bahador zarei

Hydropolitics is the exploration of the role of water in the relations between countries on four scales: local, national, regional and global. With 26 border rivers and the dependence of about 30% of the country's population on the water of common watersheds, Iran is among the countries that are heavily affected by hydropolitical developments and changes in the world. Additionally, the security of the country's border areas is greatly impacted due to their peripheral location and strong reliance on water from border rivers. Hence, this research investigates the hydropolitics of Iran's border rivers, the indicators and components that influence it, and the security consequences on the border areas. The research utilizes Qualitative method and descriptive-analytic approach, employing Delphi methods, cross-matrix analysis (MICMAC), and ArcGIS software to produce maps.

Based on the purpose, this research is among the applied research and based on the method, it is among the qualitative research, with a descriptive-analytical approach and using the Delphi technique and the cross-matrix analysis method. In this research, the authors will analyze the issue by using library resources and written documents related to the topic, while describing and explaining the event, and then while studying the library resources from the questionnaire in order to identify and screen the most important Dimensions and hydropolitical indicators of Iran's border rivers, as well as the effectiveness of the indicators will be used. The statistical population of this research includes experts, custodians and elites of the country in the field of water. In this regard, due to the unlimited statistical population and the lack of official information on the number of experts and elites, it is not possible to use Cochran's formula, and the number of 20 people is considered as the statistical population in this research and they are questioned. . Due to the type of research and not knowing the full number of the statistical population, the sampling method is "targeted sampling" and the snowball sampling method. In order to analyze and analyze data and information, since this research is one of qualitative researches, in addition to the use of library sources and analysis with a descriptive-analytical approach, methods such as Delphi in order to identify dimensions and indicators, as well as the method Cross-matrix analysis will be used in future research of effective hydropolitical strategies. In this research, Arc GIS software is used for map preparation and Micmac software is used for data analysis.

The research findings reveal that more than 50 indicators affecting the hydropolitics of border rivers were identified through the use of library resources, the Delphi technique, and a questionnaire. Ultimately, 31 factors were confirmed in the second and third stages of the Delphi process. These 31 factors were categorized into five dimensions: natural factors, human factors, geopolitical factors, military factors, and geo-economic factors by forming an expert team and consulting with professors.The results of the cross-matrix analysis in MICMAC software have shown the indicators of influential, influenceable, target, independent, result indicators, and especially risk indicators in the hydropolitics of Iran's border rivers. Among these, target indicators and especially risk indicators are important strategic indicators. The indicators of the need for drinking water from the border rivers, unemployment, and migration due to water shortage in the areas of the common catchment basins, the relations of the surrounding countries affected by the catchment basins, the existence of a large population of people in the common catchment basins, the construction of dams and mines in the upstream countries, the defense and military situation of Iran's border rivers, the political and geopolitical exploitation of water by the upstream countries, and the activities of evil and terrorist groups in the upstream countries are the most important risk indicators in the hydropolitics of border rivers of Iran.

Finally, the results show that the most important security consequences of the hydropolitics of border rivers on border areas are in environmental, economic, political, social, and cultural dimensions. The most important of these include ethnic tensions on both sides of the border, smuggling of goods and drugs in the border areas, joining terrorist groups and striving for independence, migration from border areas, reduction of agriculture in border areas, growth of poverty in border areas, and as a result, the growth of crime and the increase in the cost of providing security. Other consequences include ethnic crises due to spatial and ethnic ties, conflicts over water, marginalization and increase in crime, air pollution, drying up of border wetlands, respiratory problems in border areas, the emptying of borders, and the destruction of the environment in border areas.

Relations between Russia and the United States exemplify the geopolitical conflicts among international actors. The United States, guided by its national security strategy, has experienced significant fluctuations in its interactions with Russia across different presidential administrations. In recent decades, numerous governments have published strategic documents to articulate their country's position, role in the contemporary world, and the US government's approach to geopolitical challenges. These documents typically outline objectives, tools, and methods of implementation. The US national security strategy has consistently navigated between isolationist and internationalist perspectives, taking into account stable goals, economic capacity, geographical location, physical security, and the expansion of values. The most recent strategy document, released in 2022, illuminates the complex political, security, commercial, economic, technological, and geopolitical relationships between the US, Russia, and their allies during at least one presidential term. During the Biden administration, the US national security strategy has placed significant emphasis on Russia's geopolitical challenges, its conflict with Ukraine, and the ongoing geopolitical rivalry with the West. This study aims to explore and analyze these geopolitical challenges and competitions between the US and Russia across various dimensions from the perspective of the American national security strategy during the Biden administration. Consequently, the US's heightened concerns regarding Russia's behavior in geostrategic and geopolitical contexts necessitate their inclusion in the national security strategy.

This paper tries to analyze the national security strategy of the United States of America during the presidency of Joseph Robin Biden Jr. (known as Joe Biden 2020-2024) with the focus on Russia's geopolitical behavior in the face of geopolitical challenges and competitions in Russia. The research data gathering procedure is based on library findings including American National Security Strategy, 2022, as the focus of research and the American Defense Strategy, 2022, and the NATO Strategy 2022, the Russian National Security Strategy 2021. The method of analysis is based on logic, thinking, and geopolitical arguments. This research benefits from the opinions of experts and experts in the field of geopolitics, national security, and think tanks of the US about strategic documents regarding the geopolitical behavior of this country in the form of the challenger and geopolitical competition of the Russian Federation.

The conflict between Russia and Ukraine has underscored the pivotal role of geopolitics in shaping global dynamics. This war, rooted in the strategic imperative of safeguarding Russia's territorial integrity and securing its western borders, has persisted, presenting a formidable geopolitical quandary for both the United States and Russia. The ongoing crisis in Ukraine has not only intensified existing geopolitical tensions but has also eroded Russia's influence over the Central Asian ex-Soviet states. Russia's interventionist foreign policy, characterized by geopolitical maneuvering and power plays, has raised concerns among key global players such as the United States, the European Union, and Asia. Central to Russia's geopolitical strategy is its adept utilization of energy geopolitics as a tool of influence, particularly in the European economic domain. As the world's leading exporter of oil and gas, Russia maintains significant energy ties with various European nations, as well as countries like China, Japan, South Korea, Vietnam, and India when considering coal exports. This energy leverage has positioned Russia as a dominant player in the global energy landscape, granting it substantial geopolitical clout. The strategic documents of both the United States and NATO in 2022 unequivocally identify Russia as a primary threat to Western security and advocate for concerted action against Russian encroachment. According to NATO's strategic assessment, Russia poses a grave danger to the security and stability of the Atlantic region, with ambitions to disrupt the Eastern, Southern, and Northern NATO member states. One of the important challenges that have been addressed in the national security strategy of the United States is the interference of Russia and other countries opposed to the United States in the internal affairs of this country. American Democrats believe that Russia and its supporters have interfered in the presidential elections of this country in favor of Trump. In this regard, numerous researches and reports have followed for 4 years until 2020. Finally, this issue became clear to the American Congress, and the fact was that through cyber intrusions and assistance to WikiLeaks and various social networks, the Russians were able to have a negative effect. A part of the American national security strategy that is dedicated to supporting Ukraine in the war and after the warm issues such as aid in the continuation of the war, aid in post-war reconstruction, and cooperation with Ukraine to join the European Union are among them. The US National Security Strategy document puts: while some aspects of our approach will depend on the trajectory of the war in Ukraine, a number of elements are already known. First, the United States will continue to support Ukraine in its struggle for freedom, we will help Ukraine to recover economically, and we will encourage its regional integration with the EU.

The American National Security Strategy document presents Russia as an important geopolitical threat that is engaged in the geopolitical challenge, competition, and conflict with the Western bloc led by the United States and seeks to disrupt the international order and rules based on the realization of its geopolitical interests. According to different geopolitics experts, specialists in international relations, and regional studies, Russia's geopolitical behavior in Europe, Eurasia, Central Asia, the Caucasus, and in many geopolitical regions of the world depends on how the Russia’s war in Ukraine ends. This war and its end can shape the structure of the global and regional geopolitical system for coming decades and bring the geopolitical competition of the transitioning world closer to relative geopolitical stability. In this document, America's deep concern about Russia's geopolitical behavior in geostrategic territories and geopolitical regions of the world, especially in Europe and Eurasia, is evident. “The geopolitical imperative to reduce our collective dependence on countries like Russia that seek to use energy to threaten and coerce is intensifying,” this document states. The document argues that America and its allies have experienced a global energy crisis caused by the politicization of oil and gas resources controlled by Russia, which has been exacerbated by OPEC. In this strategic document, Russia is considered an immediate and continuous threat and challenge to the regional security order in Europe and is a source of disruption and instability in the geopolitics of the world system. The US national security strategy document and NATO Strategic document and the US defense security document which were written in 2022, Russia is considered a serious threat, challenge, and competitor for the Western bloc and the need to fight against Russia is inevitable.

The national security strategy of the United States of America has always fluctuated between the two attitudes of isolationism and internationalism, due to the fixed goals and economic capacity, physical security. The National Security Strategy document of the United States of America, compiled in 2022, shows an important part of the foreign, security, commercial, economic, technological, and geopolitical relations between the two countries, the United States and China, and their allies during at least one term of the Biden presidency., and the expansion of its values.

This research, using a descriptive-analytical method, tries to examine the national security strategy of the United States of America during the presidency of Joseph Robin Biden Jr. (known as Joe Biden 2020–2024), focusing on the geopolitical behavior of this country in confrontation with China. The methods of collecting information in this research are documentary and library. The method of analyzing the information collected in this qualitative research was done using logic, thinking, and geopolitical arguments. In this research, geopolitical sources and texts, international relations, regional studies, and national security strategies of the United States of America in different periods (1986–2022) have been used. One of the qualitative features of this research is that it benefits from the opinions of specialists and experts in the fields of geopolitics, national security, and think tanks in the United States of America regarding the strategic document of this country's national security regarding China from the perspective of the geopolitical approach.

The National Security Strategy document of the United States of America at any time is a combination of the fixed indicators of the national security system of the United States of America and the plans and preferences of the President and his cabinet. Maintaining and protecting the territory, people, and way of life of the United States of America, the leadership and dominance of the United States of America in the outside world, strengthening the alliance with friendly governments, and confronting the enemies of the United States of America are among the constant factors that can be found in almost all the strategic documents of the national security of the United States of America. On the other hand, the preferences of the president and the government of the United States of America, such as those expressed during the election campaigns, also form an important part of the strategic documents of the national security of the United States of America. The national security strategy of the United States of America during the Biden era has dealt with China's geopolitical behavior more than eight times and more than ever due to the promotion of military power, the development of military weapons, and China's nuclear activities, as well as the claim of China's interference and influence in the affairs of other countries and the challenge Padayar has included human rights in China in this strategic document and has reminded its allies and strategic partners of the necessity of diplomacy and the continuation of geopolitical confrontation with China.

Joe Biden, who won the US election in 2020, wrote his government's national security strategy and sent it to the House of Representatives in 2022. From the perspective of this strategy, China's geopolitical behavior can be categorized into three types:geopolitical challenge, geopolitical competition, and geopolitical cooperation. This strategic document of the Biden era and the NATO strategic document show more concern about China's geopolitical challenge than the six strategic documents of the past six American presidencies. In both strategic documents, America considers China its most important geopolitical challenge in the global geopolitical system and the Indo-Pacific geopolitical region as the most important region where the geopolitical challenge and conflict between these two countries will be formed in the future. The authors of this document believe that geopolitical competition is changing and often complex. A context in which common challenges can be addressed, while these problems often exacerbate competition and further geopolitical challenges.

Considering the growing trend of water shortage and crisis in the world, the conceptual and conceptual framework of hydro-hegemony, which is part of the new ideas and concepts in geopolitics and hydropolitics, is of increasing importance to predict the behaviors and strategies of the hydro-hegemonic and non-hydro-hegemonic actors have been favored at the level of transboundary basins. Since there is no consensus on the conceptual framework of hydro-hegemony among hydropolitical science thinkers, and hydro-hegemony as well as its related models have been mainly used to analyze several important transboundary basins in the world; As a result, this research seeks to propose the completion of the conceptual framework of hydro-hegemony so that this framework, in addition to being more complete, also has the ability to adapt to different transboundary basins in the world. In this regard, the Aras transboundary basin, which is shared by the 4 countries of Iran, Türkiye, the Republic of Azerbaijan and Armenia, and the hydro-hegemonic relations in this basin can be investigated due to the multiplicity of state actors in it and their sometimes different and conflicting interests, has been selected as a case study for the upcoming research. This research is theoretical-fundamental, descriptive-analytical and based on the causal research method. Finally, the research has reached a series of changes, omissions and additions in the conceptual framework of hydro-hegemony, which is mainly based on increasing the role of power in the concept of hydro-hegemony and its influence on other elements of this framework.

Planning for the development of disadvantaged and backward areas, especially the border areas of Kermanshah, has become an absolute necessity in many countries, including Iran, due to their position in development and security.

The purpose of the research: 

The purpose of the research is to investigate the factors of underdevelopment of the border areas in the border cities of Kermanshah province.

This research is descriptive-analytical and practical in terms of developmental goals. The method of collecting information is both library and field, in which interview and questionnaire tools were used for data collection The statistical population of this research includes local experts in the field of border studies and senior managers of Kermanshah province and border areas, 350 of whom were selected using targeted sampling.Geographical scope of the research: This research was conducted in the border countties of Kermanshah province.

The causes and roots of the underdevelopment of the province according to their nature and type of relationship in four general categories: "social-cultural factors", "political, ideological and security factors", "war and its consequences" and finally "factors related to the government and "Development Management" can be identified.

The root causes of the current state of the province can be found in the nomadic living system, forced war, the historical attitude of equality of authority with security and the dominance of ideological attitude instead of meritocracy in appointments, and most importantly, the existence of various "communication disorders" at different levels. He searched in the province.

Globalization is a broad and multi-process phenomenon that has affected globally and in all parts of the world, including the Persian Gulf region. In the Persian Gulf region, globalization has caused significant changes in economy, culture, politics and communication. One of the important effects of globalization in the Persian Gulf region is the increase in trade and economic growth. The opening of markets, the facilitation of traffic and the movement of investments have brought significant growth in the export, tourism, service and industry sectors. Also, globalization in the Persian Gulf region has led to the expansion of communication and cultural exchanges. Many communities in this region are being influenced by global cultures and are adopting new ways of thinking and living. Also, globalization in the Persian Gulf region has played an important role in the political changes of the region. Some countries in the region have tried to increase their power and capability by making political and economic changes in line with globalization. Therefore, it can be said that globalization in the Persian Gulf region has had important effects on economy, culture, politics and communication. However, these effects may vary among countries and communities in the region and include positive and negative effects.This research has tried to investigate different aspects of globalization in the Persian Gulf region and the impact of these aspects on this region by using research tools such as questionnaires and computational methods.The main question of the research: "Given the international developments and the effects of the globalization process on the Persian Gulf region in its various dimensions, what is the most important way to achieve economic development, scientific progress, social welfare, sustainable security and the withdrawal of extra-regional powers from this region?"

In this study, since the main purpose of this research was to influence globalization on the countries of the Persian Gulf region, descriptive and analytical methods of inferential and inductive type were used; in which the inductive role of various theories of globalization was investigated. Also, this research was specific and objective regarding its fundamental theoretical goal and the results had a fundamental aspect.Considering that the use of a research method (quantitative or qualitative) alone was not enough to achieve the goals of this research, a mixed research design was used.

The result of the quantitative and qualitative findings of the research, an analysis of globalization and its impact on the countries of the Persian Gulf region, has had a great impact in both positive and negative aspects. The process of globalization with all its complexities has also been implemented in this region and the results of this process in the last few decades are various consequences that have become more visible from political, economic and security points of view. Although these consequences are carried out with the orientations and plans of trans-regional powers to obtain the wealth and oil resources of the countries of this region, they continue to take full advantage of the negligence and ignorance of the heads of these governments, but the resulting economic consequences for all countries in the region and countries outside the region should not be ignored. Because of the commercial, commercial, service and industrial activities that have caused economic prosperity in this region, he ignored it. The efforts of the countries of the region to sell more oil, which is the legacy of their ancestors, to gain more windfall wealth, has created an oil-arms competition, and the necessary excuse is the lack of trust in the neighbours and the fear of trespassing on their country's borders. In this way, what the governments of this region have gained is the high costs of buying weapons and establishing military bases. However, in addition to these issues, the relative welfare of the people of the Persian Gulf countries has changed tremendously compared to the past, and the heads of these governments have taken such actions for more survival and to bring about the relative satisfaction of the society. Most of the wealth obtained from the sale of oil and gas condensates is deposited in European and American banks after spending the above expenses, which means that the money and wealth of these countries are not in their own hands, which is one of the new approaches to the concentration of wealth among the superpowers.

In this research, it was tried to present a new approach to cooperation and communication between the countries of this region by expressing the different features of globalization on the one hand and the other hand by examining the geopolitical, geostrategic, geoeconomic and culture capacities of this region to achieve more success through this way. In all fields, reduce the possibility of the presence of foreign powers in this region. We have achieved the following results in reducing the influence of big powers in the region: Reducing the influence of big powers in the Persian Gulf region is one of the important challenges for the countries of this region.

Taiwan is one of the countries whose political and legal independence is not recognized by the United Nations, and the main reason is China's opposition to this country as an independent political entity in the international arena and institutions such as the United Nations. China considers Taiwan an island owned by a rebellious government within the last seven decades and, like Hong Kong and Macau, it must return to the territory of the great Chinese nation and people, but the United States rejects this view and it has always supported Taiwan and has paved the way for the formation of a geopolitical challenge between the two countries and even the countries of the Pacific region. The purpose of this study is to examine the economic success of Taiwan as the fifth largest economy in Asia and its geopolitical challenge with China and US intervention through cooperation with Taiwan in military, political and economic dimensions in order to achieve its national interests in these dimensions, to use it as a tool against China, to contain and engage China, and to slow down economic and military development, as well as to enable its presence in the Pacific.  A descriptive –analytic research method was used. The data were collected through library research including national and international resources. The findings of this study show that China will not relinquish its rights over Taiwan under any circumstances and will enhance pressure on Taiwan by increasing its military, economic, technological and political power in the national and international arenas to fulfill its aim which is adding Tiwan to China even if through war with  with Taiwan and the United States, By mastering the Pacific logic, the United States will use all its efforts and capacity to prevent Taiwan's accession to China, both domestically and internationally, to control and monitor China. The United States, on the other hand, is committed to defending Taiwan and is willing to pay any price, even a war with China.

This paper compares the soft power and cultural relations of Iran and Türkiye in the South Caucasus republics and compares the cultural diplomacy of both states in this region, especially after the collapse of the Soviet Union. The purpose of this research is to investigate the success rate of Iran's cultural diplomacy in the South Caucasus region compared to Türkiye's cultural diplomacy in this region.

This paper relies on the theory of cultural diplomacy, examines the diplomacy and cultural relations of Iran and Türkiye in the South Caucasus region in a descriptive-analytical and comparative manner.

Türkiye has somehow been more successful by significantly expanding its cultural relations with the Republic of Azerbaijan and Georgia by using various tools and quite active political stances, compared to Iran, which has used fewer tools and has mostly played a neutral role in the political issues of the South Caucasus. Although, historically, civilizationally, culturally, and religiously, Iran has more capacities for success and greater influence in the South Caucasus; But it has not been very successful in actualizing these potential capacities.

It seems that one of the reasons for the weakness of Iran's cultural diplomacy in the Caucasus compared to Türkiye could be Tehran's greater attention to the Arab states of West Asia; Contrary to Türkiye's emphasis on the priority of developing its relations with the Turkic-speaking states of Central Asia and the Caucasus, and in this way and with a regionalist approach, it also expands its cultural relations with Georgia, Tajikistan, and even Armenia.

The Zionist regime has attempted to break out the geopolitical isolation with the doctrine of peripheral unity and to establish relations with other countries Since the 1960s. Areas such as the Mediterranean, North Africa, the Caucasus, and Central Asia were given priority by Israel. In the present study, the descriptive-analytical method was adopted to examine the periphery doctrine of Israel in the Caucasus and Central Asia as two important geopolitical areas in northern Iran. Our study indicates that the Zionist doctrine, despite a good start, failed to establish sustainable regional partnerships with five countries (i.e., Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Armenia, Uzbekistan, and Turkmenistan). In contrast, the Israel periphery doctrine in Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan has been somewhat successful than these five countries. In this regard, the main Israel stimuli for relations with Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan is including the supply of energy resources (40% of Azerbaijan and 25-25% of Kazakhstan), the existence of two countries with a Muslim majority population, a secular structure and the use of this as a leverage, the sale of weapons, as well as the co-border of these countries with Iran, and the using military and cyber capacity for eavesdropping. It is also worth mentioning that Israel remains a minor commercial partner for Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan, despite the uproar created by commentators. Russia, Turkey and Iran are the biggest trading partners of Kazakhstan and Azerbaijan (Iran's commercial ties with Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan in 2020 were about ten and three times more, respectively, than the Israel’s). A more precise analysis of arms sales also shows that Israel is not a major supplier of arms to either Azerbaijan or Kazakhstan, and Russia plays a key role in this context.

In electoral geography, particularly in parliamentary elections, a significant topic is “the proportionality in the allocation of parliamentary seats” and “gerrymandering”, addressing how changed or unchanged boundaries of electoral districts may result in the victory of an individual or group, or unfair in elections, a subject that has been neglected in Iran. Sistan and Baluchestan Province is among the border, peripheral, and deprived provinces in the country (Iran) facing underdevelopment challenges and being of paramount sensitivity given its geopolitical importance. Electoral geography may be a key factor in transforming its development. Hence, research on “proportionality in allocation” and “Gerrymandering” in this province is of great significance. The present paper, as part of a comprehensive research on the two concepts of “Proportionality in Allocation” and “Gerrymandering” in the context of eleven parliamentary election cycles in Sistan and Baluchestan Province, solely focuses on these two subjects in this province. Research data has been extracted by library method and analyzed using SPSS in GIS environment. The examination of “Proportionality in Allocation” revealed a spatial inequity in the electoral districts of this province relative to the population, and two seats should be added to the representatives of this province. In addition, the Gerrymandering investigation in this province indicates that “Gerrymandering” has not been applied.

Today, specialists and decision-makers in regional and national security encounter the whether Islamic republic of Iran is capable of designing her own acceptable regional security system. It is urgent to respond to this issue from different aspects in this article. We will attempt to analyze this question based on geopolitical factors. The baseline in this article is to study present (con or pro) geopolitical viewpoint regarding the possibility of Iran’s approach towards the development of or cooperation in regional security system. According to the research findings on geopolitical factors, Iran’s regional security and consequently the formation and development of a geopolitical construct by Iran ceases to be possible due to the following reasons: Iranian authorities' failure in appropriate utilization of geopolitical potentials and capabilities to coalesce regional streamlines, geopolitical conflicts and challenges existing in peripheral and strategic environment, Iran's being situated in the center of global powers’ attention and in other words, her being positioned within the foreign powers' geostrategies as a part of a whole, Incompatibility regional target and rivalry among the adjacent countries to Iran. Therefore, the security environment of Iran is the least efficient in the search for regional procedures. From the other hand, some experts believe that Iran should take two steps in order to develop bilateral and multilateral regional security coalition: a) She should follow stabilization policy as her main security guidelines in strategic environment,

The current research seeks to investigate the unstable geopolitics around Iran affecting the national economy. Factors such as the geopolitical situation, being located at a crossroads, surrounded by arid semi-desert territories, the security concerns of neighboring countries, and the various internal conflicts during successive centuries, have put the country instability of national security and deprived the country's economic development that requires stability and sustainability and security-oriented thinking in governance has been one of the constant concerns of Iran's rulers from the distant past to the last two centuries. The research method is descriptive-analytical and collecting required data for writing and analysis is based on library research utilizing valid domestic and international references and texts. Findings reveal that the Iranian economy for centuries, especially during the three periods of Qajar, Pahlavi, and the Islamic Republic, has been involved in a fundamental and ongoing problem called unstable geopolitics in and out of its territory and the government has not been able to build lasting security in the country. The lack of lasting security and the inability of governments to overcome it has caused great economic and political costs for the country so far. Although Iran has always faced the geopolitical challenge of surrounding insecurity and various internal conflicts, this challenge has barricaded forming desirable conditions for the national economy during the last two centuries when countries were busy building their national economy. It can be said that the main challenge of Iran yesterday and today is the domination of the security discourse over the economic discourse, a vital issue for the country's development process.

Kermanshah province is facing various economic, social, cultural, and political challenges, which has caused the lack of development of the province, especially in the border areas. In this province, the border towns are in a bad situation. Therefore, the main purpose of the research is to investigate the development obstacles in the border areas of Kermanshah province. In terms of its objectives, this study is of an applied research type and in terms of method descriptive-analytical and in terms goal it is considered a developmental study. The data collection was done through both library and field study, where interview and questionnaire tools are used. The statistical population of this research includes local experts in the field of border studies and senior managers of the province and border areas of Kermanshah, from which 350 individuals were selected using targeted sampling method. The reliability of the research was checked and confirmed by Cronbach's alpha coefficient and validity by a panel of experts. In this research, underdevelopment and deprivation were discussed from economic, political, spatial, social dimensions, tourism, and healthcare. The obtained results indicate that the border areas are underprivileged in terms of wealth. The results of Spearman's correlation show a significant relationship between economic, social, political, tourism, and health variables with the underdevelopment of the border areas of Kermanshah province. Finally, the regression findings showed that among these variables, social variables and then economic variables had the greatest impact on underdevelopment.

This article, after examining the views and theories of western and Muslim scholars we have comparative discussion and comparison around the two types of good governance in the West and transcendent governance in Islam. In the present world and in passing bad governance to favorable governance which is the Ideal situation and idealistic the whole world is global, and that governance should be of what kind of person or group and what the personal and ideological characteristics of the statesman or governors should be, the main issue is the circles of governance. Characteristics and major components of governances in their desirability and gaining people satisfaction from the most important issues in governance and to achieve the perfection and prosperity of individuals and communities. In the meantime, however, most Western theories of justice and talked about other traits and characteristics of good governance that are also sought by Islam, but their main approach was toward the material and temporal perfection of mankind and that's because of their human-centered tendency. On the other hand, Islam with a god-centered attitude, introduces the happiness of the hereafter as the purpose of the creation of human beings and societies. Accordingly, because the purpose of the creation of the world, human beings, societies and the formation of governments is to achieve eternal bliss, therefore, the characteristics of the best kind of governance are revealed and people's compliance with such governments is essential.

The South China Sea, along with the Korean Peninsula and the Taiwan Strait, is described as one of the three hotspots in East Asia because of its potential for conflict of interest and threat to peace and security. Therefore, the issue of its borders is of international importance. As a quasi-closed sea, it is home to numerous small islands and cliffs, as well as abundant living and non-marine reserves, as well as providing key maritime routes for commercial navigation. For these reasons, the sea has become the target of conflict between coastal countries and its neighbors. In this sea, the main issues in dispute are: 1- Border disputes over the determination of the lines of origin, the boundaries of the territorial seas and also the exclusive economic zone2. Territorial disputes over several islands, including the Paracel and Spratly archipelagos. Because of its superior power, as well as some unproven historical claims, China sets the nine-dash as the final line of its sovereignty, some of which extend as far as the coastal sea. The United States and the countries bordering the South China Sea strongly oppose this, as well as China's historic claims. The littoral states of the South China Sea consider the historic claims and the nine-dash claimed by the Chinese government to be contrary to the laws of the UN Convention. The United States, as a trans-regional player, also provides diverse support to coastal countries. In this research, with a descriptive analytical approach and using new sources, the disputed issues between the claiming countries have been studied and the role of the United States in terms of geopolitical competition has been analyzed.

The South Asian region, which consists of eight countries: Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Maldives, Nepal, Pakistan and Sri Lanka are is of the main centers of energy consumption in the 21st century, where the issue of energy security A variety of demographic, economic, political, geographical, geopolitical and geoeconomics factors are of great importance.China and India as two growing powers, Across Asia and the surrounding waters, are at odds with each other in terms of national interests, they try to limit the other country on the one hand with the aim of further growth, and on the other hand by creating unions and mutual blockade. In the meantime, Undoubtedly, the issue of energy and access to it will play a big role in the territorial claims of India and China in this region and this raises the question of what effect geopolitics of energy will have on regional security in South Asia, given the mapping of China and India?

According to the research topic, which examines the geopolitical role of energy on security in the regions of South Asia and the role of two major regional actors, namely China and India, on the agenda, Researchers have tried to study the subject using analytical and descriptive research methods. In the analytical-descriptive research method, an attempt is made to analyze geographical events and facts using analytical logic, and Library studies have been used to collect data and information used in the research. Also, using software such as Arc GIS and options such as Smart Art in word, maps and shapes have been prepared following the research objectives.

South Asia region and China-India geopolitical competition The South Asian region is at the heart of geopolitical change for at least two reasons: 1- China's economic and military progress, as well as its efforts to increase its diplomatic and trade influence in the Eurasian region. 2- India's progress and efforts to cooperate with South and Southeast Asia (and Eurasia). South Asia is the only independent region that completely seeks to become a "global balancer" with different outcomes. India competes with China in South Asia alongside territorial disputes with Pakistan and even at some point in the 1960s, due to territorial disputes, it engaged in a military confrontation with its eastern neighbor. These geopolitical and territorial disputes have caused that China and Pakistan should get closer to each other and expose the geopolitical chess scene in the Indian subcontinent to new complexities. Geopolitics of energy and geopolitics of access in South Asia The countries of the South Asian region are constantly facing the problem of increasing energy demand and should consider strategies that, given their dependence on energy imports, provide them with a continuous and secure flow of energy. However, statistics show the growing dependence of these countries on Middle Eastern crude oil but at the same time, both India and China are moving to supply crude oil from sources outside the Middle East, such as African countries (Nigeria, Angola, and Congo), Asian countries (Russia and Malaysia), and American countries (Mexico, Venezuela, Colombia, and United States). Energy and geopolitical competition between India and China in South AsiaChina's geopolitical approaches to South Asia are not limited to Pakistan. this country is also seeking to maintain its supremacy in the Strait of Malacca. China's domination of the Straits of Malacca has raised concerns for India, because, in the west of the region, China is also seeking to exert influence in the north of the Arabian Sea. China's domination of both east and west connecting highways with South Asia gives it a geostrategic advantage over India and it poses a growing threat to India's secure access to major fossil energy sources, especially crude oil. US intervention and Intensified competition between India and China  In South AsiaFactors such as China's economic and security development, China moves across the Indian Ocean, China threatens to US interests in the Persian Gulf geopolitical region can affect the issue of energy exchange in the world, the existence of American interests in South Asia, geopolitical rivalry between three major actors: India, Pakistan, and China, encouraged the United States to play an active role in the security structures of South Asia and to cooperate strategically with India.

From a geopolitical point of view, energy supply and proper access to it have a decisive role in regional security. Regional Security in South Asia, influenced by the presence and design of India and China. Both depend on energy imports to stabilize and sustain economic development. Also, due to a set of factors such as geopolitical rivalries and energy geopolitics, countries of the South Asian region have failed to establish a common structure and system for the benefit of the common good and the security of the region. In other words, countries in the region are constantly facing the problem of increasing energy demand and therefore inevitably have to consider strategies that, given their dependence on energy imports, provide them with a continuous and safe flow of energy. Finally, the issue of energy has led to the achievement of geopolitical supremacy in the South Asian region becoming a security priority in the new geopolitics of India and China. The result of this approach, is the fragility of the security of the South Asian Region that has threatened the interests of both countries and their regional neighbors.

The purpose of this study is to investigate the geopolitical differences in the Persian Gulf region. Today, the Persian Gulf is known as one of the most important geopolitical areas in the world. The geo-economic importance of the region due to the existence of energy resources, good communication position and geopolitical structure of the region has led to historical and civilizational differences between the countries of the region as well as differences between trans-regional countries in relations with countries. The method of this research is "applied" in terms of purpose and "descriptive-analytical" in terms of nature. Using John Coliner's theory, which focuses on geopolitical differences, this study seeks to answer the question of what factors and components lead to geopolitical differences in the Persian Gulf region? The findings of the study indicate geopolitical differences in the Persian Gulf region in the dimensions of territorial disputes (claims and disputes over borders, land and maritime territories), strategic disputes (disputes between countries over strategic places and points such as Arvand River, Abu Musa and the Strait of Hormuz), economic disputes (disputes over energy resources and common offshore fields), environmental disputes (disputes over the marine environment and water scarcity in the region) and cultural disputes (historical-civilizational disputes and Ethnicity) which has led to competition and geopolitical tensions in the relations of the countries of the region and the involvement of supra-regional powers in the Persian Gulf region. The results of the study indicate the geopolitical differences between the countries of the Persian Gulf region include five dimensions: "territorial, economic, strategic, cultural and environmental". The most important consequences of these differences are "failure to form a comprehensive regional organization", "lack of collective security approach", "First and Second Persian Gulf Wars", "geopolitical rivalries" and "proxy wars" are present.

Good governance, by providing space for participatory processes, is a good platform for strengthening civil society alongside government and the private sector in governing countries. Meanwhile, NGOs, as an important part of civil society, are trying to fill government loopholes in geographical areas. In the discussion of non-governmental organizations, we can point to their importance as one of the key players for achieving good governance in the context of promoting social capital. The present study, which is a descriptive-comparative study, compares the components of good governance (with those of accountability, transparency, accountability and rule of law) by non-governmental organizations and local governments in Iran. The sample size of the study was 296 people (157 members of NGOs and 140 members of local government) who were selected through available sampling and snowball. The results showed that the NGOs have performed better than the local government in achieving the components of good governance. The components of good governance were significantly related to the control indicators of poverty, corruption, and the elimination of discrimination and inequality, which is a great goal to be achieved through the active performance of non-governmental organizations.

Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia are undoubtedly two important and determining countries in the Middle East and Persian Gulf region, which typically have vicissitudinous relations. Over time, geopolitical relations of countries have been constantly evolving through several factors such as wars, changes in the regional and the global system, revolutions, and changes in power balances. Over the past four decades (after the Islamic revolution), Iran-Saudi Arabia geopolitical relations have been changed due to a wide range of geopolitical factors which can be found in a variety of internal-external geopolitical factors. This descriptive-analytical paper aims to study the pattern of geopolitical relations between Iran and Saudi Arabia after the Islamic Revolution of Iran. Islamic Revolution in Iran, September 11 attacks, Islamic-awakening, the peaceful end of Iran–Iraq War, energy geopolitics, Shia Crescent, Iran's access to nuclear energy, Regional and international developments such as the coming of Mohamed bin Salman in Saudi Arabia and Donald Tramp in the United States and the key role of transnational powers have been the most factors affecting this geopolitical relations.

Iran is a historical land with many border tides that was located on the Iranian plateau and its peripheral areas and now has political sovereignty over parts of the Iranian plateau. It cannot be said correctly that Iran is an Eastern or Western country, and perhaps the application of the word "middle" to these regions stems from this point. civilization is formed on the basis of geographical environment In this geographical space, the nation and national identity have been formed. 

the present study is one of the basic researches and in terms of purpose, it is descriptive-analytical and supervises the analysis of the problem. In this research, analysis has been presented using historical data. The type of analysis used in this study is a historical analysis in which the roots of the formation of the political system in Iran in comparison with other countries, especially Europe, have been studied and explained. In terms of resources used, in the present study, documentary and library resources have been used and the method of data collection in this research is library. This research is explained in the form of an article.

Over time, many connections are formed between people who live in a geographical area, which gives them a special political view of being a nation. The domination of man in the place continues to the last borders of a country and is as old as human history Real boundaries represent the ultimate advancement of political, cultural, and social concepts, and any kind of demarcation outside of historical custom will lead to the division of these concepts. In Iran, the country's borders have been established throughout a very long and continuous history, and any tide of these borders has met with the reaction of at least the Iranian elite. This patriotic approach, which was formed in the minds of people like Ferdowsi and Yaqub Laith Saffari, became a form of archaism, rationalism or idealism in the contemporary centuries. It is necessary to mention that in different historical periods, especially in the first centuries of Islam, in fact, everyone in Iran knew where Iran was, and even when Iran was part of the Islamic Caliphate, the people knew such a town and village. Who are Iranians or belong to another country. In the land of Iraq, this division can be seen in different areas. In Madain, for example, an Arab group lived alongside an Iranian group, and this amalgamation led to the defeat of the Levant against Iraq, and the formation of the Abbasid Caliphate from a combination of Iranian and Arab civilizations. This mix has existed in many parts of the world throughout history and has led to many wars and conflicts. A phase of war and violence will begin if territorialism transcends the borders defined by the nation. However, national identity is formed in a geographical context and in an ideal state, this geographical context corresponds to the borders of the country. With the exception of small island states such as Malta, it is very rare for the borders of a country and the geography that national identity has been occupied in a historic effort to coincide.The national identity of individuals in its historical course leads to political self-awareness and the desire to form a specific land. The political system is formed following the territorial aspirations of the masses of people who, in the course of their evolution, form a state and become a nation. Territorialism in the sense is a constructive phenomenon that leads to the formation of civilization. Ancient civilizations were formed following the expansion of territory, and the political systems created following this territorialization created the first political concepts. Political Concepts and the Crisis of Legitimacy of Governments, which are part of their political structure, have led to complex, more efficient political systems in which the role of the people has become more prominent. With the entanglement of the concept of state and nation, national identity took on a political flavor. However, throughout history, territorialism has always been associated with destruction, violence, and war, and wherever a nation has risen up for spatial growth and development, it has ended up with attacks without strong philosophical support and relying on superficial concepts. The outside world is under attack.

The nation-state has been wonderfully established in Iran during its heyday. Unlike the disappearance of ancient civilizations such as Greece and Rome in Europe, Iranian civilization and Iranian identity have not been disconnected and have always been current. Another point is the clinging of Iranian identity and geography of Iran, and unlike some civilizations such as Indian and Roman civilization in the great migration from Rome to Byzantium, has always been felt within its borders, albeit restless. An interesting feature of Iranshahri civilization is the lack of a specific center in its vast geography. Iranshahri civilization has been fluid in the geography of Iran for centuries and its geographical centers have been constantly shifted. Unlike Athens, Rome, Paris and London, which have long represented their countries, no city has played such a role even in the first years of the formation of the political system in Iran. The Achaemenid Empire also benefited from several centers. In contrast, the formation of the political system and the creation of the nation-state in Europe has always been an artificial phenomenon that is by no means tied to its geographical space and is more satisfied with ethnicity and language. European nation-building has often been violent and bloody, leading to endless conflicts. Extremist regionalism has risen up against EU regionalism and challenged the values ​​of the Union.

Geopolitical relations are the relations between political units based on the context of geographical web sites.This descriptive-analytical study tries to identify the most important settings and contexts of geopolitical relations between political units at the scale of the Persian Gulf regions. Identifying the contexts and fields of relations between the countries located in the Persian Gulf region is of great importance due to the geopolitical and geo-economic position of this region in the structure of world power. In this research, first the theories and approaches of relations have been studied and their common chapter has been extracted in order to identify the areas affecting the relations of countries and then these components have been implemented in relation to the Persian Gulf. The results of the research show that the most important contexts and fields of geopolitical relations between the countries in the Persian Gulf region are in four dimensions: hydro-political, geopolitical, geo-economics and geo-culture. The most important factors influencing the relations between countries include the geopolitical position of the region, territorial claims of the countries in the region to each other, ideological orientation in the region, bipolar geopolitical structure, conflicting security approaches, water shortages and common border rivers, geopolitical codes Conflict, competition for regional hegemony between Iran and Saudi Arabia, disagreement on some common maritime borders, existence of the Strait of Hormuz, unequal geopolitical weight of the countries in the region, failure to form a comprehensive regional organization, religious and ethnic ties have located among the countries of the region.

One of the world’s geographical regions which has been exposed to the geopolitics tensions was southern Asian region which has more than 2 billion population. In this geopolitical region, the presence and the impact of China and India which are trying to develop their impression all the time and the special notice of America has caused that the domain of regional and world competitions find new dimensions. The importance and the domain of these competitions in the geographical region of southern Asia is so huge that this region has been able to be a place for getting the strategic Excellency in Asian continent, and probably a focal for changing the balance of world power in the 21 century. This issue has caused that the study of the structure of geopolitical competition between China and India and the role of America in the Southern Asia region is an interesting issue for academicals studies. In this research, the goal is to investigate this tip with the way of descriptive analytical research which the nature of geopolitical competition between China and India in this geographical region is created on what basis; and what the process of America’s intervention has influenced on the power equations. The result of the research indicates that the most important influential factor on the geopolitical competition of China and India is the development of the economy’s role in the world’s changes. In a way that the competition between themselves has been transformed from security domain to the economic domain. In this process, the United States with the notice of the profits unity with India is trying to restrain the impact of China in peripheral regions, being an obstacle to achieve China’s economical and communicational plans in the countries like Pakistan, Myanmar and Bangladesh. This issue has cause the increase of China’s penetration costs and on the other hand has caused the increase of competition power of India which seems in a short time neither of China and India countries aren’t able to acquire absolute geopolitical and geo-economics excellence towards each other. One of the world’s geographical regions which has been exposed to the geopolitics tensions was southern Asian region which has more than 2 billion population. In this geopolitical region, the presence and the impact of China and India which are trying to develop their impression all the time and the special notice of America has caused that the domain of regional and world competitions find new dimensions. The importance and the domain of these competitions in the geographical region of southern Asia is so huge that this region has been able to be a place for getting the strategic Excellency in Asian continent, and probably a focal for changing the balance of world power in the 21 century. This issue has caused that the study of the structure of geopolitical competition between China and India and the role of America in the Southern Asia region is an interesting issue for academicals studies. In this research, the goal is to investigate this tip with the way of descriptive analytical research which the nature of geopolitical competition between China and India in this geographical region is created on what basis; and what the process of America’s intervention has influenced on the power equations. The result of the research indicates that the most important influential factor on the geopolitical competition of China and India is the development of the economy’s role in the world’s changes. In a way that the competition between themselves has been transformed from security domain to the economic domain. In this process, the United States with the notice of the profits unity with India is trying to restrain the impact of China in peripheral regions, being an obstacle to achieve China’s economical and communicational plans in the countries like Pakistan, Myanmar and Bangladesh. This issue has cause the increase of China’s penetration costs and on the other hand has caused the increase of competition power of India which seems in a short time neither of China and India countries aren’t able to acquire absolute geopolitical and geo-economics excellence towards each other. One of the world’s geographical regions which has been exposed to the geopolitics tensions was southern Asian region which has more than 2 billion population. In this geopolitical region, the presence and the impact of China and India which are trying to develop their impression all the time and the special notice of America has caused that the domain of regional and world competitions find new dimensions. The importance and the domain of these competitions in the geographical region of southern Asia is so huge that this region has been able to be a place for getting the strategic Excellency in Asian continent, and probably a focal for changing the balance of world power in the 21 century. This issue has caused that the study of the structure of geopolitical competition between China and India and the role of America in the Southern Asia region is an interesting issue for academicals studies. In this research, the goal is to investigate this tip with the way of descriptive analytical research which the nature of geopolitical competition between China and India in this geographical region is created on what basis; and what the process of America’s intervention has influenced on the power equations. The result of the research indicates that the most important influential factor on the geopolitical competition of China and India is the development of the economy’s role in the world’s changes. In a way that the competition between themselves has been transformed from security domain to the economic domain. In this process, the United States with the notice of the profits unity with India is trying to restrain the impact of China in peripheral regions, being an obstacle to achieve China’s economical and communicational plans in the countries like Pakistan, Myanmar and Bangladesh.

The issue of maintaining and expanding security in border areas, especially in countries that have long common borders with their neighbors, has always been the concern and sensitivity of those in the charge . Therefore, developmental differences between geographical locations are not the interest of human and damage the environment for development will create many problems for the future. Consequently, this study was conducted to investigate the opportunities and obstacles facing sustainable security in Bushehr province. In this research, the researcher has collected the required data in the form of libraries and documents. Based on the research findings, it is clear that in Bushehr province, opportunities for sustainable security development are favorable geographical location, favorable hydrocarbon resources, marine resources, the ability to produce new energy and also the province's bottlenecks in the field of sustainable security, military centers, economic resources, unemployment, Smuggling and problems of water resources can be mentioned. Improper use of resources has also led to environmental damage and deprivation of residents of services commensurate with the potential of the region

Years after the outbreak of 2011 unrests in Syria and without a clear vision of the future of developments in this country, it will not be possible to plan for managing and ending this crisis. Among many various influential actors at the regional level, Saudi Arabia has had a great importance due to its strong presence since the very first days of the unrests in Syria as well as its relatively large influence on other regional and domestic actors. This article tries to provide a comprehensive analysis of the course of Saudi Arabia's previous actions and approaches in the Syrian crisis and to show future of Saudi policies towards the crisis. The article will then tries to offer most probable scenarios for the future of Saudi Arabian policies based on the principles of future studies.

The present study employs descriptive-analytical method, futures studies approach and scenario-making method to study and examine the issue. Taking advantages of these approaches and methods, the article scrutinizes Saudi policies in Syrian crisis as well as reasons and objectives behind each of which.

Saudi Arabia's policies towards the Syrian crisis have been identified as a crucial factor in continuation of this crisis in the past, present and future.

Taking all factors and effective deterrents into account, this article introduces continuation of the current offensive policy pursued by a kind of network deterrence as the most probable scenario for the future of Saudi policies in the Syrian crisis.

Today, the most developed cities have formed in the margins of coasts of seas and oceans. There is a reciprocal relationship between the existence and survival of cities and sea-oriented development. Today, a geoeconomic approach governs coastlines.  Therefore, the Eastern coasts of Iran (Makran coasts) have connected the country to the ocean structure, causing an increase of geopolitical weight and geoeconomic functions. In the present research, the main question is: What are the defense and security challenges of sea-oriented development in the Makran coasts from the perspective of political geography at local and national scales? The method used in this research is descriptive of survey type ( using questionnaire on the basis of Likert scale). The analysis in this research has been carried out by using the statistical software SPSS 23 at two levels: namely Descriptive and Inferential. The data in this article represent part of the challenges (security and defense challenges at two scales: namely national and local) adopted from the doctoral dissertation with the topic of "the challenges of sea-oriented developments in Makran coasts from the perspective of political geography". Results indicate that the security-defense challenges at national scale enjoy a higher weight and average than the security-defense challenges at local scale.