioterrorism, and cyber threats. (Crypto-currencies) and micro air vehicle, the share of artificial intelligence (weapons based on artificial intelligence) has the largest share. Also, the mentioned components will have the greatest impact on economic security.

Urban space is the strategic scene for understanding the dynamics of social order reconfiguration. It is like a hegemonic tool of the dominant class to reproduce its domination. In this scene, we always see the struggles of two resistance discourses to dominate the geographical space. The formation of the resistance discourse in the urban space goes through a process and the main purpose of this article is to explain this process. This article employs a descriptive-analytical research approach and relies on library resources for gathering information. The findings indicate that the initial ignition of the resistance discourse originates from policy critique and problem identification. It persists until a political crisis has been occurred. Local dissatisfactions prompt individuals to step out of their personal spheres and engage in discussions with others regarding shared concerns, the formation of collective notions and narratives concerning their living environment. The forced displacement and systematic deprivation of living spaces expedite the strengthening of urban residents' ability to safeguard the production of space. Engaging in recurrent social movements generates an emotional experience that intensifies individuals' connections to social and collective movements. The mobilization happening within the local community plays a crucial role and engages various individuals and encouraging their participation in public activities. It involves developing effective means of communication and emotional resources that empower new activists to dedicate their time and efforts.

Development plans define the strategy, framework and pattern of governance and political management of space, and these programs address the various dimensions and aspects of governance, one of the most important aspects of which is the environmental dimension. In this study, the environmental governance of the constructive discourse is presented with emphasis on the first and second development plans of the Islamic Republic of Iran and using the thematic analysis method in the form of statements, open coding, sub-themes, main themes, organizing themes, and a visual Macro of the environmental dimensions of the constructive discourse.

The study of the environmental dimensions of the first and the second development plans of the Islamic Republic of Iran has been done using grounded theory. Accordingly, after studying all the development plans, 112 statements have been extracted separately for each plan. In accordance with the statements extracted from the development plans, 178 basic concepts (open coding) were identified. Then, considering the content subscriptions of the open coding, 52 sub-themes and 14 main themes were generated based on theoretical foundations, ecology refer to experts and researcher diagnosis. Organizing themes include economic, social, political-administrative, diplomacy, ecological, service, legal, and cultural and security dimensions. In addition, the network of themes for the environmental dimensions of constructive discourse has been drawn according to the main themes and organizing themes separately from the development plans.

By reviewing the first and second development plans, the following can be mentioned in constructive discourse:The political-administrative dimension and themes of "good governance", "decentralization," and "spatial planning" have the highest frequency in the open coding. In relation to this theme, only 1 basic concept has been extracted. The social dimension, which is defined by the themes of "welfare and social development" and "family planning", has a high frequency. The sub-theme "support for vulnerable groups" has the most open coding. The economic dimension is very important in constructive discourse. The main theme of "green economy," with 24 frequencies, confirms this issue. The sub-theme "optimization of energy consumption" is the most frequent in the economic aspect of this discourse. For the ecological dimension with the main themes of "environmental protection and rehabilitation", ecology adaptation" and "climate change management", 24 basic concepts have been extracted, which shows the prominence and boldness of this dimension and its themes in the constructive discourse. The cultural dimension with the main theme of "consumption pattern improvement" and 17 basic concepts has a relatively high frequency. The dimension of diplomacy and the theme of "environmental diplomacy" have only 5 basic concepts, which shows this dimension has not been given much attention. The legal dimension with the theme of "environmental rights" and five basic concepts shows that constructive discourse has paid little attention to this theme. Regarding the theme of "environmental security," which is under the security dimension, 5 basic concepts have been extracted, which shows the unimportance of this theme. The service dimension and theme of "green transportation," with 3 basic concepts, have the least frequency.

In the constructive discourse, the emphasis on the social and political-administrative dimensions of environmental governance is more prominent than its other dimensions. Also, family planning policies and population growth management and control are themes and concepts that were raised only in the first and second development plans and during the constructive discourse. On the other hand, the theme of "environmental diplomacy" is very faint and is only assigned one basic concept in the first development plan; it is not mentioned in the second plan, and the diplomatic dimension of environmental governance is very weak in the constructive discourse. In addition, the themes of "spatial planning" and "climate change management" are only mentioned a little in the second development plan, and in the first development plan, these themes are not observed.

Today, within the framework of new urban management approaches, the optimal urban management paradigm is emphasized, and this management is seen as a suitable model to respond to the growing needs of citizens and the problems faced by cities. The investigation of the metropolitan society of Tehran shows that due to the lack of attention to the principles of political organization of space and ineffective political management of space, Tehran is currently suffering from urbanization problems. In this research, the influencing variables on the political management of space in Tehran metropolis, including political-security, geographical-communication, social-cultural and legal indicators, have been analyzed and tested on the way of political management of space in Tehran metropolis. This research is a descriptive-analytical research according to the practical purpose and in terms of the method. Variables are tested using T-test, Pearson correlation and linear regression methods. Some of the questions are designed based on the Likert scale, and some of them are two- to multiple-choice. In fact, it was tried that the questions were not directed and the researcher's opinion was not induced in them. Finally, 84 questionnaires were completed. The statistical population of this research is the managers of Tehran municipality, government managers and middle managers involved in the political organization of space, as well as academic elites and experts in the field of political management of space. This research seeks to answer the question that what are the variables affecting the political management of space in Tehran metropolis? The results indicate that there is a significant relationship between political-security, geographic-communication, social-cultural and legal variables with the political management of space in Tehran metropolis. Also, the political-security variable has the most importance, followed by the geographic-communication variable, social-cultural index and legal index.

The relationship and interaction between the power structure and the government resulting from it, as a component of social organization with the process of spatial organization of metropolises and urban complexes, especially in recent years, has become one of the central issues and questions in the theorizing and researching of the program. The planning and management of the urban complex has changed without diminishing the importance of other aspects. The connection between the spatial structure and the social structure is influenced by the social-historical periods of the societies. In centralized bureaucratic societies without civil society and the lack of formalized and obvious groups and the government's lack of need for economic groups, these powerful groups gain access to other scarce resources through influence in the government decision-making apparatus. In industrialized societies, it is these social classes that have more access to scarce resources because the government needs these classes, especially the capitalist and middle class of experts.

According to its nature, purpose and subject area, this research has a descriptive-analytical research method and the approach that governs the research space is practical. The collection of information in the theoretical part and findings has been done with reference to the library method, and for the relevant information and statistics, the information and yearbooks available in the Iranian Statistics Center have been used. This research has been carried out on the scale of Tehran metropolis because the capital of any country is usually the place where economic, political and cultural mechanisms gather and crystallize. In this research, the government's oil revenues are considered as one of the most influential factors in the accumulation of power and wealth in the metropolitan area of Tehran, and subsequently, the excessive concentration of government institutions and organizations in the metropolis of Tehran and the breakdown in the political management of space as factors. Influencers in the political management of space will be analyzed.

From the point of view of the political management of the space, what is the most cause for concern and thought is the lack of integration, or in other words, the discontinuity of policy-choice and functional discontinuity. Integration in the political management of space is related to the management of interactive issues in policy-making, which is beyond the boundaries of the usual and conventional policy areas and does not conform to the responsibility of individual departments and ministries. According to Mulford and Ruger, policy coordination is defined as a process by which two or more organizations create new decision-making procedures or use existing decision-making rules to collectively deal with the task environment. O joint benefit. In general, policy integration requires greater interaction, accessibility, and adaptability, which leads to greater interdependence and requires more formal organizational arrangements, and requires the presence of more resources and delegation of authority and independence of action from the stakeholders.

In fact, it can be said that the policies of the government in the past few decades have caused a strong dependence of metropolitan management on government policies. On the one hand, this type of dependence has prevented the complete independence of the urban management complex from the government, and on the other hand, the multiplicity of government organizations, which itself is a result of the increase in government oil revenues, has led to the creation of many organizations with parallel functions in the metropolis of Tehran. The situation has finally created a political-spatial discontinuity in the metropolis of Tehran. Therefore, the formation of a centralized and simple government in the contemporary era, along with rich oil revenues, has caused the government to have all the political and administrative power and decision-making authority in all local, regional and national affairs, according to the goals and desires of the country. He can design and implement in any way he wants. So that the creation, liquidation, annexation and delegation of powers of all the units of the country's divisions are at the disposal of the central government. This case has emerged especially in the metropolitan area of Tehran, which is the place of gathering and concentration of the most important political-economic institutions of the country, and has made the political management of the space in the metropolis of Tehran face the problem of spatial-functional discontinuity. Examining the change of administrative and spatial territories of Tehran metropolis between 1966-2011 clearly shows that simultaneously with the expansion of the country's oil revenues, the number of administrative and spatial territories in Tehran metropolis has also increased and we have witnessed a very significant growth in this field.

Such issues as authoritative space design, unproductivity of urban management, and the inability of urban space to facilitate the emergence of differences and transfer of meaning lead to the experience of alienation in the daily life of the residents of Tehran. Taking an anthropological and critical approach and applying Henri Lefebvre’s theory of production of space, this research compared class experience of alienation among the residents of Tehran. Alienation was defined as an instrumental relationship against a relationship for its own sake and appropriation against ownership. Space of stock market, Khalij Fars Lake and Khalazir neighborhood were selected as representatives of abstract and concrete spaces as well as Lefebvre’s trialectics of space. Multiple data were collected through observation, photos, personal interviews, previous studies and ethnographies, documentaries, organizational documents, press reports and online survey about every space. The data was coded, categorized, and analyzed interpretatively and inductively through formal, functional, and structural analysis. The study showed that alienation with others, self, labor, urban space, and everyday life, is a common experience between all classes and is related to the spatial order of the city, but it finds different meanings in the center and the periphery and is integrated in the everyday consciousness in a different way. Alienation in relation of production is experienced in the meaningless work, competitive market, and commodification are common experiences on a global scale, while political and cultural alienations depend on the specific characteristics of Tehran. The moments may be liberating at a level of social reality and remain fruitless at a higher level. The diverse manifestations of daily life, along with prohibitions, fears, and gaps, prevent the formation of collective consciousness and, as a result, a collective effort to de-alienation.

Attention to causal, contextual and historical factors in the analysis of State`s behavior and actions has increased in recent years, and the literature of the Cognitive approach has expanded to understand the logic of developments and government policies. In the Cognitive approach, it is assumed that the Geopolitical actor operates in a field of strategic necessities - which that has inherited as an institutional legacy - and always has his own limitations and identity conditions. But in the field of Geopolitics, a comprehensive theory that can reflect the causes and perceptual factors and their influential role in action and policies is absent. Therefore, the current study is a preliminary design of a new theory called Geopolitical Cognition, which can qualitatively evaluate the reflection of these effects on the behavior of actors. There is always a cycle of influential factors in societies that influence the behavior of countries. Some of the collective experiences (such as war, military occupation, disintegration, massacres, important treaties) shape the collective memory and the mechanism of intergenerational transmission, they are preserved and gradually become meaningful in relation to the territory of the land and are part of the survival requirements or they are assumed to be a national Order. In the next stage, "States" in connection with these elements reach the stage of Geopolitical identification and in connection with the homeland, minorities, the international system and other nations, they form "I and the other"....In the final stage of its development, this path leads to the formation of a perceptual container or geopolitical cognition. Through their geopolitical cognition, societies and countries give meaning to external phenomena in relation to their political geography, which is the product of place (geography) and time (history). Therefore, through the discovery of the formation process of this cognition, at least part of the actions can be understood. Especially, with the return of nationalism to the field of international relations and the prolongation of the geopolitical transition from bipolarity to the new order, the middle powers in the region are trying to contribute more to the future order by increasing their territorial influence and deepening their strategic depth. Another benefit of such an approach is predicting the future actions of the countries. This fundamental research with a descriptive-analytical approach addresses this issue through the qualitative content analysis of experimental data and is the method of collecting documentary and library data

Everyday-life reality and its interwoven rhythms, is in a mutual relation with the process of production of space. Current study aims to discover the quality of everyday-life rhythm in Tehran and its connection to the production of space. Applying rhythmanalysis, ethnography and a reciprocation between theory and facts as well as micro and macro levels, a sample of three spaces of city (stock market, Khalije Fars Lake and Khalazir neighborhood) was analyzed through Henri Lefebvre’s approach of production of space. The findings declares that authoritative governance of city, fragmented culture, monetary order defined by international division of labor and local inefficiency and mythologized nature manipulate everyday-life rhythm through dressage and is affected by it simaltenaously. Diverse forms of everyday-life leads to deep social and class gaps, but what embraces all the narrators is a rhytm of expectation in their everyday-life; an expectation for a promising event which never takes place.

Development plans define the strategy, framework, and pattern of governance and political management of space. These plans address various dimensions and aspects of governance, one of the most important aspects of which is the environmental dimension. This study, by using grounded theory in the form of a model of core categories, causal categories, context categories, interventionist categories, strategic categories, and consequences, answers the following question: what are the environmental dimensions of development plans in the Islamic Republic of Iran? After studying all development plans, 328 statements have been extracted separately for each plan. In accordance with the statements extracted in the development plans, 404 basic concepts (open coding) were identified. Then, considering content subscriptions of the open coding, 77 sub-categories and 16 main categories were generated. Also, using theoretical foundations, ecology, experts’ opinions, and researcher’s judgment axial coding was done. The results show that the main categories include axial categories ("Environmental Protection and Rehabilitation" and "Climate Change Management"), causal categories ("decentralization" and "institutional fit in accordance with environmental issues"), context categories (“environmental research,” Environmental diplomacy, environmental security, and family planning), interventionist categories (“welfare and social development” and “good governance”), strategic categories (“ecology adaptation,” “consumption pattern improvement,” and “spatial planning”), and consequences (“Green Economy” and “Green Transport”) interconnected in a paradigmatic framework.

Understanding spatial justice is one of the priorities of studying political geography as a science of governance and optimal management of space. Spatial injustice causes the polarization of space and the isolation of some citizens. In addition, it prevents the citizens’ effective participation in political, social, economic, and cultural life. As a result, citizens would distance themselves from the mainstream of society. The present study used a descriptive and analytical method to explain spatial injustice in Iran. Moreover, the current study examined and explored the effects and consequences of spatial injustice on the forthcoming developments from the perspective of internal security perspectives. The results showed that spatial injustice created spatial gaps in society, which allowed the occurrence of actions threatening the sustainable security of society, such as divergence in ethnic and border areas, terrorism, drug crisis, marginalization, and migration. Consequently, the threats primarily reduced the stability of society and the possibility of crime as the elements influencing the depiction of the status and characteristics of security on an internal scale.

The political organization of any country is done in the form of civil divisions. Civil divisions of the country are a process in which the land is limited by borders and every government needs political division of space to better manage the land and facilitate services, create development and create a spatial justice in the country. Spatial justice through the mechanism of spatial organization or spatial planning leads to the balanced development of place and geographical space and provides citizens with satisfaction and trust in the management structure and the relevant political system, thus preventing the formation of mentality of being secondary citizenship among people. In this research, which is of a fundamental type, the required information is collected using the library method, and then this issue will be investigated using a descriptive-analytic method. The research question is that: “what relation do exist between the political organization of space and spatial justice?” The findings show that the main principles and criteria of political organization of space can be categorized into issues such as increasing the sense of satisfaction, ease of access to services and creating equal opportunities for citizens and regions. Since spatial justice as an output seeks the relative equality of power, opportunity and wealth in order to gain maximum benefits commensurate with the capacity to enhance the dignity of citizens, and also the principles and approaches of political organization of space and spatial justice show this issue, it can be claimed that interactive relation is between political organization of space and spatial justice.

Studying the geopolitical history suggests that it has been discussed together with such concepts as war, competition, and sovereignty, mainly because the traditional geopolitics nations always seek to made conquest and domination over other countries. It means that the traditional geopolitics presents the viewpoint of world powers. Since 1945, the governing idea over international systems has been relied upon preventing nations from starting a new world war. However, in the contemporary world, the emergence of modern physical and spiritual demands of human beings, like living in peace, has increased the importance of human liberality to stop armed struggle and war. Research findings suggest that, unlike the past, geopolitics could be taken into account as a way to bring about peace in the contemporary world. Therefore, the modern geopolitics together with international human being interests and introducing people’s index has suggested new fields as environmental, critical, and resistance geopolitics. Using a historical approach, the present research aimed to study the geopolitical concepts of peace together with changes in its course from geopolitical concepts of war to peace. In this regard, the geopolitical concept of peace specifically seeks to achieve such objectives as introducing changes in missions, structures and functions of international organizations, increasing regionalism processes, strengthening peace as well as world’s justice discourses, international fighting against terrorism, designing philanthropic interferences, maintaining world’s human rights, decreasing human afflictions, etc. So, it suggests that the world power should be formed and organized based on the aforementioned concepts. The present analytical-descriptive research is a basic study in terms of purpose. Data were collected through a library method.

Division of territorial and demographic area of country into electoral districts is the first step to facilitate elections and provide a suitable background for a fair proportion between the number of lawmakers and the population of the country. Drawing electoral districts must be in such a way that guarantees the justice and equality among citizens and leads to the formation of democratic parliament that represents different groups of the people. The present study has assessed trend of approval of the bill to reform the table of electoral districts of the Islamic Consultative Assembly and the number of lawmakers in 2000. This research is applied in terms of purpose and is descriptive in terms of nature and general method. The findings show that demographic indicators, adaption to administrative divisions, extent, place competition, deprivation, locating in border areas, and finally economical and industrial situation were the most important effective indicators in increasing lawmakers and reforming electoral districts in 20 cases. Lack of definition of indicators for criteria of Article 64 of the Constitution (human, political, geographical and alike) and failure to calculate their weight and share in redistricting due to the lack of a redistricting part in ministry of interior have led to spatial injustice in increasing the number of lawmakers, separating and annexation some electoral districts in government bill.

The growing trend of local conflicts within the national space of countries and between the political-administrative realms raises this issue that on what factors and foundations are such conflicts and tensions are based and what mechanism do they follow? Although fundamental differences and contradictions in various spatial -geographical, social, cultural and ethnic, historical, political, etc are the basis of many internal tensions and conflicts in countries, the method of management and political organization of the space in the form of civil divisions is one of the most important factors intensifying or reducing these conflicts. Therefore, in this research, using the descriptive-analytic method and relying on library resources, the most important causes and sources of tension and conflict among political-administrative realms within countries are discussed. The results showed that factors such as the pattern of political management of national space, changes in borders and boundaries of the administrative divisions, natural and cultural heterogeneity in divided units, unbalanced development of political -administrative units, the geography of power and support participation, local competitions, electoral constituency, place senses of units and the resulting identity effects, unbalanced shapes and sizes of divided units, border disputes and environmental issues are the most important factors in creating tension and conflict among political -administrative realms. All of these factors are in a systematic relationship and their interactions will intensify conflicting interests and diverge and eventually create tensions and conflicts among the political -administrative realms.

In spite of presenting some new insights and relevant critiques on traditional geopolitics, it seems that critical geopolitics is reductionist and consequently is not capable of explanation of current geopolitical situation at the global scale. Roots of this reductionism should be explored in philosophical foundations of critical geopolitics. Considering some of its main arguments and concepts, including positionality, situated-ness, and partiality, critical geopolitics is a poststructuralist and postmodern approach. According to the critical geopolitics, geopolitical practices, forces and processes are indeed reduced to constellations of rival ideas and discourses.

This research aims at critically and systematically excavate and evaluate the deficiencies of critical geopolitics. In doing so, there is need to develop an alternative critical theoretical framework which can provide bases for a systematic critique. Accordingly, we aim at employ Bhaskarian critical realism as a theoretical alternative. It seems that having a stratified ontology, makes these two different but mutually reinforcing approaches appropriate bases to critically understand geopolitics as a multilayered reality. Accordingly, the main goal of the research is to highlight and explain the implicit and explicit ontological, epistemological and methodological foundations of critical geopolitics.

It can be argued that critical geopolitics lacks an independent philosophical foundation and therefore has a non-original philosophical base. To put it more precisely, ontology of critical geopolitics is anthropocentric. Hence, it is an idealist, subjectivist and constructivist approach that reduces reality to discourse, and knowledge to discursive interpretation. In critical realist terms, it can be argued that critical geopolitics lacks a stratified ontology and cannot explain non-discursive and structural layers of reality, and more importantly, their interactions. This flat ontology which is associated with an interpretative/constructivist epistemology and a hermeneutic methodology, can easily lead to voluntarism in political sphere – something that is evident in emphasis of critical geopolitics on situated-ness and standpoint of subjects. By overemphasizing on the role and importance of the subject in power relations, although fruitfully challenges the naïve structuralism and mere positivism, critical geopolitics cannot conceptualize the objectivity of power and geopolitical reality beyond the individual human actors and agents.

To conclude, critical geopolitics cannot understand and recognize the relative independence of subjective and objective layers of geopolitical reality. One of the consequences of such an approach is that theory and theorization will be reduced to a mere narrating and describing of mere the empirical level. Hence, there is no possibility to understand and explain different and interrelated layers of geopolitical reality. The whole problem will be reduced to rival geopolitical discourses without considering the link of these discourses to their objective and material bases. Therefore, critical geopolitics arbitrarily limits its analysis to just a part of reality and prevents the possibility of a critical encounter with reality in advance. Such an approach is fruitless and has retrogressive results on the political level. Undoubtedly if we cannot grasp the whole aspects of the problem, as it really is, at the theoretical level, there will be no precise guidance for democratic and emancipatory action..

Coronaviruses were discovered in the 1960s, and continued to be studied until the mid-1980s. The virus is naturally prevalent in mammals and birds, yet seven human-transmitted coronaviruses have been discovered so far; the most important of these, SARS Acute Respiratory Syndrome or acute respiratory syndrome, was a dangerous viral respiratory disease of genetic origin caused by coronavirus and from November 2002 to July 2003, the outbreak in Southern China caused 8098 cases. Possible disease and death of 774 people in 17 countries, and now since December 2019, another and more dangerous type called COVID-19 has spread with the human epidemic in Wuhan, China and in a short time has spread all over the world. China was the source of the virus, as well as the first country to stop it's spread to a large extent, but other countries failed to contain the virus despite their ability to contain it. Why? The answer is simple: "It is a matter of policy and approach, not power"! Another issue is "change"; as cities begin to recede and move toward recovery, the consequences of the epidemic will lead to new norms. In this article, we have tried to study the process of crisis management in several countries of the world is facing this virus and the extent of damages to the citizens of these countries until April 30, 2021.

Understanding the environment and geopolitical analysis of neighboring border cities are the most important factors that should be taken into account to establish security and expand bilateral relations, which are sought after by countries, especially cities in Southwest Asia. In recent years, some actions of neighboring countries or trans-regional countries have led to insecurity in urban areas. By understanding this concept, the characteristics of the eastern borders of Iran and the relations between Iran and Pakistan, including the cities of Zahedan and Quetta, will be studied in detail by employing a descriptive-analytical research method.

The Attempt of This Paper is the Rootting of The Water Crisis in Iran from the Point of View of "Water Governance". In this Way- The Main Question is; In General, What is The Cause of the Failure of "Water Governance" in Iran? To Other Interpretation; what are the Factors and Backgrounds That is "Good Water Governance" In Iran, has failed and Deviant? In Response to This Question Should be Said; The Vacuum and Failure of the "Governance of Water" in Iran There Is a Historic Weakness That Continues Incessant More Severity. The Water Crisis in Iran is Due to a Variety of Ignorance and Disability. And this Variation, The Result is the Breadth and Complexity of a Set of Infrastructure, Organizations, Institutions, Actions and Actors around the Water. The Authors of the Paper Tried, While Reminding [Signs] of the Water Crisis in Iran, Express the Factors That Affect the Failure Of "Water Governance" in The Country Identification and Analyze Briefly. In The First Part, the Second Part of the Article Includes Pathological Analysis Of The Subject and the Provision Of Advisory Solutions (Or Theoretical and Applied Policy Recommendations) Within the Framework Of The “Governance Of Water" Component. The Present Study is based on a Qualitative and Descriptive-Analytic Type Based on Practical and Applied Results. The Way Information is Collected is Documentary Method by Referring to Books, Articles and Credible Reports.

Urban space is combination of two parts including form and meaning. The signs in the urban space together with its codes form the part of urban space meaning. Signs are the part of the visual media which are presented for the citizens, So the citizens discover codechr('39')s meaning by decoding of internal concept and are influenced by it. The question is that the signs which are presented to citizens as a visual media what relations they have with national identity elements? Urban signs can have meanings of national identity elements into their codes. It is notable that prominence of some elements and factors rather than others has role in formation, reinforcement and representation of national identity. Therefore in this research an attempt has been made to evaluation of relations between the signs meaning in urban space and elements of national identity factors in the 6th, mural district of Tehran as a case study by using of qualitative analysis and the basics semiotics. The results of this research in the 6th district of Tehran indicated that urban signs are influenced by national identity factors and they have meanings and concepts of it inside themselves. Also prominences of some national identity features rather than other features lead to formation of national identity and also play the important role in reinforcement and representation of national identity by repeating the meanings influenced by national identity.

Human life is tied with space through spatial emotions and the sense of place. Although existence of spatial emotions plays a vital role in the creation of space and in some ways reflects the presence, tale, culture, and feeling in the place and space and in this way assists man in there, in some situations this issue can lead to some challenges which are rooted in discriminative approaches that divide humanity into "us" against "others". In the critical human geography and critical geopolitics, scholars mentioned numerous factors which are influential in this dividing. One of the main factors which plays a significant role in this process is "geographical imagination" which obtains semi-logical reasons for a group of individuals and some states and powers to exclude other social, political, and ethical groups from "us". This subject can influence people and encourage them to ascribe wrong facts to individuals who are categorized as "others" and misattribute their spaces and places as dangerous locations. This spatial approach, consequently can result in labeling some spaces as "spaces of fear" and through this generates a wide range of social, economical, political and spatial problems and restrictions for individuals who are considered as "others or them".