به جمع مشترکان مگیران بپیوندید!

تنها با پرداخت 70 هزارتومان حق اشتراک سالانه به متن مقالات دسترسی داشته باشید و 100 مقاله را بدون هزینه دیگری دریافت کنید.

برای پرداخت حق اشتراک اگر عضو هستید وارد شوید در غیر این صورت حساب کاربری جدید ایجاد کنید

عضویت
فهرست مطالب

mahmood vasegh

  • مرجان بدیعی ازنداهی*، کیومرث یزدان پناه درو، محمود واثق، عباس احمدی، مریم سلمانیان

    در دهه پایانی قرن بیستم و با پایان دوره جنگ سرد، جهان شاهد تغییرات شگرفی در نقشه جغرافیای سیاسی خود بوده است؛ که زمینه ساز رقابت های ژئواستراتژیکی نوینی شد. تغییر اول، نگرانی های سیاسی ناشی از پویایی های نظامی بود؛ بطوری که حرکت جهان به سوی یک نظام بی قاعده، چندقطبی با شکل گیری موازنه قدرت و امکان تسلط نظامی ابرقدرت های بزرگ در مناطق کلیدی فر ارسید. تغییر دوم، عمدتا اقتصادی بود؛ یعنی رشد عظیم سیستم های بازار آزاد در تجارت جهانی و شبکه های درهم پیچیده سرمایه گذاری. در این راستا، سومین تغییر در حال ظهور عبارتست از گسترش انقلاب اطلاعاتی با پیامدهایی از نوع قدرت دانش، که در بازیگران غیردولتی نفوذ کرده و منجر به همبستگی جهانی و ایجاد محصول جدیدی برای نظم جهانی شده است. به همین دلیل، گروهی از نظریه پردازان و استراتژیست ها آن را به عنوان مروری بر تغییر پارادایم می پندارند، اما اکثریت آن را با هریک از پارادایم های مهم رئال پلیتیک و ناسیونالیسم مرتبط می سازند. در این راستا، تعامل میان دانش و قدرت، اصول بسیار ساده ژئوپلیتیک را که اغلب توسط رئال پالیتیک یا سیاست واقع گرایانه فراموش شده است، اصلاح می کند. ژئوپلیتیک نوعی چشم انداز پانوپتیک از قدرت/دانش است که بدنبال ارزیابی موقعیت قطب های قدرت جهان برای کمک به تمرین کشورداری توسط قدرت های بزرگ تعریف می شود. گاه نیز آن را گفتگو درباره سیاست جهانی با تاکید خاص بر رقابت دولتی و ابعاد جغرافیایی قدرت می دانند. از این رو، تعریف و چیستی قدرت و دانش و اعمال آن در ژئوپلیتیک اهمیت به سزایی می یابد. بنابراین، در حالی که ساختارها و حتی پویایی نظم جهانی بشدت در حال تغییر هستند، در مباحث ژئوپلیتیکی پارادایم های جدیدی به ویژه در حوزه غیردولتی مشتمل بر بازیگران جامعه مدنی درحال ظهور می باشند که اصطلاحا به آن «نووپلیتیک» می گویند. «نووپلیتیک» رویکردی نسبت به حکومت داری است که بوسیله سازمان های غیردولتی به عنوان بازیگران دولتی انجام می شود، و بر نقش قدرت نرم در ابراز ایده ها، ارزش ها، هنجارها و اخلاق از طریق تمام رسانه ها تاکید می کند. این باعث متمایز شدن آن از سیاست واقع گرایانه، که بر ابعاد سخت و مادی قدرت و بر دولت ها به عنوان تعیین کننده های نظم جهانی تاکید دارد، می شود. نوشتار حاضر با روش توصیفی تحلیلی درصدد پاسخ به این پرسش اصلی است: ماهیت استراتژی دانش چگونه به شکل دهی پارادایم نوینی به نام نووپلیتیک با بازیگران جامعه مدنی منجر شده است. نتایج تحقیق نشان می دهد، درهم تنیدگی سه مفهوم کلیدی نووسفر، قدرت نرم و قدرت هوشمند در عصر اطلاعات و تکنولوژی های نوین منجر به شکل گیری پارادایم جدیدی به نام نووپلیتیک شده است. ساخت این نووپلیتیک ها، منطبق با شرایط قرن 21 و وابسته به ماهیت استراتژی دانش/قدرت خواهد بود. زیرا در جهان کنونی، دانش به سرعت در حال تبدیل به منبع قوی تری از قدرت و استراتژی ها می شود، تا آنجا که سیاست واقع گرایانه و فضای بین المللی نمی تواند آن را جذب کند.

    کلید واژگان: دانش, قدرت, Noopolitics, ژئوپلیتیک, قرن بیست و یک
    Marjan Badiee Azandahie *, Qiuomars Yazdanpanah Dero, Mahmood Vasegh, Abbas Ahmadi, Maryam Salmanian
    Introduction

    In geopolitics, every decision is consciously taken and the effect of various structures of organizations, ideological institutions, etc. on performance methods and even our way of thinking is carefully noticed. Fundamental bases of geopolitical studies as well as politics are geosphere and biosphere. In this regard, Arquilla & Ronfeldt (1999) offered the idea of “noopolitics” as a new strategic approach in noospheric setting. This setting refers to the development of earth and human knowledge, science as well as mental communicative network to regenerate phenomena. Noopolitics makes a deep change in geopolitics and art of governing because it can turn knowledge into power. Above all, the aim is to prevent the dominance of power over knowledge with the result of our developed mind transferring the sciences at the service of humanity and peace into an extended area. While classical geopolitics claims that some countries overtake others with the intention of overruling, noopolitics rejects it and considers the unique source of power, “the power over self”. Finally, according to noopolitics, another war cannot exist in facing absolute knowledge.

    Methodology

    This study enjoys fundamental method of research and involves a new discussion over power and knowledge in relation to classical geopolitics. It dominates change in patterns and the current procedure on international system based on evolved principles of geopolitics during which the subject of power and informational strength turns into knowledge and wisdom. Its verification is the main focus of this research. With regard to the theoretical nature of the subject, the research method is descriptive-analytic and data collection tool is based on library findings.

    Results and Discussion

    Noopolitics is the interaction between power and knowledge and between power and wisdom. In fact, it is the “policy of knowledge geopolitics” in a way that it explains behaviors, errors, and reasons and enables the tomorrow’s leaders to overcome the errors. Noopolitics claims that sovereignty at any level of human organization is the source of blessing and every power. If noopolitics is considered as the interaction between power and knowledge, the art of knowledge is the ability to rule and control over power.
    In essence, noopolitics is a political-informative function which can be updated with the entrance of new players. Arquilla & Ronfeldt (1999) consider five trends to develop noopolitics. Integrated growth at international level, continuation of unity of the world civil society, added soft power, and updated importance of cooperation merits and shaping international noosphere. This inclination, of course, does not outdate old paradigm of terms related to political realism. However, power decreases “states role as determining factor of world discipline” and the political and realistic states. This trend, in more complex relations of the nations, considers noopolitics as states’ approaches that can be used by non-government institutions as state influencers, and emphasizes on the role of soft power to express thoughts, values, norms and ethics via all media. Noopolitics is the political behavior and foreign political strategy for the information age which emphasizes on shaping and sharing the ideas, norms, regulations, and ethics through soft power. In this regard, the information era witnesses the movement from realpolitics to noopolitics. While realpolitics with its realistic policy intends to transfer power to the states, noopolitics enjoys the power of government and non-government players system in its performance. Therefore, we encounter certain new notions in noopolitical paradigm which are based on sciences and information era such as noosphere, soft and intelligent power.It can be noted that a meaningful relationship exists between soft power and noopolitics. Arquilla & Ronfeldt (1999) take states the main players of international system but still notice the relation balance between states, market, and civil society. This change is to the advantage of realistic policy. Noopolitic thoughts are a platform via which international activities develop with knowledge playing a vital role. They believe knowledge is resulted from multiple processes and through steps which briefly include information, comprehension, analysis, and dissemination of updated communicative technologies in the light of information. Noopolitics is not only the access to the data, but it also is the possession of strategic potential by means of application of information channels. It sometimes performs as a complement for reality and sometimes as a competitive paradigm for policy and strategy. As, international noosphere expands, noopolitics offers a new paradigm at a broader level. The interaction between knowledge and power has amended very simple principles of noopolitics. It has been recognized as an outstanding performance in a way that the states should not attempt to impose power on others. Still, they can be the final shape of power with noopolitical strategy. Therefore, power would be the final goal of international relations. Knowledge within power along with noopolitical principles would result in ideas which benefit more in peace rather than war. Military technology as well as talent should always be permitted or be turned into non-military programs because power of weapons of mass murder is more due to mass destruction. Information revolution empowers nations’ potentials to face others; however, it is also the most vulnerable at international atmosphere. Therefore, noopolitics hegemony would belong to those with information imperialism. At the time of battle, countries that possess thecapability of sharing hot information for public security are able to organize and manage more security organizations. But this issue increases the risk of exploitation and misbehavior with semi-trusted friends and allies. All in all, policies, resolutions, as well as especial mechanisms would be worked out which meaningfully keep noopolitics apart from realistic policy to deal with a vast domain of situations including “democratic development”, leverage on ruling regimes, and making agreement on environmental problems and human rights across the world.

    Conclusions

    The present research has posed a fresh discussion on power and knowledge in relation with classical noopolitics. The study domain includes changes in patterns and ruling trends in international system based on innovated principles of geopolitics with the subject of power and information capabilities turning into knowledge and wisdom that is taken as one of the updated ideas. The interaction between knowledge and power would correct quite simple principles of geopolitics and introduces noopolitics as an outstanding performance. Therefore, states with noopolitical strategies could absorb the ultimate product of power to their benefits. Based on noopolitics, wars would happen only as a result of coexistence of knowledge and ignorance, to hurt the enemy and prevent clashes. There is a need to knowledge because in encountering absolute knowledge, there would be no other war.

    Keywords: Knowledge, Power, Noopolitics, Geopolitics, 21 Century
  • رضا دولتی، عباس احمدی*، محمدباقر قالیباف، محمود واثق

    سیاست های اقتدارگرایانه با تاکید بر تقویت قدرت دولت ها، گاه مانع از تعامل سازنده بین کشورها می شود و زمینه ساز بروز تنش های بین المللی است. منطقه خاورمیانه و به ویژه کشورهای حوضه آبریز دجله و فرات از مناطقی هستند که به دلیل موقعیت ژئوپلیتیکی و هیدروپلیتیکی خاص، از این قاعده مستثنی نیستند. در دهه های اخیر، به رغم فراز و نشیب های تاریخی، روابط ایران، ترکیه و عراق به دلیل احداث سدها و خشکسالی های مکرر، از یک سو و سیاست های اقتدارگرایانه ترکیه از سوی دیگر، حساس تر شده است. بنابراین لزوم آشکارسازی و تحلیل فرایند های جاری در منطقه و پیش بینی روندها مهم و حائز اهمیت بوده است چراکه امکان جلوگیری از بحران های بزرگ را فراهم می کند. در همین راستا این مقاله با اتخاذ روش تحقیق آمیخته و ترسیم مدل مفهومی تلاش کرده است به این سوال پاسخ دهد که اقدامات ترکیه در حوزه مدیریت آبی، از چه الگویی پیروی کرده و چه پیامدهایی برای همسایگان این کشور می توان متصور شد؟ در این پژوهش از مدل فرضی های پوتیتکا و مدل سوئین جهت بررسی شرایط استفاده شده است. فرضیه پژوهش حاکی از آن است که سیاست های آبی ترکیه، اقتدارگرایانه بوده به گونه ای که کشورهای همسایه به ویژه ایران و عراق را را با کمبود منابع آب و تنش روبه رو خواهد ساخت. نتایج نشان می دهد که در صورت ادامه روند کنونی، ایران در طولانی مدت و عراق در کوتاه مدت دچار بیشترین آسیب در امنیت آبی در مقایسه با سایر کشورها خواهند شد.

    کلید واژگان: سیاست های اقتدارگرایانه, ژئوپلیتیک, بحران بین المللی, های پوتیتکا, سوئین
    Reza Dolati, Seyyed Abbas Ahmadi *, Mohammadbagher Ghalibaf, Mahmood Vasegh
    Introduction

    Authoritarian policies that prioritize state power often hinder the development of constructive international relationships, fueling tensions and reducing opportunities for cooperation. This is particularly evident in the Middle East, where countries in the Tigris and Euphrates river basins are deeply affected. The region's unique geopolitical and hydropolitical context makes it especially vulnerable to such conflicts. In recent years, relations between Iran, Turkiye, and Iraq have grown increasingly complex due to various factors, including dam construction, persistent droughts, and Turkiye's authoritarian policies. These elements have heightened sensitivities in their relations, compounding the challenges of their already tumultuous history.In such a complex environment, it becomes increasingly crucial to accurately understand and thoroughly analyze the ongoing regional processes. Additionally, forecasting future trends is critical for preventing international crises. A detailed examination of the impact of dam construction on the flow of the Tigris and Euphrates rivers, coupled with an assessment of the consequences of recurring droughts on the region's water resources, is essential. Analyzing the water policies of key regional players, particularly Turkiye, can also further enhance our understanding of the current situation and inform more effective responses.Furthermore, exploring how these policies affect relations between neighboring countries can provide valuable insights. Through such studies, it is possible to propose solutions that promote more effective cooperation in water resource management. This could involve sharing information, creating joint mechanisms for managing water resources, and developing collaborative projects focused on sustainable usage. Ultimately, prioritizing cooperation over competition and hostility can foster a more constructive environment for addressing regional challenges. Achieving this, however, requires a shift in attitudes and broader policies among regional countries, but it can safeguard the long-term interests of all parties involved.

    Methodology

    Research methods generally fall into three categories: quantitative, qualitative, and mixed (a combination of both). This study employs a descriptive-analytical approach to assess and interpret the current situation. In the descriptive phase, data is gathered through library research, while the analytical one applies a deductive method, utilizing Peter Haggett’s Hypothetica model and Ashok Swain model for data analysis. In the quantitative section, Food-Energy-Water (FEW) indicators are employed to demonstrate and derive key concepts.The research process involves gathering information, conducting a thorough analysis of the collected data, and identifying patterns based on the assumptions of the two models. The final step is to pinpoint and articulate the challenges that need to be addressed to enhance the current situation. To clearly and comprehensively present the research findings, diagramming software is used to infer and illustrate the conceptual model. This model visually represents the relations and connections among various research elements. This integrated approach enables a deep, multifaceted examination of the topic and leads to a well-rounded and actionable analysis.This mixed-method approach, which combines descriptive-analytical techniques with quantitative analysis using FEW indicators, offers a strong foundation for the study. It facilitates a thorough examination of the current situation while also enabling a data-driven analysis of trends and patterns. By integrating the Hypothetica and Swin models into the analytical process, the study gains a deeper interpretation of the data, revealing insights that might be overlooked when using a single methodological approach.By clearly mentioning the existing challenges, this research goes beyond merely describing the current state—it also lays the groundwork for potential solutions and improvements. This forward-thinking approach significantly enhances the study's practical relevance, making it valuable for policymakers and stakeholders alike. The comprehensive methodology, which seamlessly integrates qualitative and quantitative approaches and is further supported by visual modeling, allows for a detailed and nuanced exploration of the topic. As a result, the research not only provides valuable insights but also establishes a strong foundation for future studies and practical applications.

    Discussion and Results

    Authoritarian or power-centric policies focus on consolidating and expanding governmental authority, both within a nation and in its foreign relations. However, an excessive reliance on this approach can hinder constructive international engagement, often leading to tensions and even potential crises. The Middle East, particularly the Tigris and Euphrates river basins encompassing Iran, Turkiye, and Iraq, is especially vulnerable due to its unique geostrategic importance and the complex interplay of regional dynamics.The findings reveal that Turkiye's unilateral and authoritarian management of water resources - primarily through large-scale dam construction and hydropower projects designed to enhance agricultural development - has deepened regional disparities and heightened tensions. Iraq's geographical disadvantages, combined with its limited financial and technological resources, have left it ill-equipped to effectively counter Turkiye's actions. The advanced dam projects in Turkiye, along with similar initiatives in Iran, have severely affected Iraq's water resources, exacerbating water scarcity and contributing to environmental degradation.Turkiye's centralized and dominant approach to dam construction has worsened the region's water supply and demand imbalance. At the same time, internal conflicts and divergent water priorities between the Iraqi government and the Kurdistan Regional Government hinder a cohesive response to regional water disputes, underscoring significant organizational weaknesses within Iraq.As Turkiye's influence expands, Iraq's vulnerabilities become increasingly evident, largely due to its central authority deficiencies and organizational weaknesses. Iraq faces significant consequences, including environmental degradation and threats to human life. However,Turkiye is also affected by its actions, such as diverting water from the Tigris and Euphrates, which disrupt Kurdish regions in Iraq and risk fueling unrest and instability.The Swain model demonstrates that population growth, driven by the Food-Energy-Water (FEW) nexus, leads to resource depletion and heightened tensions. This growth further intensifies water scarcity and regional instability. As a result, population growth strategies centered around these components become increasingly costly and demand a fundamental reassessment by the countries involved.An analysis of the Food-Energy-Water (FEW) components shows that Turkiye holds a relatively stronger position compared to Iran and Iraq, though this advantage may not be sustainable in the long run. However, with its abundant water reserves and extensive dam infrastructure, Turkiye is not on the verge of a water crisis. Iran, although better off than Iraq in terms of water resources, still confronts considerable challenges. Iraq, in the most vulnerable position, faces severe threats to its water supply, underscoring the serious security and environmental implications for the country.

    Conclusion

    Active and close cooperation between Iraq and Iran in managing water resources is crucial. This partnership can foster the creation of joint programs and strategies for water management, helping to maintain a balanced approach to resource usage while easing regional tensions. Through such collaboration, both countries can improve water security in the region by addressing risks and ensuring that the water needs of affected communities are met effectively.At large, addressing barriers and challenges to sustainable and equitable water management in the region requires a multifaceted approach: 1) Strengthened regional cooperation; 2) Adoption of water-saving technologies; and 3) International interventions and mediation. By implementing these strategies collectively, the region can move toward more sustainable water management practices and reduce tensions in this geopolitically sensitive area.

    Keywords: Authoritarian Policies, Geopolitics, International Crisis, Hypothetica Model, Swain Model
  • مهدی صفری برمچی*، محمود واثق، بهادر زارعی

    تا پیش از وقوع انقلاب اسلامی در ایران، روابط میان ایران و کشورهای اروپایی از وضعیتی پایدار و رو به گسترش برخوردار بود. همسوئی سیاست های ایران با دول غربی به ویژه آمریکا در دوران جنگ سرد، عامل موثری در توسعه و تعمیق این مناسبات محسوب می شد، لیکن پس از وقوع انقلاب اسلامی در ایران و خروج این کشور از جرگه کشورهای هم پیمان با بلوک غرب، مناسبات با کشورهای اروپایی دچار نوسان و تنش شد و به حداقل سطح ممکن تنزل پیدا کرد. مسلما علل و عوامل متعددی در کاهش سطح روابط میان طرفین نقش داشته است. هدف مقاله حاضر، بررسی و تشریح عوامل و موانع تاثیرگذار در کاهش روابط ایران با اتحادیه اروپایی و کشورهای عضو آن و نیز تبیین زمینه ها و راهکارهای توسعه مجدد روابط دوطرف بر مبنای ژئوپلیتیک است. روش تحقیق در این مقاله توصیفی-تحلیلی بوده و داده ها از منابع اسنادی و مصاحبه با صاحب نظران مربوطه جمع آوری شده است؛ همچنین شیوه تجزیه و تحلیل داده ها مبتنی بر تحلیل های استنباطی نگارندگان است. مطابق یافته های این مقاله، اگرچه عوامل و موضوعاتی نظیر پرونده هسته ای ایران، اختلاف نظر در حوزه حقوق بشر، سیاست های منطقه ای ایران به ویژه عدم به رسمیت شناختن رژیم صهیونیستی، فقدان نسبی استقلال و اثرپذیری اتحادیه اروپایی از بازیگران ثالث و...جزو عوامل چالش زا و موانع پیش روی توسعه مناسبات ایران با کشورهای اتحادیه اروپایی است، لکن با توجه به نیازهای متقابل ایران و اتحادیه اروپایی به یکدیگر در زمینه های اقتصادی، امنیتی، تکنولوژیک و فرهنگی، طرفین می توانند با اتخاذ رویکرد ژئوپلیتیکی و بر مبنای الگوی «هم تکمیلی»، مناسبات خود را تنظیم، توسعه و گسترش دهند.

    کلید واژگان: راهبرد هم تکمیلی, موانع و زمینه های توسعه مناسبات, جمهوری اسلامی ایران, اتحادیه اروپایی
    Mahdi Safari Barnachi *, Mahmood Vasegh, Bahador Zare’Ee
    Introduction

    The relationship between Iran and European nations has experienced many ups and downs over the past two centuries. During the Cold War, Iran’s affiliation with the Western Bloc and the general congruence of policies led to an expansion in these relations. However, the Islamic Revolution in Iran in 1979 brought about significant shifts in its political orientation, particularly in its foreign relations with the West. This resulted in a period of notable decline in Iran’s relations with the European Union. The current state of their relations does not match the potential of the two sides. This situation is attributed to a combination of fundamental issues and fabricated barriers, such as the influence of the United States and Israel. Overcoming these challenges hinges on the steadfast commitment of both. In this context, the utilization of their broad economic, political, cultural, technological, and security capabilities can foster collaboration and improve their mutual ties. This paper, while pointing out the obstacles in the path of fostering relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the European Union, seeks to present a geopolitical solution to overcome them.

    Methodology

    This paper is part of applied and problem-solving studies. Its research method is “descriptive-analytical” and the data, in addition to documentary sources, have been collected from interviews with relevant experts. Also, the method of data analysis is based on the authors’ inferential analyses, which, by considering the factors affecting relations (especially the obstacles to the development of relations), examines the strengths, weaknesses, advantages, and limitations of Iran and the European Union in different areas. After explaining the mutual needs, the areas of appropriate relationship development based on common interests and within the framework of a complementary strategy have been described.

    Result and discussion

    An examination of the relations between Iran and the European Union in recent decades shows that although in some periods and cases, we have witnessed the development of their relations, there have been many ups and downs and their relations have been tense and even critical at some times (including today). Various factors influence the current situation, the most important of which are political and cultural. However, given the different value-based, cultural, and normative contexts, the unresolved issues will prevent the further development of relations. In this regard, we can refer to the differing viewpoints of the two actors on issues such as human rights, terrorism, democracy, and regional developments, particularly the issue of Palestine. On the economy, although there are multiple contexts and mutual needs for the development of appropriate relations, including in the energy sector, we have not seen any progress in relations due to various reasons such as the heavy shadow of political issues, interventions by third parties, and sanctions. Regarding security, it is necessary to note that Iran has a unique geopolitical position and is a country that always plays a prominent role in global equations. The European Union is also seeking to consolidate and strengthen its position and become a major international power, and in this path, it prioritizes a “geopolitical approach over a normative one”. Therefore, although Europe and Iran do not have common interests in some areas, they do have shared security threats. In general, it can be said that the current situation of relations from a political, economic, and security perspective is not only not in the interest of either party, but also poses threats.At present, Iran and the European Union lack a strategic relationship. Despite the ongoing conditions and regardless of the prioritization of the impact of effective factors in their relations, each of them has geographical and geopolitical advantages and limitations. The examination of these reveals the mutual need for the development of appropriate relations. Considering this inescapable reality, the importance and necessity of creating a pattern and process of participation and cooperation on a strategic scale become evident.In the framework of this study's proposed strategy, known as “complementarity”, the two sides can act as complementary units of each other and address their respective needs. Based on this, some advantages and capabilities of the European Union and its members can meet Iran’s needs, and vice versa. In this way, a kind of complementary cycle and process can be created between the parties. This complementarity can occur in economic, political, security, cultural, scientific, and media fields.Therefore, the position of the European Union in the international system and the regional and strategic role of Iran have created requirements for establishing a proper and comprehensive relationship. Despite the existing obstacles to developing relations, common threats such as terrorism, drug trafficking, organized crimes, migration, war refugees, and also mutual needs in areas like energy, trade, transportation, investment, technology, and sustainable security can pave the way for reducing and resolving misunderstandings, ambiguities, and tensions. This can lead to the formation of constructive relations within the framework of a long-term strategic agreement in various political, economic, cultural, and security fields.In conclusion, although the negative political factors significantly influence the relations between Iran and the European Union, both can settle the problems, improve the situation, and even develop strategic-level relations by desecuritizing issues, adopting a geopolitical approach, and designing their relations based on a strategy of complementarity.

    Keywords: Complementarity Strategy, Barriers to Developing Relationships, Islamic Republic of Iran, European Union
  • احد محمدی، محمود واثق*، عباس نجار

    علوم اجتماعی اساسا غایت و ماهیتی «کارکردی» و «حل مساله» دارند و مطالعات نظری و بررسی های انجام گرفته در آن ها، هدف اصلی محسوب نمی شود بلکه هدف، به کار بردن آن ها در زندگی اجتماعی است. بر این اساس، ما در جغرافیا و همچنین جغرافیای سیاسی با گزاره های «اخباری- وصفی» و «توصیه ای/ اعتباری» رو به رو هستیم. در مقاله حاضر که با روش توصیفی- تحلیلی (منطقی) و با رویکرد عقلانیت انتقادی و استفاده از معرفت شناسی اسلامی نگاشته شده است نشان داده شد که قضایای توصیه ای در جغرافیا، جزء اعتباریات عقلی (معقولات ثانی فلسفی) بوده و قابل صدق و کذب بوده و بلکه حاکی از رابطه «هست ها با هست ها» می باشند و ساختار گزاره ها و قضایای جغرافیایی (توصیفی و تجویزی/ اعتباری) قابل تحویل به یکدیگر بوده و به طور روشن به «جهان عینی و واقعی» ارجاع داده می شوند و بر این اساس، جغرافیا و به تبع آن جغرافیای سیاسی به عنوان زیر مجموعه آن، دانشی عینی محسوب می گردد.

    کلید واژگان: گزاره های توصیفی, گزاره های تجویزی, اعتباریات عقلی, معقولات ثانی فلسفی, جغرافیای سیاسی
    Ahad Mohammadi, Mahmood Vasegh*
    Introduction

    Social sciences are basically "functional" and "problem-solving" in nature, and conducted theoretical studies in this field are not their main goal but their application to social life. Geography, as a component of social, empirical and validity sciences, is also a functional science and has a problem-solving nature. Accordingly, in geography as well as political geography we are confronted with "descriptive" and "recommendation-validity" statements.  Some philosophers and scholars know only descriptive statements because they are directly referred to real concepts consider them as meaningful and scientific terms and statements, and consider recommendation / validity statements as not scientific that contain valuable content and prescriptive guidelines because they are not realistic or objective and lack the characteristics of proof or falsifiability on the one hand. Clearly, according to this view if we evaluate the concept and content of geography and political geography, which is simultaneously full of descriptive and prescriptive statement, certainly we can conclude that the concept of geography and political geography is a meaningless concept. In that case, any relationship between "man and the environment" or "politics and geography" is logically unjustifiable and no knowledge would have any meaning in the name of geography and political geography. The kind of theory adopted in this regard is directly related to the scientific and non-scientific nature and structure of a discipline and is very important.

    Methodology

    The present research, due to its philosophical and logical nature, is classified under the theoretical and fundamental research. This research is based on a descriptive-analytical (logical) method and the topics and contents of this collection are documentary and library type.

    Result and discussion

    If geography and political geography claim to have the characteristics of scientific knowledge, then it is expected that the structure of its statements will be clearly referred to the chr('39')objective and real worldchr('39'). In the present paper, on the basis of "Islamic epistemology" using "logical methods" such as "Syllogistic necessity" and "Other Syllogistic necessity" as well as using "true and valid perceptions" we have clarified that a "real, external, logical, and rational" relationship was found between descriptive and essay prescriptive/ validity propositions. Accordingly, although geographical prescriptive statements are valid statements, prescriptive statements in geography and political geography are the same as rational validity statements. The origin of statements of rational validity is the external reality. These concepts are called philosophical concepts (second order philosophical concepts) that are referred to objectivity and are external in acceptance. In addition, statements that are dos and don’ts with value concepts (prescriptive / recommendation) in geography, though considered to be primarily validity statements, are all of second order philosophical concepts and not only are the source of external abstraction, but of the type of "Descriptive" statements, indicating the real relationship between "actions" and their "results." And the basic meaning of these terms is the expression of the causality relationship. So, it is possible to discuss and deliberate about them and give reasons and arguments for them. In this way, it is possible to justify the ratio and relation of descriptive and prescriptive statements to political geography and geopolitics, and the scientific nature of political geography can be easily confirmed. According to the above, it can be concluded that all legal and ethical propositions are of the same kind as philosophical concepts (rational validity) and can be evaluated and judged as true statements (objective-philosophical) and determines truth and falsehood.

    Conclusion

    By nature, geography and political geography can be considered scientifically validity, yet empirical, and fall into the general classification of the sciences as social, validity, and empirical. In the meantime, the validity of the social sciences, including geography, means "rational and philosophical" validity, which have an out-of-mind source i.e. reality, and are subjective to rational demonstration and reasoning, and scientific analysis because of their objective origin and interference with rationality in the emergence. In addition to descriptive statements, recommended statements in geography are not only rational (second order philosophical concepts) and true and false, but also indicate the relationship between beings and the structure of geographical statements (descriptive and prescriptive / validity) are interchangeable and clearly referred to as the "objective and real world" and, accordingly, geography and consequently political geography is considered as objective science.

    Keywords: Descriptive Statements, Prescriptive Statements, Rational Validity, Second Order Philosophical Concepts, Political Geography
  • مصطفی مظاهری، حسن کامران دستجردی، کیومرث یزدان پناه درو*، محمود واثق
    روابط بین بازیگران سیاسی در نظام جهانی از عوامل گوناگونی متاثر است. بررسی نظریات اندیشمندان مختلف حاکی از آن است که روابط قدرتها و کشورها براساس متغیرهای زیادی شکل می گیرد. عناصر جغرافیایی و ژیوپلیتیکی از بسترهای مهم شکل گیری روابط ژیوپلیتیک،در سطوح منطقه ای،فرامنطقه ای و جهانی هستند، لذا اهمیت روابط ژیوپلیتیکی در پیشبرد اهداف و سیاستهای کشورها و مناطق جغرافیایی انکار ناپذیر است چون نحوه تاثیر گذاری و بهره مندی کشورها از تحولات پیرامونی خود، علاوه بر قدرت ملی و اوضاع منطقه ای آنها، تا میزان بسیار زیادی مبتنی بر واقعیت های جغرافیایی و ژیوپلیتیکی، نوع روابط و کیفیت تعاملات آنها با سایر بازیگران بستگی دارد. با توجه به چنین اهمیتی، مقاله حاضر با روش تحلیلی-تبیینی و رویکرد انتقادی، ضمن بیان مولفه های موجود در نظریات ذکر شده، به دنبال شناسایی و بررسی کارکرد عوامل جغرافیایی و ژیوپلیتیکی جدید در شکل گیری انواع روابط ژیوپلیتیکی و ارایه مدل جامع برای تبیین الگو روابط ژیوپلیتیک است،جهت شناسایی این مولفه ها و تببین مدل جامع برای ارایه الگوی روابط ژیوپلیتیک، نظریه های اندیشمندان گوناگون(دوازده اندیشمند) که در زمان های مختلف بیان شده است مورد ارزیابی قرار گرفت که مشخص شد حداقل بیش از ده شاخص در شکل دهی روابط ژیوپلیتیک در سطوح منطقه ای،پیرامونی و جهانی،موثر هستند، نتایج یافته های پژوهش بیانگر این نکته است که عوامل متنوعی در شکل گیری روابط ژیوپلیتیک نقش دارند که علاوه بر شرایط جغرافیایی و ژیواستراتژیکی، بر مولفه های ژیواکونومیک،ژیوپلیتیک منابع،ژیوپلیتیک هویت،ژیوپلیتیک گردشگری، جهانی شدن و ژیوپلیتیک فضای مجازی، بین مناطق و کشورها تاکید دارند.
    کلید واژگان: عوامل جغرافیایی و ژئوپلیتیکی, روابط ژئوپلیتیک, منطقه ای, فرامنطقه ای, جهانی
    Mostafa Mazaheri, Hassan Kamran Dastjerdi, Qiuomars Yazdanpanah Dero *, Mahmood Vasegh
    Relationship between countries in the world system is affected by various factors. The study of the theories of different thinkers, suggests that the relationship between powers and states is formed by based on many components and variables, In the meantime Geographical and geopolitical elements are important substrates for the formation of geopolitics relations at regional, trans-regional and global levels, Therefore the importance of geopolitical relations in advancing the goals and policies of countries and geographical areas is undeniable Because how countries and powers influence and benefit from their peripheral developments, in addition to their national power and their regional situation, depends largely on the geographical and geopolitical realities, the type of relationships and the quality of their interactions with other actors. Given this importance, the present article, with a critical approach while expressing the geographical and geopolitical components in the aforementioned theories, seeks to identify and investigate the function of new geographical and geopolitical factors in shaping different types of geopolitics relations and to provide a comprehensive model for explaining the geopolitics pattern of relations. Among the mentioned levels, the regional level is more important. Among the mentioned models: interactive, competitive relations, dominance relations, influence relations, are the result of the thoughts of experts in different eras, and the geopolitical stability and continuity relation is one of the achievements of the present research . The results of the research findings indicate that new factors and elements are involved in the formation of geopolitics relations Which in addition to geographical and geostrategic conditions The is on the geoeconomic components, geopolitics of resource, geopolitics of identity, geopolitics of tourism, geopolitics of globalization and the geopolitics of cyberspace between regions and countries emphasize.
    Keywords: Geographical, geopolitical factors, Geopolitics relations, Regional, Trans-regional, Global
  • هوشنگ بختیاری، محمود واثق*، حسن کامران، محمدحسین رامشت

    با پیچیده تر شدن تحولات جهان عرب و تسری خیزش های مردمی به بیشتر کشورهای خاورمیانه، رقابت فزاینده ی قدرت ها برای جهت دهی فکری و عملیاتی این تحولات آغاز شد. در این میان، مجموعه کشورها و گروه هایی تحت عنوان محور مقاومت، برای تثبیت و افزایش ژرفای ژیواستراتژیک و ایدیولوژیک خاص خود در میدان خاورمیانه فعال شدند. پیشینه ی شماری از بازیگران محور مقاومت به انقلاب اسلامی بازمی گردد، اما تحولات میدانی در عراق، سوریه و سپس یمن، بر چندلایگی این محور افزود و کنشگران تازه ای را به سوی خود جذب کرد. با توجه به اهمیت و وزن ژیوپلیتیکی بالای کشورها و گروه های محور مقاومت، تحقیق حاضر با روش مصاحبه ی خبرگانی و وزن دهی به روش SWOT و TOPSIS، به بررسی و امکان سنجی تشکیل اتحاد راهبردی میان کشورها و گروه های محور مقاومت پرداخته است. در واقع، پرسش اصلی این تحقیق آنست که تا چه اندازه احتمال تشکیل یک اتحادیه یا سازمان منطقه ای از سوی کشورها و گروه های منتسب به جریان مقاومت وجود دارد. یافته های تحقیق نشان می دهد که مجموع نمرات وزن دار به دست آمده، بیانگر آن است که عوامل موثر بر تشکیل و یا عدم تشکیل اتحادیه ی محور مقاومت، نه از قوت زیاد و نه از ضعف مفرط برخوردار است، بلکه در وضعیت میانه قرار دارد. هم چنین، عدد نهایی به دست آمده 2.56 است که نشان می دهد ایده ی تشکیل اتحادیه ی محور مقاومت دارای قوت است. از سوی دیگر، جمع نمرات وزندار نیز بیانگر آن است که وضعیت کشورها و گروه های محور مقاومت در شرایط متوسط قرار دارد و احتمال تشکیل اتحادیه محور مقاومت، متوسط است. برای افزایش احتمال شکل گیری اتحادیه ی منطقه ای محور مقاومت، تعداد 20 راهبرد، بر اساس اصل هم تکمیلی و وابستگی متقابل، پیشنهاد شده است.

    کلید واژگان: اتحاد منطقه ای, تحلیل راهبردی, راهبرد هم تکمیلی, وابستگی متقابل, محور مقاومت
    Houshang Bakhtiyari, Mahmood Vasegh *, Hassan Kamran, MohammadHassan Ramesht
    Introduction

    The Middle East as one of the most important and strategic regions of the world, after the end of World War II and throughout the Cold War, one of the main areas of conflict and rivalry between the two superpowers. The United States and the Soviet Union. In the meantime, although the Soviet Union, with one or two few footholds in the region, did not play a significant role in the region's processes and relations, much of this vast and important region was the field of activity and power mapping. Western countries, especially the United States, were completely under the control and influence of this world power and had a relatively integrated structure within the framework of the goals and policies of this country. With the outbreak of the Islamic Revolution in Iran in 1978 (1979 AD), the first major blow was dealt to the integrated and uniform structure of the region and it faced a major instability and rift. The Islamic Revolution in Iran, in addition to its internal effects, left far-reaching results and consequences among the nations and countries of the region, and the source and inspiration of popular movements and the emergence of anti-American and Western currents and movements of Islamic nature in Became countries of the region. Expansion of popular movements inspired by Islamic teachings and especially influenced by the Islamic Revolution of Iran, the ground for the rise of the above currents and movements in countries such as Afghanistan, Pakistan, Iraq, Syria, Palestine and Lebanon were provided and in fact a definite alignment emerged between the countries of the region and the spatial construction of the region became de-polar in nature. In this regard, several other events such as the eight-year Iran-Iraq war, the collapse of the Soviet Union, the events of September 11, the US invasion of the region and the occupation of Afghanistan and Iraq, the fall of Saddam Hussein's government in Iraq and finally Popular uprisings in the Islamic countries of North Africa spread to some Middle Eastern countries, such as Syria, Bahrain, Yemen, and Jordan, and eventually the military conflict between the Palestinian and Lebanese jihadist groups and the Israeli government and other similar incidents became more prominent. Political and economic alignments led among the countries of the region and practically divided the countries and movements in the region into two groups and specific fronts of resistance and surrender. The Islamic Republic of Iran as the main center of this front, was located along with countries such as Syria, Iraq, Lebanon, and Palestinian and Yemeni jihadist groups, which converged on axes such as common threats and views and had achieved relative unity, in the opposite row, the group of countries on the southern shores of the Persian Gulf with the government of Israel, which, relying on Western powers and large arms purchases, are trying to confront the countries of the resistance front.

    Methodology

    The present study is among the theoretical and future research and in terms of purpose, it is part of applied research and problem solving that is in a descriptive-analytical form and using methods. Quantitatively and qualitatively, adjusted and compiled. How to collect data in two methods library and documentary and also by designing a questionnaire of 20 questions from the table of strengths, weaknesses and opportunities and threats of the SWOT analytical model and available to research samples selected by purposive sampling method Have been located. The research sample includes 30 experts in political geography, political science and Middle East studies who provided with a questionnaire by Delphi method and elite interviews. Then, the results obtained from the experts' answers reviewed and then the components of opportunity, threat, strength and weakness normalized separately. The weight scores of each obtained by normalizing the four components, and finally the sum of the weight scores is calculated. Thus, the number 2.56 obtained for the components of opportunity and threat and the number 2.49 obtained for the components of strength and weakness, which indicates that it is very close to the average number (2.5). In the following, 20 strategies have been extracted from the components, 9 of which have been prioritized with high scores. The TOPSIS method has also used to prioritize strategies.

    Results and Discussion

    As the developments in the Arab world became more complex and popular uprisings spread to most of the Middle Eastern countries, the increasing competition of powers for the intellectual and operational orientation of these developments began. In the meantime, a group of countries and groups called the Axis of Resistance activated to consolidate and increase their own geostrategic and ideological depth in the Middle East. Although the background of a number of actors in the axis of resistance dates back to the beginning of the Islamic Revolution in Iran, but the field developments in Iraq, Syria and then Yemen, added to the multi-layered nature of this axis and attracted new activists.

    Conclusion

    The research findings show that the sum of the weighted scores obtained indicates that the factors influencing the formation or non-formation of the resistance-based union are neither too strong nor too weak. It is in the middle position. In addition, the final number obtained is 2.56, which indicates that the idea of ​​forming a resistance-based union is strong. On the other hand, the sum of weighted scores also indicates that the situation of countries and groups based on resistance is in average conditions and the probability of forming a union based on resistance is moderate. To increase the likelihood of the formation of a regional union of the axis of resistance have proposed 20 strategies based on the principle of complementarity and interdependence.

    Keywords: Regional Alliance, Strategic Analysis, Complementary Strategy, Interdependence, Axis of Resistance
  • محمدرضا احمدی یقین*، کیومرث یزدان پناه درو، محمود واثق، محمدحسن نامی

    ژیوپلیتیک اطلاعات به بررسی تنش های حاصل از قدرت اطلاعات و ارتباطات موثر در فضای سیاسی و تحلیل جنبه های پنهانی آن در دانش و اشراف اطلاعاتی پرداخته و قدرت اقناسازی افکار عمومی را شرح می دهد. انقلاب اطلاعاتی موجب ورود بازیگران جدید، تغییرساختارها و تحول در معادلات قدرت و پیچیده تر شدن روابط و درنهایت منجر به بروز جنگ ترکیبی شده است. حال در این شرایط چگونه می توان با اتکا بر توان اطلاعاتی مناسب به تدوین راهبردهای رزمی مدرن و کارآمد دست یافت؟ به نظر راهکار مناسب، اشراف اطلاعاتی کامل و راهبردی مبتنی بر عوامل موثر در مناطق درگیر جنگ ترکیبی و ایجاد ایتلاف های راهبردی مبتنی بر اهداف بلندمدت بازیگران می باشد. روش پژوهش تحلیلی کتابخانه ای با هدف تبیین رابطه مولفه های ژیوپلیتیک اطلاعات و جنگ ترکیبی می باشد. باتوجه به نظریه پیچیدگی آشوب، ثبات راهبردی مبتنی بر ژیوپلیتیک اطلاعات، زیربنای حفظ موازنه و کنترل جنگ می باشد که در آن واحدهای سیاسی، قادر به آغاز جنگ گسترده علیه یکدیگر نبوده و از تبدیل اختلافات به جنگ مستقیم ممانعت می کنند.

    کلید واژگان: ژئوپلیتیک اطلاعات, رزم مدرن, جنگ ترکیبی, پیچیدگی-آشوب
    Mohammadreza Ahmadiyaghin *, Qiuomars Yazdanpanah Dero, Mahmood Vasegh, MohammadHassan Nami

    Information geopolitics examines the tensions arising from the power of information and effective communication in the political space and analyzes its hidden aspects in information knowledge and aristocracy, and describes the power of public opinion persuasion. The information revolution has led to the arrival of new actors, transformations and changes in the equations of power, and to the complication of relations, and finally to the emergence of a hybrid war. Now, in this situation, how can modern and efficient combat strategies be achieved by relying on appropriate intelligence power? According to the appropriate solution, complete and strategic intelligence aristocracy is based on the effective factors in the areas involved in the hybrid war and the formation of strategic alliances based on the long-term goals of the actors. The method of library analytical research is to explain the relationship between the geopolitical components of information and hybrid warfare. According to the theory of chaos complexity, strategic stability based on information geopolitics is the basis for maintaining balance and control of war in which political units are not able to start a large-scale war against each other and prevent conflicts from turning into direct war.

    Keywords: information geopolitics, modern warfare, hybrid warfare, complexity-chaos
  • سید مهدی موسوی شهیدی*، بهادر زارعی، زهرا پیشگاهی فرد، مرجان بدیعی ازنداهی، محمود واثق

    بررسی الگوهای روابط کشورهای واقع در منطقه خلیج فارس به‏ دلیل جایگاه ژیوپلیتیک و ژیواکونومیکی این منطقه در ساختار قدرت جهانی از اهمیت بسیار زیادی برخوردار است. جمهوری اسلامی ایران و عربستان سعودی دو کشور مهم و تعیین‏ کننده در منطقه خاورمیانه و خلیج ‏فارس ‏اند و روابط پرفراز و نشیبی را تجربه کرده ‏اند. روابط کشورها در طول زمان و تحت‏ تاثیر عوامل مختلفی همچون جنگ ‏ها، انقلاب ‏ها، تحولات نظام منطقه ‏ای و نظام جهانی و تغییر در موازنه ‏های قدرت همواره در حال تغییر و تحول بوده است. ایران و عربستان از کشورهایی بوده‏ اند که روابط آن‏ها در طول چهار دهه گذشته (پس از انقلاب اسلامی) دچار تغییر و تحولات زیادی شده است که علل آن را می ‏توان در طیف مختلفی از عوامل ژیوپلیتیکی جست ‏وجو کرد. این مقاله با شیوه توصیفی- تحلیلی در‏صدد بررسی الگوی روابط ایران و عربستان پس از انقلاب اسلامی ایران تا سال 1397 است. نتایج حاصل از پژوهش نشان می‏ دهد که الگوی روابط ایران و عربستان پس از انقلاب اسلامی تا‏کنون از تقابل به تعامل و برعکس از تعامل به تقابل ژیوپلیتیکی در چرخش بوده است. مهم ‏ترین عوامل تاثیرگذار در روابط دو کشور نیز در این بازه زمانی شامل شکل‏ گیری انقلاب اسلامی در ایران، پایان جنگ تحمیلی، حادثه 11 سپتامبر، بیداری اسلامی، ژیواکونومیک و منابع انرژی، ژیوپلیتیک شیعه، دست‏یابی ایران به انرژی هسته ‏ای، رویکرد امنیتی دو کشور، تحولات منطقه ‏ای و بین ‏المللی مثل روی کار آمدن محمد بن سلمان در عربستان و دونالد ترامپ در امریکا و نقش قدرت ‏های فرامنطقه‏ ای در روابط دو کشور بوده است.

    کلید واژگان: ایران, تعامل, تقابل, روابط ژئوپلیتیکی, عربستان سعودی
    Mehdi Mousavi *, Bahador Zarei, Zahra Pishgahifard, Marjan Badiee Azandehie, Mahmood Vasegh

    Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia are undoubtedly two important and determining countries in the Middle East and Persian Gulf region, which typically have vicissitudinous relations. Over time, geopolitical relations of countries have been constantly evolving through several factors such as wars, changes in the regional and the global system, revolutions, and changes in power balances. Over the past four decades (after the Islamic revolution), Iran-Saudi Arabia geopolitical relations have been changed due to a wide range of geopolitical factors which can be found in a variety of internal-external geopolitical factors. This descriptive-analytical paper aims to study the pattern of geopolitical relations between Iran and Saudi Arabia after the Islamic Revolution of Iran. Islamic Revolution in Iran, September 11 attacks, Islamic-awakening, the peaceful end of Iran–Iraq War, energy geopolitics, Shia Crescent, Iran's access to nuclear energy, Regional and international developments such as the coming of Mohamed bin Salman in Saudi Arabia and Donald Tramp in the United States and the key role of transnational powers have been the most factors affecting this geopolitical relations.

    Keywords: Iran, Saudi Arabia, geopolitical relations, interaction, Conflict
  • محمدرضا احمدی یقین، کیومرث یزدانپناه درو*، محمود واثق، محمدحسن نامی

    تحولات حاصل از انقلاب اطلاعات موجب ورود بازیگران جدید، تغییر ساختارها و تحول در معادلات قدرت و در نتیجه پیچیده تر شدن روابط در قالب شبکه های سیستمی شده و در نهایت منجر به بروز جنگ ترکیبی شده است. ژیوپلیتیک اطلاعات، به مطالعه نقش دانش، اطلاعات، تکنولوژی و هنر در ابعاد مختلف تولید، گردآوری، تمرکز و انتشار آن بر تولید قدرت و تاثیر بر روابط بازیگران و مناقشات آنها برای توسعه حوزه نفوذ خود بر فضاهای جغرافیایی و انسانی در مقیاس های مختلف می پردازد. برای بقا در وضعیت فعلی، چگونه می توان با تدوین راهبرد نظامی مبتنی بر توان اطلاعاتی مناسب به تامین منافع ملی و منطقه ای دست یافت؟ به نظر می رسد راه حل مناسب، تسلط کامل اطلاعاتی و راهبردی بر عوامل موثر بیرونی و درونی در سیستم پیچیده و آشوبناک مناطق درگیر در جنگ ترکیبی و ایجاد ایتلاف های استراتژیکی مبتنی بر اهداف و منافع بلند مدت بازیگران می باشد. این پژوهش از نوع توسعه ای، کتابخانه ای، توصیفی و تحلیلی می باشد. پژوهش حاضر نشان می دهد، در سیستم های پیچیده و آنارشیک، ثبات راهبردی زیربنای حفظ تعادل و ثبات سیستمی و درنتیجه کنترل جنگ است که در آن توزیع آسیب پذیری ها، حساسیت ها و توان ها، به گونه ای است که واحدهای موجود در سیستم بین الملل، قادر به اتخاذ جنگ گسترده علیه یکدیگر نیستند و در سطح سیستمی، از تبدیل نوسانات به جنگ جلوگیری می کنند. در سیستم پیچیدگی علاوه بر خوشه ای شدن نظم، تحول در الگوی جنگ و ستیز به صورت جنگ های ترکیبی با رویکرد نیابتی، ایتلافی و اطلاعات محور با ویژگی شبکه ای است. بنابراین کنترل و مدیریت آنها نیز براساس منطق شبکه ای تحلیل می شود.

    کلید واژگان: ژئوپلیتیک اطلاعات, استراتژی رزمی, رزم مدرن, جنگ ترکیبی, پیچیدگی-آشوب
    Mohammadreza Ahmadiyaghin, Qiuomars Yazdanpanahdero *, Mahmood Vasegh, Mohammadhasan Nami
    Introduction

    Globalization is a historical process that has been provided due to the progress and revolution in communication and information technology, and communication and information systems such as telephone, satellite, Internet, etc., pave the way for its realization as a process. It turns. In such a sense, globalization is the product of the compression of time and space, the separation of the common social living space from the place, the proximity and complexity of man, which is reflected in the emergence of a common culture. It will also lead to integration in the economic, political, security and military fields, and to shrink the world on the one hand, and to increase public awareness and communication on the other. The developments resulting from the information revolution have led to the entry of new actors, changes in structures and changes in the equations of power, and as a result, more complex relations in the form of systemic networks, and ultimately led to a combined war. Information geopolitics, to study the role of knowledge, information, technology and art in different dimensions of production, collection, focus and dissemination on power generation and the impact on actors' relationships and their conflicts to develop their sphere of influence on geographical and human spaces at different scales Pays. 

    Methodology

    Globalization is a historical process that has been provided due to the progress and revolution in communication and information technology, and communication and information systems such as telephone, satellite, Internet, etc., pave the way for its realization as a process. It turns. In such a sense, globalization is the product of the compression of time and space, the separation of the common social living space from the place, the proximity and complexity of man, which is reflected in the emergence of a common culture. It will also lead to integration in the economic, political, security and military fields, and to shrink the world on the one hand, and to increase public awareness and communication on the other. The developments resulting from the information revolution have led to the entry of new actors, changes in structures and changes in the equations of power, and as a result, more complex relations in the form of systemic networks, and ultimately led to a combined war. Information geopolitics, to study the role of knowledge, information, technology and art in different dimensions of production, collection, focus and dissemination on power generation and the impact on actors' relationships and their conflicts to develop their sphere of influence on geographical and human spaces at different scales Pays.

    Results and Discussion

    The purpose of wars has always been to influence the enemy's information systems. The desired result would be for the enemy to receive messages persuading him to stop the war. The scope of influence of the information and communication element covers a wide range from soft warfare and psychological warfare to information and cyber warfare, from social networks and websites that have many security implications and consequences in the eyes of public opinion and Governments and intelligence services allow cyber sabotage of nuclear programs and hackers to break into code and infiltrate the computers of key organizations and target systems. New malware steals confidential, top-secret, and classified information; Countering them requires the use of intelligent power in cyberspace, which provides a more complex understanding of power in world politics in the information age. The model of the enemy's approach in the era of the conquest of intelligent power is convergent, an integrated model as follows: 1- Concentration of psychological and political pressure on the political and defense management of the country. 2- Psychological operations on people. 3- Economic pressure. 4- Military operations on selective and complementary targets. 5. Focus on destroying vital civilian and defense infrastructure. 6- Creating super-critical points in major populations. 7- Leading the people's dissatisfaction to the field of protest, turmoil and finally conflict with the government. 8- Transfer of military auxiliary pressure to the remaining resistances. 9- Establishing coordination between the potential of popular conflict and the military offensive system against the government. 

    Conclusion

    The present study shows that, in complex and anarchic systems, strategic stability is the basis for maintaining balance and systemic stability and thus war control in which the distribution of vulnerabilities, sensitivities and capabilities, in a way Is that the units in the international system are not able to wage a large-scale war against each other and, at the systemic level, prevent fluctuations from turning into war. In the system of complexity, in addition to the clustering of order, the evolution of the pattern of war and conflict is in the form of combined wars with a proxy, coalition and information-oriented approach with a network feature. Therefore, their control and management are also analyzed based on network logic. In the new geopolitical situation, physical collisions have reached a minimum, and in today's world, what is important is to understand cyber and infosphere space in the geopolitical realms. The fifth period is geopolitical and geopolitical environments over time have gone beyond the pure domination of land and borders and have found a practical meaning in the dimensions of sea and air, the main factor of which is the power of information. As a result, the use of intelligence power changes both the model of wars and struggles and the style of acting, and on the other hand, it turns out that the determining power is transferred to the air and the electromagnetic systems located in the air bases. The great world powers have taken control of their peripheral space and the potential of their intelligence force has changed the balance of power, and today human beings are witnessing the most prominent methods of intelligence power and military skills.

    Keywords: Information Geopolitics, Combat Strategy, Modern Warfare, Combined Warfare, Complexity-Chaos
  • سید عباس احمدی، محمود واثق، هادی ویسی، سعید خاتم*

    مدیریت مطلوب شهری موردتوجه بسیاری از کشورهای جهان بوده است؛ این مفهوم ریشه در مکاتب لیبرال و پسامارکسیستی دارد و در پی آن است که از طریق ایجاد فضایی دموکراتیک در یک شهر به افزایش مشارکت همگانی در شهر منجر شود و اگر به شاخص ‏های حکمرانی خوب به مدیریت شهری توجه شود، درنهایت باعث خواهد شد تا شهروندان و مسیولان شهری در  فضایی آزادانه و به دور از هرگونه ابهام و سوء مدیریت به اداره شهرها بپردازند که نتیجه آن ایجاد شهرهایی با مسیولان پاسخگو و شهروندانی قانون‏مدار خواهد بود. حکمرانی خوب از دو ایدیولوژی سیاسی عمده نشیت گرفته است: دیدگاه نیولیبرالیسم که حداقل دخالت دولت و حداکثر دخالت سازمان بازار را تجویز می‏کند و دیدگاه سوسیال‏دموکراسی که در پی شناخت و بهره ‏گیری از کارایی بازار در شرایطی است که بر استانداردهای عدالت اجتماعی و بهبود اقتصادی درازمدت استوار است و به ایجاد زیرساخت‏های سیاسی و نهادی و توانمندی‏های اجتماعی توجه دارد. درنقطه دیگر دیدگاه اسلام هست که با نگاهی جامع‏تر به اصول حکمرانی خوب توجه می‏کند. هدف از این پژوهش بررسی معیارهای مدیریت مطلوب شهری از دیدگاه مکاتب سیاسی است. روش پژوهش به صورت توصیفی- تحلیلی است و جمع‏آوری اطلاعات به صورت کتابخانه‏ای است. در این تحقیق، با توجه به مقایسه نتایج دیدگاه سه مکتب مدیریت مطلوب شهری، می‏توان بیان کرد که کلیه شاخص‏هایی را که در مکاتب لیبرالیسم و سوسیالیسم برای مدیریت شهری مطلوب ارایه شده اسلام در زمان‏های دور بدان‏ها اشاره کرده است و حتی بسیار جزیی‏تر و کامل‏ تر به شاخص‏ های مطلوب در همه ابعاد توجه داشته است که حتی در قالب عدالت اجتماعی سعی داشته با توجه به جایگاه اجتماعی و درآمد افراد به توزیع امکانات و تسهیلات شهری بین شهروندان توجه داشته باشد. بنابراین، مدیریت شهری مطلوب از دیگاه اسلام نسبت به دو دیدگاه قبلی از جامعیت بیشتری برخودار است.

    کلید واژگان: حکمروایی شهری, مدیریت مطلوب شهری, مکتب اسلام, مکتب سوسیال, مکتب لیبرال
    Abbas Ahmadi, Mahmood Vasegh, Hadi Veicy, Saeid Khatam *
    Introduction

    Optimal urban management has attracted the attention of many countries around the world. This concept is rooted in liberal and post-Marxist schools and seeks to increase public participation in the city by creating a democratic atmosphere in a city, and if good governance indicators. (Justice, Accountability, Transparency, Rule of Law, Efficiency and Effectiveness) Attention to urban management will ultimately lead citizens and city officials to manage cities freely in a free space away from any ambiguity and mismanagement. Creating cities with responsible officials and citizens will be law-abiding. The purpose of this study is to compare the criteria of optimal urban management from the perspective of political schools. The research method is descriptive-analytical and the information has been collected in the form of libraries. As a result of this research, according to the comparison of the results of the views of 3 schools of urban management, it can be stated that all indicators in schools of liberalism and socialism for management It is a desirable city, Islam has pointed to it in ancient times, and even more detailed and complete attention to desirable indicators in all dimensions, which even in the form of social justice has tried to take into account the social status and income of individuals. Pay attention to the distribution of urban facilities among citizens. Therefore, fashion The desirable urban yurts from the Islamic point of view have more comprehensiveness than the previous two views.Along with classical values such as efficiency, effectiveness, productivity, accountability, new state management values - such as employee and citizen participation in organizational management, expanding the scope of citizen choice, social justice, bureaucratic accountability and attention to ethics, decentralization and de-bureaucracy. Administrative responsibility for the effectiveness of the program and attention to the areas of social capital and trust should also be considered. This transformation has created a comprehensive change in the role of community management and the relationship between government and citizens, in the form of change from a bureaucratic and inefficient government to an entrepreneurial and participatory state. Good governance in the form of modern public administration refers to the common role and defined definition of the three public, private and civil society sectors. Accordingly, in modern public services, instead of the government acting as a facilitator and motivator of market forces (directing), it empowers citizens and creates common values among them (serving) and creates a coalition of government organizations, private organizations. And civic institutions are emphasized. Thus, the neo-regionalist perspective that emerged in the 1990s proposes governance that, instead of bulky institutional structures, on cooperation and partnership processes, the role of NGOs, including informal network structures that stem from civil society, and co-thinking and solution. Emphasizes issues with the participation of all actors.In recent years, governance has become an important issue in public and private sector management, and this is due to the important role that governance plays in determining public health. The model of governance with the characteristics of accountability, transparency and the right to comment will lead to the formation of an efficient and transparent government. Good governance stems from two major political ideologies: the neoliberal view, which recommends minimal government intervention and maximum market organization intervention, and the social democratic perspective, which seeks to recognize and exploit market efficiency in terms of social justice standards and economic recovery. It is long-term and focuses on building political and institutional infrastructure and social empowerment. These two different ideologies use the term governance with a different meaning in relation to public management (especially at the local level). The first implies the confluence of the private and public sectors in a weak partnership. In this neoliberal view, the governance of the metropolitan area seeks to shift the conflict between the interests of the private and public sectors by competing with each other to resolve local issues with a technocratic approach. In this approach, everything that is good for local businesses is good for the whole urban area. The second concept governing the term governance is the view that it sees a complex set of institutional and organizational interactions on broad issues facing social, economic, and economic adaptation in the process of the emergence of a global system. In this more institutionalist view, the vital issue is to create harmony beyond geographical scales. Western thought is currently an atheistic-liberal thought, minus religion. In such an attitude, society, politics, man, and all the values that are presented to him originate from man himself, and the creator of values is man himself (humanism).

    Methodology

    This research has been done with emphasis on descriptive-analytical method and collecting information as a library is the main basis of research and has tried to use the first category sources.Results and

    discussion

    Good urban governance stems from major political ideologies: the neoliberal view, which prescribes minimal government intervention and maximum market organization intervention, and the social democratic perspective, which seeks to recognize and use market efficiency in terms of social justice standards. Long-term economic recovery is based on the creation of political and institutional infrastructure and social capabilities. At the other end of the spectrum is Islam, which takes a more comprehensive look at the principles of good governance.

    Conclusion

    The results of this study, according to the comparison of the results of the views of 3 schools of optimal urban management, it can be stated that all the indicators presented in the schools of liberalism and socialism for optimal urban management, Islam has mentioned them in the distant past. And even more detailed and complete attention to the desired indicators in all dimensions, which even in the form of social justice has tried to pay attention to the distribution of urban facilities and facilities among citizens according to the social status and income of individuals. From the Islamic point of view, it has more comprehensiveness than the previous two views. Keywords: Optimal Urban Management, Urban Governance, Liberal School, Social School, Islamic School

    Keywords: Optimal urban management, Urban Governance, liberal school, social school, Islamic school
  • سید مهدی موسوی شهیدی، بهادر زارعی*، زهرا پیشگاهی فرد، مرجان بدیعی ازنداهی، محمود واثق

    هدف از این پژوهش الگویابی مهم‏ترین بسترها و زمینه های روابط ژیوپلیتیک میان واحدهای سیاسی است. روابط ژیوپلیتیک روابط میان واحدهای سیاسی در مقیاس‏های ملی، منطقه‏ای، و جهانی است. بیشتر مفاهیم در رابطه با روابط ژیوپلیتیک معمولا فقط به ارایه تعریف بسنده کرده‏اند و مشکل یافتن الگوهایی است تا معنای کیفی به روابط ژیوپلیتیکی بدهد. بدین منظور، نخست باید مجموعه ‏ای از عوامل و مولفه ها را تعریف کرد که به روابط ژیوپلیتیکی منجر می‏شود. شناسایی مهم‏ترین بسترها و زمینه های روابط ژیوپلیتیکی در این پژوهش بر اساس مطالعه نظریه ها و رویکردهایی است که نظریه ‏پردازان و اندیشمندان جغرافیای سیاسی، ژیوپلیتیک، علوم سیاسی، روابط بین ‏الملل، و محیط ‏زیست ارایه کرده‏اند. روش تحقیق در این پژوهش بر اساس هدف نظری و بر اساس ماهیت توصیفی‏- تحلیلی است. نتایج حاصل از پژوهش نشان می‏دهد که مهم‏ترین بسترها و زمینه های روابط ژیوپلیتیک میان کشورها بر اساس مطالعه نظریه ها و رویکرد‏ها در چهار بعد هیدروپلیتیک، ژیوپلیتیک، ژیواکونومیک، و ژیوکالچر قرار دارد. در این میان بسترها و زمینه های هیدروپلیتیک شامل «رودخانه های بین ‏المللی»، «مرزهای دریایی مشترک»، و «عامل زیست‏محیطی» بسترها و زمینه های ژیوپلیتیک شامل «مسایل سرزمینی»، «موقعیت جغرافیایی»، «هژمونی منطقه‏ای»، «رویکرد امنیتی»، «وزن ژیوپلیتیکی»، «پیمان‏ها و ایتلاف‏ها»، «کدهای ژیوپلیتیک»، و «همسایگی و تعداد همسایگان» است. بسترها و زمینه های ژیواکونومیک شامل «منابع زیرزمینی و فسیلی» و «تنگه های بین ‏المللی»  بوده و بسترها و زمینه های ژیوکالچر نیز شامل «تعدد گروه های قومی در کشورهای همجوار»، «پیوند مذهبی با کشورهای پیرامونی»، «عامل تاریخی و تمدنی»، و «عامل ایدیولوژیک‏ گرایی» است. هر کدام از این مولفه ها در چندین نظریه و رویکرد مورد تاکید قرار گرفته ‏اند.

    کلید واژگان: روابط ژئوپلیتیک, ژئوکالچر, ژئواکونومیک, ژئوپلیتیک, هیدروپلیتیک
    Mehdi Mousavi, Bahador Zarei *, Zahra Pishgahifard, Marjan Badiee Azandehie, Mahmood Vasegh

    Geopolitical relations are relationships between states and countries based on geographical contexts. In fact, the difference between geopolitical relations and political relations is the geographical background of geopolitical relations. In geopolitical relations, contexts are relationships based on geographical components and contexts. The purpose of this study is to model the most important geopolitical contexts. The research method in this study is based on theoretical purpose and descriptive-analytical nature. The most important geopolitical contexts were identified based on the study of nineteen theories and approaches presented by theorists and scholars of political geography, geopolitics, political science, international relations, and the environment. Then, the most important contexts and areas of geopolitical relations are presented in five dimensions of "interaction, opposition, competition, influence and domination" and finally a model is proposed for the contexts and fields of geopolitical relations.IntroductionThe results show that the most important geopolitical contexts and fields include geo-cultural contexts (ethnic groups in neighboring countries, religious affiliation with peripheral countries, historical and civilization factor, ideological factor), contexts and fields of Geopolitics (territorial issues, geographic location, regional hegemony, security approach, geopolitical weight, alliances, regional geopolitical structure, geopolitical codes, neighborhoods and the number of neighbors), geo-economic contexts (Underground and fossil resources, international straits),fields and contexts of hydro-politics ( International rivers, common maritime boundaries and environmental factors).One of the most important issues in geopolitics is "geopolitical relations". A geopolitical relation is the study and analysis of the effects of geographical components on the relations between states and international relations. Geopolitical relations are relationships between states and countries based on geographical contexts. In fact, the difference between geopolitical relations and political relations is the geographical background of geopolitical relations. In geopolitical relations, contexts are relationships based on geographical components and contexts.In general, geopolitical relations are those that are established between states and governments and political actors based on a combination of factors of politics, power and geography. Therefore, in order to understand the specific phenomena that occur in geopolitical relations between countries, geographical factors need to be taken into account. Geography plays a pivotal role in geopolitical relations and provides the impetus for shaping the political will of the relationship as well as influencing the level of actor power (Hafez Nia, 2006, 362). On the other hand, dominant ways of behavior between states, because of various types of relationships, vary in the range of patterns including 'interaction', 'domination', 'influence' and 'competition' and 'confrontation'. Today, geopolitics, geopolitical relations and their analysis are mostly done at the transnational scale.Therefore, the study of the pattern of geopolitical relations on three international, regional and global scales can be discussed. But what matters most is the context and of geopolitical relations. In this research, the most important contexts of geopolitical relations are studied based on the study of theories and approaches and finally the contexts for the dimensions of geopolitical relations as well as the proposed model for the fields of geopolitical relations between countries are presented.MethodologyThis research seeks to theoretically explain the contexts and fields of geopolitical relations between countries. From Newman's point of view, by referring to more general ideas and abstract principles in terms of cause and effect, theoretical explanations describe why a particular event occurs.The purpose of this study is to model the most important geopolitical contexts. The research method in this study is based on theoretical purpose and descriptive-analytical nature.In terms of the purpose, this research is basic. In basic research, the purpose is to discover the facts and to understand the phenomena that lead to the increasing human knowledge. In this research, identifying the components and areas that influence its geopolitical relations is known as a basic research. The components and contexts were identified based on the review of nineteen theories and approaches presented by theorists and scholars of political geography, geopolitics, political science, international relations, and the environment. Research method was descriptive-analytic and the data were collected through library resources. The data were also analyzed qualitatively. Qualitative research is introspective, political, subjective - reflective - interpretive, theory generating and human-centered. The main objective of the study is to explore the conceptual factors (backgrounds and contexts) that influence the formation of geopolitical relationships.Results and discussion On one hand, some theories and approaches have emphasized on one component in geopolitical formation and relationships, such as Huntington's Clash of Civilizations , Geo-economy's (Edward Lutwac's) theory, Muhammad Khatami's Civilization's Dialogue, and the theory of Louise Richardson. Some theories and approaches included several components, such as: Mackinder's Heartland Theory, Spykman's Rimland Theory, ‎Alfred Thayer Mahan's Maritime Power, Wallerstein's World System Theory, " Theory of Power Systems (Brzezinski), Kaplan's theory of the Chaos of the Future, Peter Hagget's Theory, Thomas Homer Dixon's Theory, Regional Conflict Theory (Jeffrey Camp and David Harvey), Theory of Conflict (John Robert Prescott), and the Approach to Geopolitical Conflict (John Collins).The study of theories and approaches shows that each of the theories emphasizes on one or more of the geopolitical, geo-economic, hydro-politics, and geo-cultural components, and no theory encompasses all four components together.Relations between countries took different forms along the temporal dimensions and geographical characteristics of countries. The dimensions of geopolitical relations between countries vary in terms of interaction, competition, domination, influence and opposition.ConclusionThe results show that the most important geopolitical contexts and fields include geo-cultural contexts (ethnic groups in neighboring countries, religious affiliation with peripheral countries, historical and civilization factor, ideological factor), contexts and fields of Geopolitics (territorial issues, geographic location, regional hegemony, security approach, geopolitical weight, alliances, regional geopolitical structure, geopolitical codes, neighborhoods and the number of neighbors), geo-economic contexts (Underground and fossil resources, international straits),fields and contexts of hydro-politics ( International rivers, common maritime boundaries and environmental factors).

    Keywords: geopolitical relations, geo culture, Geoeconomics, Hydropolitics, Geopolitics
  • محمود واثق*، زهرا پیشگاهی ‏فرد، کیومرث یزدان ‏پناه درو، مهتاب جعفری

    تقسیمات کشوری به عنوان یکی از ابزارهای سازماندهی با دو هدف بهینه کردن مکان‏ ها و بهینه کردن کارکردها و فعالیت‏ ها صورت می‏ پذیرید که نهایتا سبب بارورسازی ظرفیت‏ های درون ‏مکانی و دستیابی به توسعه محلی، ملی و منطقه ‏ای خواهد شد. حال از آنجا که تصمیمات نادرست مرتبط با فضای جغرافیایی کشور می ‏تواند با توجه به وجود شرایط طبیعی نامتوازن، عدم توزیع یکنواخت منابع حیاتی و وجود یک سیستم حکومتی متمرکز که منجر به عدم توزیع بهینه جمعیت و امکانات در کشور ایران شده است؛ می ‏تواند موجب بروز و ظهور عوامل چالش ‏زای گوناگون، ناهمگونی‏ هایی همچون توسعه نامتوازن استان ‏ها و بطور کلی ایجاد آثار منفی بر منافع کشور شود. در این میان شناخت چگونگی اثرگذاری عناصر و عوامل موثر بر تقسیم سیاسی فضای ایران با هدف کسب دید واقع‏ بینانه و همه ‏جانبه در این زمینه، جهت رفع و حل چالش‏ های موجود و کاهش و کنترل آثار منفی عوامل و عناصر نامبرده جهت تحقق اهداف تقسیم سیاسی فضا ضروری می ‏باشد. بنابراین، پژوهش حاضر از نوع توصیفی- تحلیلی با روش جمع ‏آوری اطلاعات کتابخانه ‏ای- میدانی و بکارگیری آزمون استنباطی فریدمن جهت شناسایی و اولویت ‏بندی عوامل موثر بر تقسیم سیاسی فضای ایران در قالب تفکر سیستمی انجام شد. سپس از طریق تحلیل سیستمی همراه با ارایه مدل در بستر نرم ‏افزار vensim به ارزیابی میزان و چگونگی نقش ‏آفرینی عناصر موثر در تقسیم سیاسی فضای ایران پرداخته شد. در نهایت دریافتیم از میان عوامل موثر شناسایی شده، سه عامل شکل حکومت، عوامل غیررسمی  و جمعیت غالبا بیشترین تاثیر منفی را بر تقسیم سیاسی فضای ایران دارند.

    کلید واژگان: تحلیل سیستمی, تقسیم سیاسی, فضا, ایران, vensim
    Mahmood Vasegh *, Zahra Pishgahi Fard, Kiomars Yazdan Panah Droo, Mahtab Jafari
    Introduction

    Achieving social justice and development is one of the most important concerns of developing countries today. Whereas how the political organization of space affects the realization or non-realization of social justice; Therefore, the ruling political system in order to better manage its territory, to establish maximum coordination and efficiency based on various geographical, political, economic, social, cultural elements and in order to facilitate the sovereignty of the government to the lowest political levels in the country, uses the tools of political organization of space. In the meantime, it should be noted that the division of the country as one of the most important tools of political organization of space, for better management and greater use of regional talents. In other words, the realistic application of divisions of the country based on scientific principles and spatial needs is done with the two objectives of optimizing places and optimizing functions and activities, ultimately, it will fertilize internal-place capacities and achieve local, national and regional development.Now, due to the existence of unbalanced natural conditions, lack of uniform distribution of vital resources, the existence of a centralized government system that has led to a lack of optimal distribution of population and facilities in Iran; It should be noted that wrong decisions related to the geographical space of the country can lead to the emergence of various challenging factors in the interests of the country. In the meantime, recognizing how the elements and factors affecting the political division of Iranian space with the aim of gaining a realistic and comprehensive view in this field, to address the challenges to achieve the goals of political division of space is essential. Therefore, during the present study, we intend to determine the impact of elements and factors such as the form of government, ecological minorities, geography of power and support, etc. on the division of space in Iran, and finally through systematic analysis with the presentation of the model to evaluate the role of factors and elements affecting the political division of Iranian space and its consequences.

    Methodology

    Therefore, the present study was conducted to identify and prioritize the factors affecting the political division of space in Iran in the form of systemic thinking in a descriptive-analytical manner, in terms of applied results and with an exploratory purpose. Therefore, at first, the factors affecting the political division of space in Iran were determined through library studies, and then to determine the importance of each component in the political division of space, a quantitatively and specifically researcher-made questionnaire was used, which is based on the Likert scale of one (very low) to five (very high) rated. The reliability of the questionnaire was determined through Cronbach's alpha. If the Cronbach's alpha coefficient is calculated for a scale greater than 0.7, the reliability of that scale is considered desirable. Cronbach's alpha coefficient in this study was calculated to be 0.71. Therefore, the reliability of the questionnaire has been evaluated as desirable and its validity has been confirmed by the judgment of experts as well as full coverage of theoretical foundations. Friedman inferential test has also been used to prioritize the impact of each component on the political division of space. A small sample of 30 experts related to the subject was considered and finally the result was modeled and reviewed based on systemic thinking through Vensim software.

    Results and discussion

    Based on this model, we finally found that the form of government with a rank of 10.3, informal factors with a rank of 9.8 (which include the influence of supra-regional powers, parliamentarians, imams, government institutions, Islamic councils) and the population with a rank of 9, are the most effective components in the political division of the Iranian space.

    Conclusion

     Also, in the Law of national divisions approved by 62, the basis of unification is mainly considered as a single criterion and based on population; It is obvious that considering such incomplete bases for Iran's geographical spaces, in which the topographic structure is heterogeneous and the pattern of population distribution and resources is unbalanced, will result in the emergence of various functional and physical challenges in the political division of Iranian space. Therefor amending and clarifying the law of division of the country with an unchangeable executive mechanism in such a way that no intervention by power agents is possible, while considering a multi-criteria model to achieve a more balanced pattern of space divisions, fertilization of internal-place capacities and finally achieving local, national and regional development is essential.

    Keywords: Systems analysis, political division, Space, Iran, vensim
  • سعید خاتم، سید عباس احمدی*، هادی ویسی، محمود واثق
    تبیین موضوع

    به دلیل اهمیت سازمان دهی فضا در توسعه کشورها، دولت ها نسبت به تقسیم فضای سرزمینی خود به شکل مناسب جدیت خاصی دارند. هدف از پژوهش حاضر، آسیب شناسی مدیریت سیاسی فضا در کلانشهر تهران می باشد.

    روش

    پژوهش حاضر به صورت کیفی وبه روش داده بنیاد و توسط داده های مستخرج از مصاحبه های نیمه ساختاریافته با 20 نفر از خبرگان استفاده شد. پژوهش در سه مرحله کدگذاری باز، کدگذاری محوری و کدگذاری انتخابی انجام گردید. همچنین آسیب شناسی در پنج شبکه اصلی روش داده بنیاد شامل عوامل زمینه ای، عوامل علی، عوامل مداخله گر، راهبردها و پیامدها شناسایی گردیدند.

    یافته‎ ها

    در کدگذاری باز ابتدا 268 کد و در نهایت 60 کد از مصاحبه ها استخراج و وارد مراحل بعد شد. در کدگذاری محوری، 5 شبکه اصلی، 13 مقوله اصلی و 50 مقوله فرعی شناسایی گردید که توسط یک مدل در کدگذاری انتخابی معرفی شد. عوامل زمینه ای در مقوله های حاکمیت قانون، نبود قانون جامع، مدیریت چندگانه و ناآرامی ها و چالش های امنیتی؛ عوامل علی در مقوله های تمرکزگرایی شدید و جامعه و فرهنگ؛ عوامل مداخله گر در مقوله های ازدحام جمعیت و مبارزه با فساد؛ راهبردها در مقوله های حق اظهارنظر و پاسخگویی و مشارکت سیاسی شهروندان و پیامدها در مقوله های اثربخشی دولت، بهبود کیفیت مقررات و ثبات سیاسی و عدم خشونت تقسیم بندی شدند.

    نتایج

    به طورکلی می توان گفت که بر اساس نتایج بدست آمده عوامل زمین ه ای مشتمل بر 4 مقوله حاکمیت قانون، نبود قانون جامع، مدیریت چند گانه و ناآرامی ها و چالش های امنیتی، عوامل علی مشتمل بر 2 مقوله شامل تمرکز گرایی و جامعه و فرهنگ، عوامل مداخله گر مشتمل بر 2 مقوله ازدحام جمعیت و مبارزه با فساد، عوامل راهبردها مشتمل بر 2 مقوله حق اظهار نظر و پاسخ گویی و مشارکت سیاسی شهروندان می باشد .

    کلید واژگان: مدیریت یکپارچه, سازماندهی سیاسی, فضا, کلانشهر تهران
    Saeid Khatam, Seyyed Abbas Ahmadi *, Hadi Veicy, Mahmood Vasegh
    Objective

    Due to the importance of organizing space in the development of countries, governments are particularly serious about the proper division of their territorial space. The aim of this study is the pathology of political space management in the metropolitan city of Tehran.

    Methods

    The present study was performed qualitatively using the data-based method and the data extracted from semi-structured interviews with 20 experts. The research was conducted in three stages of open coding, axial coding and selective coding. Foundation data method including contextual factors, causal factors, intervening factors, strategies and outcomes were identified.

    Results

    In coding, 268 codes were first extracted and finally 60 codes were extracted from the interviews and steps were taken later. In the categories of rule of law, lack of comprehensive law, multiple management and unrest and security challenges; causal factors in the categories of extreme centralism and society and culture; Interfering factors in the categories of overcrowding and anti-corruption; Strategies were divided into the categories of the right to comment and accountability and the political participation of citizens, and consequently the categories of government effectiveness, improving the quality of regulation and political stability, and non-violence.

    Conclusion

    In general, it can be said that the pathology of political space management in the metropolis of Tehran is very important.

    Keywords: Integrated Management, Political Organization, Space, Tehran Metropolis
  • محمود واثق*، مرجان بدیعی، عباس احمدی، علی اصغر مفیدی

    با نگاهی مسئله محور به بحران لیبی و یافتن راهکاری برای حل آن با هدف ایجاد ثبات و دموکراسی، لزوما می بایست به ماهیت، مولفه ها، عوامل بروز و استمرار و اثرات سوء آن بر منطقه و محیط پیرامونی پرداخته شود. در این پژوهش با نظریه "جغرافیای کارکردگرا " ریچارد هارتشورن در فرآیند کشورسازی به تبیین بحران کشور به مثابه یک سیستم با بازیگران و نیروها و کارکردهای نظام واره، پرداخته شد. این پژوهش در پی یافتن ریشه اصلی بحران ژیوپلیتیکی لیبی است. نتایج حاصل از این پژوهش نشان می دهد، فقدان یک چارچوب فراگیر برای یکپارچه سازی ملی، ریشه اصلی بحران بوده و به دلیل نقش آفرینی بازیگران متعدد در مقیاس های محلی، ملی، منطقه ای و جهانی در این کشور، این بحران ماهیتی کاملا ژیوپلیتیکی دارد. همچنین بر اساس نتایج حاصل از یافته های این پژوهش، ایجاد فرآیند یکپارچه سازی با تکیه بر اندیشه ناسیونالیسم، مناسب ترین راهکار برای خروج این کشور از بحران کنونی است. روش تحقیق در این پژوهش توصیفی- تحلیلی بوده و داد ه های مربوط به شیوه مشاهدات میدانی، گفتگو با مسیولین خبره و دست اندرکار (گفتگوی خبرگی)، کتابخان های و اسنادی گردآوری شده است.

    کلید واژگان: علت وجودی, بحران ژئوپلیتیکی فرآیند یکپارچه سازی, وحدت سرزمینی, ناسیونالیسم عربی, اندیشه سیاسی
    Mahmood Vasegh *, Marjan Badiee, Abbas Ahmadi, Aliasghar Mofidi

    With the start of the Arab Spring in the Middle East, the public perceived the collapse of dictatorships and the creation of democratic regimes. But many popular revolutions were either suppressed, or by coup, returned to pre-revolutionary conditions or Western-controlled forces took control of the state. But in a country like Libya, there are other conditions that are rooted in a series of internal and external factors that have led to a crisis and instability and destruction of its infrastructure in recent years. This situation is the result of internal contexts and external factors, which goes back to the specific geography of Libya in various aspects of politics, culture, geoeconomic and its geo-political position. With the continuity of the crisis and the confrontation between different currents and forces, the situation has progressed so much that the future of the country has become a complex saga, and every internal force or foreign actor wants to implement its intended state of affairs in this country, usually these goals are rooted in interests These flows. Looking at the problem-centered issue of the Libyan crisis and finding a solution to solve it with the goal of stability and democracy, necessarily refers to the nature, components, factors of occurrence and continuity and its adverse effects on the region and peripheral environment, with functionalism approach to explain the crisis of the country. As a system with actors and forces and system functions. This re-search seeks to answer two questions: (a) What is the root of the current crisis, and what impact does it have on peripheral areas such as North Africa and the Mediterranean?(B) What is the right solution for the end of the crisis? The results show that the lack of a national comprehensive thinking and the mechanism for the formation of a political system that includes the interests of the majority of domestic political actors was the main cause of the crisis, and this lack constituted a field for the involvement of region-al and transnational actors to exacerbate and expand The crisis has created, and the formation of a national system with an Arabic nationalistic approach without any reli-gious orientation, can overcome the escalating factors and lead the country to withdraw from the current crisis, in order to prevent the harmful effects of the geopolitical crisis on the periphery of Including North Africa and the Mediterranean region . MethodThe research in this paper is descriptive-analytical and data on library and documentary methods has been compiled.

    Keywords: geopolitical crisis, integration process, existential cause, politi-cal thought, Arab nationalism, territorial unity
  • محمود واثق، سجاد نجفی*
    هدف

    اروندرود از جمله حوضه های آبی مشترک در منطقه غرب آسیا می باشد که از حساسیت و جایگاه خاص بنا بر موقعیت ژیوپلیتیکی حاکم برخوردار است. در دوره های مختلف تاریخی روابط دو کشور همسایه ایران و عراق متاثر از نحوه بهره برداری و مالکیت این حوضه آبی بوده است. آخرین اختلاف نظر در این مورد خود زمینه ساز وقوع جنگ هشت ساله میان دو کشور و بروز تلفات انسانی و اقتصادی فراوان برای دو کشور گردید. بنابراین لزوم اتخاذ استراتژی مناسب در روابط دیپلماتیک ایران با عراق بر سر نحوه مدیریت و بهره برداری این حوضه آبی مشترک مورد ضرورت می باشد.

    روش

    در تحقیق پیش رو در گام نخست با مطالعه اسناد و سوابق علمی پیشین صورت پذیرفته مرتبط و استفاده از نظرات 12 نفر از خبرگان، تعداد 48 عامل تاثیرگذار بر آینده هیدروپلیتیک اروندرود احصاء و در گام دوم با تشکیل پانل خبرگی عوامل مشابه با یکدیگر ادغام و تعداد 26 عامل مشخص گردید. در ادامه با استفاده از مدل فریدمن تعداد 12 عامل مهم و اثرگذار تعیین و در انتها با استفاده از نرم افزار آینده پژوهی میک مک و بکارگیری روش تحلیل ماتریس متقاطع، عوامل کلیدی مشخص گردیدند.

    یافته ها

    تعداد 5 عامل کلیدی تاثیرگذار در آینده هیدروپلیتیک اروندرود مشخص گردید.

    نتیجه گیری

    نتایج نشان می دهد ایران می بایست ضمن فراهم نمودن زمینه های رشد و توسعه شهرها و بنادر حوضه اروند با مذاکره و مشارکت ترکیه و عراق به توافق رسمی در خصوص نحوه و میزان تامین آب رودخانه اروند دست یابد.

    کلید واژگان: هیدروپلیتیک, اروندرود, دیپلماسی آب, رودخانه مرزی, ایران و عراق
    Mahmood Vasegh, Sajad Najafi *
    Purpose

    Arvandrood is one of the common water resources in West Asia, which according to current geopolitics conditions has a special sensibility and position in different historical periods between Iran and Iraq relationship that has been affected by the ways of exploiting and ownership. The last disagreement relating to this subject had led to 8 years of war between the two countries and occurrence of vast human and economic casualties for the two countries. Thus, the need for adoption a suitable strategy in diplomatic relationship between Iran and Iraq towards ways of managing and exploiting of this common water resource is crucial.

    Method

    In this research, in the first step by studying previous related academic documentaries and records and using opinions of 12 experts, 48 factors affecting the future of Arvandrood hydro-politics determined, and in the second step by formation of expert panel, similar factors merged and 26 of them were identified. Then by using the Friedman model, 12 important and effective factors were specified. Finally, by using the future studies software Micmac and Crossover Matrix Analysis Method, the key factors were identified.

    Findings

    5 effective key factors in the future of Arvandrood hydropolitics were identified.

    Conclusion

    The results show that Iran must provide the growth and developments of cities and ports near Arvand and negotiate and participate with Turkey and Iraq based on the amount of water supply in Arvand River.

    Keywords: Hydro-politics, Arvandrood, Water Diplomacy, Border River, Micmac Software
  • محمود واثق*، احد محمدی

    امروزه در جغرافیای سیاسی با نوعی «کثرتگرایی روش شناختی» که ریشه در دو نگرش کلی «تبیینی» و «تفهمی» دارند مواجهیم. پیامد این قضیه، بروز ابهام در جایگاه و هویت علمی جغرافیای سیاسی بوده است. در این راستا دو پرسش اساسی مطرح است؛ نخست آنکه روش شناسی معتبر علمی کدام است؟ دوم اینکه، چه موضعی در قبال کثرتگرایی روششناختی در جغرافیای سیاسی میتوان اتخاذ نمود؟ این مقاله در قالب توصیفی-تحلیلی(منطقی) و معرفت شناختی از موضع عقلانیت انتقادی نگاشته شده و نتایج آن نشان میدهد، برخلاف تصور رایج، روش شناسی معتبر علمی در جغرافیای سیاسی نه منطبق بر روش پوزیتیویستی سنتی است و نه بر اساس روش شناسیهای تفهمی و فراپوزیتیویستی، بلکه روش معتبر علمی در این زمینه، روش فرضی-استنتاجی به عنوان روش نهایی و واحد علوم تجربی نظیر جغرافیای سیاسی است. با اینحال، روش های دیگر بنا بر برخی نکات مثبت آنها، صرفا در مرحله گردآوری داده ها مورد استفاده جغرافیای سیاسی قرار میگیرند.

    کلید واژگان: علم تجربی, روش شناسی علمی, رویکردهای تبیینی و تفهمی, روش شناسی فرضی- استنتاجی, جغرافیای سیاسی
    Mahmood Vasegh *, Ahad Mohamadi
    Introduction

    In scientific studies, research was conducted based on "rational and explanatory" approaches. The rationalist approach longer history started from Aristotle scientific activities. However, after political and social changes arising from the Renaissance movement in the West, the methodology inspired by the Aristotelian and Church that is "school system" encountered major criticisms and disputes, and ultimately, led to emergence and development of a new approach in science called "empirical approach". It was followed by fundamental changes in research methodology extending naturalism to all science fields including natural and human studies. This approach was also confronted with epistemological problems especially in the humanities. Finally, a new methodology called "interpretive and hermeneutic methodology" was emphasized for the humanities. Political geography, along with these developments, turned into theories and schools that followed the interpretive and humanist approaches, and experienced a kind of "methodological pluralism". As it is clear, the first consequence of methodological pluralism in each discipline was emergence of ambiguity about the scientific status and identity of the field. Now, the political geography is facing this situation. There are two fundamental questions in this regard: first, what is the valid scientific methodology? and second, what position can be taken for methodological pluralism in political geography?

    Methodology

    Due to its philosophical and rational nature, the present study is a theoretical and fundamental research based on a descriptive-analytic (logical) method using logical reasoning. For this reason, topics and issues of this set are considered as documentary and library research.

    Discussions and Findings

    Nowadays, in social sciences, including political geography, we are facing a kind of methodological pluralism rooted in two general "explanatory" and "hermeneutics" approaches. The explanatory approach in political geography led to emergence of methodological schools such as environmentalism, spatial school, systemic attitude and school of behaviorism and the hermeneutic approach led to schools such as phenomenology, structuralism, discourse and post-structuralist view, and radical and postmodern attitudes. Competition of these methodological schools has led to the emergence of naturalistic and humanistic methodologies in this field. The important point is that each of these approaches and schools aspire for the monopoly of scientific method and each has its own followers. The results and findings of this study showed that, despite multiple and diverse humanistic and hermeneutic approaches in political geography, these methods and approaches do not have the necessary scientific and epistemological features and credibility, and are ideological and political and social viewpoints more than having a scientific nature. Similarly, the traditional empiricism approach based on traditional inductivism does not have essential features for a comprehensive scientific method like hermeneutics. Therefore, contrary to the popular belief, the empirical sciences including natural and social sciences, e.x. political geography, do not have multiple methodologies, but a common methodology called hypothetical-deductive. The other commonly used methods political geography are only applicable at the data collection stage and lack the characteristics of a full-scale scientific methodology.

    Conclusion

    Despite variety of research methods in the social sciences, and in particular, political geography, the researcher has no limit to use various methods in accordance with his own goals and objectives. However, it should be noted that the most valid and complete research method in empirical sciences, both natural and social, is hypothetical-deductive, and other methods, such as discursive methods, structuralism, post-structuralism, etc., are used only in data collection as many of the commonly used methods in the social sciences lack the capacity and efficiency to be used in the main stage of scientific research, i.e. understanding and evaluating data. Therefore, it is not possible to fully utilize these methods in social and geography sciences. As a result, the reliable method for social and geographic sciences is hypothetical-deductive method. This method is based on both "logic and experience" in scientific studies and emphasizes the importance of theories and hypotheses before observation, explanation, interpretation, and analysis. Therefore, it is based on the "deductive" method in scientific research.

    Keywords: Experimental science, Scientific Methodology, Exploratory, hermeneutic Approach, Hypothetical-deductive Methodology, Political Geography
  • سید عباس احمدی، محمود واثق، یاشار ذکی، حسین مختاری هشی*، محمدعلی محمدی

    آسیای جنوب غربی خاستگاه تمدن ها و مفصل اجزای جزیره جهانی است. این منطقه از آغاز دوران وستفالیایی با ترسیم نخستین مرز به معنای مدرن میان فلات ایران و جلگه بین النهرین تجزیه شد. سپس تصور سلطه بر جهان با تسلط بر هارتلند این منطقه را به کانون منازعه و بی ثباتی تبدیل کرد، اما تحولات قرن بیستم این واقعیت را نشان داد که سلطه هژمونیک یک یا چند قدرت برتر بر هارتلند جهانی به معنای سلطه بر جهان و امکان تحمیل راهبرد جهانی به دیگران نیست. اکنون با توجه به ویژگی های دوران جهانی شدن و دیدگاه سیستمی، پرسش اصلی این است که چه ارتباطی میان آینده سیستم جهانی و سامان دهی و تبدیل این منطقه به کانون تعامل دیالکتیک وجود دارد؟ پژوهش توصیفی-تحلیلی حاضر به شیوه گردآوری اطلاعات کتابخانه ای و اسنادی و با مبنا قرار دادن نظریه والراشتاین و دیدگاه سیستمی کوهن به دنبال ارزیابی این فرضیه است که تبدیل منطقه آسیای جنوب غربی به کانون تعامل دیالکتیک مناطق ژیوپلیتیک از لوازم پاسخ گویی به چالش های دوران گذار ژیوپلیتیکی است و همگرایی این منطقه با منطقه یورومدیترانه بر آینده نظام ژیوپلی نومیک جهانی و کاهش فاصله آن با نظام حقوقی موثر خواهد بود. در این زمینه ناحیه ایکیومنیک چابهار-گوادر اکنون به عنوان کانون تعامل بر محور کریدورهای اقتصاد جهانی و جاده جدید ابریشم بسیار مدنظر قرار گرفته است و نواحی ایکیومنیک راس خلیج فارس و خلیج اسکندرون نیز در آینده می توانند نقشی عمده داشته باشند.

    کلید واژگان: آسیای جنوب غربی, ژئوپلیتیک, ژئوپلی نومی, نظام اقتصاد جهانی, یورومدیترانه
    Seyed Abbas Ahmadi, Mahmood Vasegh, Yashar Zaki, Hossein Mokhtari Hashi *, Mohammad Ali Mohammadi
    Introduction

    The nature of the global imperial system and the military approach to geopolitics encouraged the twentieth-century rival powers of the world to get control of the Heartland to ensure their security in the geopolitical and geostrategic regions of the world. In this period, the imposition of instability in southwest Asia was due to the fear of the influence of competing powers and the use of the region to reinforce their dominance in the world. Southwest Asia as a subset of the international system, is a multifaceted example of the modern world order and the basic question is: how will the development and structuring of the south-west Asia region affect the establishment of the global economic system and the coherence and stability of the global geopolitical system?

    Methodology

    The present paper has theoretical, applied and developmental dimensions, and is based on descriptive-analytic research. Data collection was done by library and documentary method, and analysis of the findings was done qualitatively and inferential.

    Results and Discussion

    According to Wallerstein, the trajectory of the global empire was the ultimate deficiency of its power to maintain a vast empire from a single political center, while the global economic trend is more dynamic because it creates competitive relationships among a large number of governments. (Griffiths, 2005, 986). Wallerstein and Taylor see the end of the global empire as the economic deployment as an alternative to political power at the top of the global system, and Cohen's systemic perspective places the system as the dominant component of the hegemonic power substitution. In systemic terms, elements of the system are the first component of the system, and the interaction of elements is the second component of the system. Cohen has a special interest in the ability of regional Economic to end the instability and fragility of unstable regions and fragile strips (Cohen, 2008, 98). One of the capabilities of regional Ecumenies in the era of globalization is to strengthen and accelerate the return process of the divergent border concept to the convergent notion of the frontier. Borders that are the product of the modern era determine the limits of the political realms of the states and look at the interior, but the frontiers are looking out.Regional Ecumeny in the Westphalian context is the purpose of colonial plans to prevent the emergence of geopolitical regions, and in the post-Austrian space, they are to become the focal point of the dialectical interaction and the coherence of the components of the global system.The process of globalization and the need to establish and continue the dialectical cooperation between the two eastern and western parts, promotes the geopolinomic location of Southwest Asia, along with its new definition of the heartland of energy. The main problem in the Southwest Asia is the separation of the national eco-munitions and the densest areas of population concentration and economic activity from one another into the presence of mountains, plateaus and deserts. In the meantime, there are three propositions in the Persian Gulf, the Gulf of Alexandria, and the borders of Saudi Arabia and Bahrain, which are related to the beyond the national borders.Another area extending from Gwadar and jiwani Pakistan to Chabahar and Jask is a strategic and crossroads that can turn into a regional political economy and global political economy.On the other hand, with the formation of a new region (Euro- Mediterranean), the major strategic and economic responsibilities of the maritime area in these territories will be transferred from the United States to coastal Europe (Cohen, 2008, 799 - 800); and the movement of South-West Asia and Mediterranean Europe The formation of a joint geostrategic area could be of greatest help to the health of the globalization process.With the diversification of investments throughout the world's corridors, Southwest Asia is becoming the centerpiece of global integration of global geopolitical sub-systems, and it displays its geotechnical heartland feature in the design of the new Silk Road. The new Silk Road Project is an answer to the need to retrieve the role that the historic Silk Road played by connecting and engaging business between the West and the East.Connecting the rail network of the Mediterranean region with the Mediterranean Sea through the ports of Syria and Lebanon will have many economic benefits to the economy and regional and global security stability. On the other hand, the ground distance between the two Persian Gulf and Mediterranean seas is considered to be an area between the two eastern and western hemisphere, but the connection of the two seas with the construction of the international waterway facilitates the promotion of the role of the new intercontinental geostrategic role in ensuring the global system coherence.In terms of energy, the UNIDO (1994) proposal is most consistent with the need to enhance the global role of the region. In this plan, the construction of the world's largest gas liquefaction terminal in Chabahar and the construction of an intercontinental energy pipeline have been proposed in the framework of the idea of global energy security that transports South Asia and Central Asia through Southwest Asia, from both South and North Connect the Mediterranean. Most of the world's gas resources connect to the consumer markets through the southern route, and its transit route to Israel can be overcome with partial repair of the proposed route.

    Conclusion

    Instead of hegemony, the system's emphasis on the dialectical interaction of the sub-systems is the major difference between the global economic system and the global imperial system. In this framework, the urgency of emphasizing the unity of the origins of human civilization is evident in the balance between dialectics between the parts of the world Island, and from this perspective, the World Hartland Supplementary Ural-Digital Region is considered to be the most important geostrategic area of the world. In this way, the great difference of the world economic system with the global imperial system manifests itself at the end of the global heartland instability and promotes the role of Southwest Asia in global change from a secondary role to an early role.

    Keywords: World Economic System, Geopolitics, Geopolinomics, Southwest Asia, Euromediterranee
  • محمود واثق، احد محمدی*

    نسبت دانش (جغرافیا) با ارزش (قدرت) یکی از بحث های مهم فلسه علم می باشد، در این زمینه به عقیده غالب فیلسوفان علوم اجتماعی، از دیدگاه منطقی، هیچ گونه ارتباط تولیدی میان گزاره های مربوط به پدیدارهای عینی و حقیقی (هست ها) با گزاره ها و قضایای ارزشی و اعتباری (بایدها) وجود ندارد و واقعیت ها دربردارنده عناصر ارزشی نیستند و در ذات خود فارغ از تعلقات افراد می باشند اما در عین حال، دانش و عینیت در محیط بیرونی و در عمل، نسبتی وثیق با ارزش ها و تعلقات دارند. در مقابل عده ای از جمله اصحاب مکاتب انتقادی معتقدند که میان معرفت و ارزش های انسان چنان آمیختگی و وابستگی وجود دارد که اساسا وجود دانش عینی فارغ از تعلقات، ناممکن است. در این راستا کسانی همچون ویتفوگل و اتوا جغرافیا و ژئوپلیتیک را مجموعه ای از «دانش/ قدرت» و ایدئولوژی طبقه بورژوا و بلکه جغرافیا را تولید قدرت می دانند. در این مقاله با آوردن گزاره های متعددی از جغرافیای انسانی و طبیعی نشان داده شد که هستی شناسی، معرفت شناسی و روش شناسی علم جغرافیا فارغ از ارزش ها می باشد اما در مرحله کاربرد، این علم می تواند در خدمت قدرت ها و ایدئولوژی ها قرار بگیرد. بنابراین، مدعای اندیشمندان مکاتب انتقادی مبنی بر مسبوقیت دانش به ارزش ها ناشی از خلط میان «نظر و عمل» یا «معنا و کاربرد» است و ایشان با خلط میان «معنای دانش با کاربرد دانش» این دو امر را یکی انگاشته و از این رو معتقدند که دانش و معرفت در ذات خود با اهداف عملی و کاربردی آمیخته و اساسا دانش بی طرف و غیرمسبوق به اهداف و جهت گیری های کاربردی و ارزشی وجود ندارد.

    کلید واژگان: دانش, ارزش, ایدئولوژی, جغرافیای سیاسی
    Mahmood Vasegh, Ahad Mohamadi *

    The ratio of knowledge and value is one of the most important discussions in Philosophy of Science. In this regard, according to the opinion of most of philosophers social sciences, from a rational point of view, there is no productive relation between propositions related to objective and real phenomena with value and credit propositions and the realities do not contain elements of value and in their essence they are independent of the goals individual, but at the same time, knowledge and objectivity in the external environment and in practice, have a relationship with values and interests. In contrast, followers of critical school believe that a relationship is found between knowledge with interests human so that essentially the existence of objective knowledge is impossible regardless of interests. In this regard, those like Wittfogel and O’Tuathail considered geography and geopolitics as a collection of "knowledge/power" and the ideology of the bourgeois class as well as geography as power generation. In this paper, by presenting various propositions of human and physical geography we showed that ontology, epistemology and methodology of geography are value-free, but at the stage of practice and application, geography can serve the powers and ideologies. Therefore, the claim thinkers of critical schools based on considering knowledge prior to values and interests is due to the mix of "theory and practice" or "meaning and application". And they consider these two as one and therefore believe that knowledge is essentially interwoven with practical and applied goals, and There is no value-free knowledge.

    Keywords: Knowledge, Value, Political Geography
  • عباس ملکی، سید عباس احمدی، محمود واثق، مصطفی ساوه درودی

    جریان بنیادگرایی اسلامی به دلایل ضعف اقتصادی و سیاسی، گسترش استبداد، فساد و تنش های قومی و مذهبی، با حمایت های برخی قدرت های منطقه ای و فرامنطقه ای توانست در آسیای مرکزی به حیات خود تداوم بخشد. عملکرد گروه های بنیادگرا در کشورهای آسیای مرکزی، پیامدهای سیاسی - امنیتی قابل توجهی را برای منطقه حساس غرب آسیا رقم زده که آثار آن بیشتر کشورهای منطقه ازجمله جمهوری اسلامی ایران را هدف قرار داد. با عنایت به موارد فوق، پژوهش حاضر درصدد بررسی تهدیدات امنیتی جمهوری اسلامی ایران در آسیای مرکزی مبتنی بر بنیادگرایی اسلامی با تاکید بر بعد نرم افزاری می باشد. نوع پژوهش حاضر، کاربردی و روش آن توصیفی تحلیلی است. به منظور شناسایی تهدیدات امنیتی ج.ا.ا ناشی از فعالیت های بنیادگرایی اسلامی در آسیای مرکزی در حوزه
    نرم افزاری و دستیابی به مدل مطلوب در این زمینه، بعد از توزیع پرسشنامه، اطلاعات جمع آوری شده با استفاده از نرم افزارهای اس.پی.اس.اس و آموس، مورد تجزیه وتحلیل قرار گرفت که نتایج حاصله فرضیه پژوهش مبنی بر «تهدیدات امنیتی ج.ا.ا در آسیای مرکزی ناشی از فعالیت های بنیادگرایی اسلامی در حوزه نرم افزاری شامل اندیشه مذهبی، اندیشه قومی و اندیشه نژادی است» را تائید می نماید؛ ضمن اینکه مولفه اندیشه مذهبی بیشترین تاثیر را در تهدیدات امنیتی بعد نرم افزاری داشته است.

    کلید واژگان: تهدید امنیتی, آسیای مرکزی, جمهوری اسلامی ایران, بنیادگرایی اسلامی
    Abbas Maleki, Seyyed Abbas Ahmadi, Mahmood Vasegh, Mostaft Save drodi
  • محمود واثق*، احد محمدی

    یکی از ویژگی های هر نوع پژوهش علمی در عرصه علوم اجتماعی منجمله جغرافیا و جغرافیای سیاسی به عنوان یکی از زیرشاخه های آن، توجه به اصل عینیت و واقع گرایی در شناخت پدیده است. در این راستا، اساسی ترین مساله ای که از نظر روش شناسی در برابر دانشمندان قرار دارد این است که عینیت چیست و چگونه می توان بدان دست یافت؟ آیا اساسا رسیدن به عینیت و حقیقت امکانپذیر است؟ و اگر هست معیار شناسایی «حقایق» از پندارهای نادرست و مخالف با واقع چیست؟ این مسئله (ارزش شناخت) که محور اصلی مباحث شناخت شناسی را تشکیل می دهد مسئله اصلی مقاله حاضر می باشد که با روش توصیفی- تحلیلی (منطقی) در قالب توصیف و تحلیل های منطقی و معرفت شناختی با رویکرد عقلانیت انتقادی تدوین شده است. در این مقاله عینیت و اعتبار گزاره ها و قضایای جغرافیایی در مکاتب مختلف پوزیتیویسم، هرمنوتیک، پدیدارشناسی، فرانکفورت، پست مدرن و پساساختارگرا مورد بررسی قرار گرفت و نشان داده شد که مکاتب انتقادی در نهایت از آن جا که به «نسبی گرایی» ختم می شوند قایل به عینیت و اعتبار گزاره ها و قضایای جغرافیایی نیستند و از این لحاظ با مشکلات عدیده معرفت شناختی مواجه هستند، چرا که واقعیت های جغرافیایی و دریافت و شناخت آن ها و نیز ارزیابی و تعیین درستی یا نادرستی این فرضیات از طریق پژوهش «واقع گرایانه» و دقیق در چارچوب روش «فرضی- قیاسی» و با رویکرد «عقلانی- تجربی» امکان پذیر است و معنای عینیت و اعتبار در مورد گزاره ها و قضایای جغرافیایی عبارت است از: واقعی و عینی بودن پدیده ها و فرآیندهای جغرافیایی و گزاره ها و قضایای راجع به آن ها، عمومیت و همگانی بودن پژوهش های جغرافیایی، تعیین ارزش و اعتبار فرضیه ها، قضایا و نظریه های جغرافیایی از طریق انطباق آن ها با معیارهای «واقعیت» و «سازگاری منطقی».

    کلید واژگان: عینیت, اعتبار, جغرافیا
    Mahmood Vasegh*, Ahad Mohammadi
    Introduction

    The final objective of social sciences is to seek objective truth, so scientists are seeking realism in science, and this is a term that one of its meanings implies the "objective" conception of reality. Thus, the most fundamental problem in methodology for scientists is that what is objectivity? How can one integrate objectivity in the process of knowing the facts, realities and coincidence of these matters together? How can one set aside a biased notion? The most important issue of any type of epistemology and science is to create a balance between objectivity and subjectivity in science. If an objective experiment does not lead to subjective and methodical rules and laws, then science and knowledge will not be formed, and if subjective rules and laws cut out from the objective reality, realism will be lost. In the other words, the central axis of the questions of epistemology is the "value of cognition", and this seeks to show that what is the criterion of identifying "facts" from false and contradictory ideas to reality? According to the above, objectivity and validity in various sciences, including geography, are of fundamental positions, and different geographic schools have taken different positions in this regard, which directly relate to the results of the research. In this paper, we are seeking to find out what are positions of methodology schools in geography in relation to objectivity and validity of geographic propositions? What are conclusions given to these positions? Which position can have a scientific position in geography? In this paper, we have tried to emphasize political geography in various propositions.

    Review of Literature

    Objectivity, an attribute of thought at the time that this thought is true. When the objectivity of scientific propositions, spoken, it can be applied in three meanings: 1. correspondence with reality; 2. The possibility of universal evaluate and judge; and 3. Free from personal values, presuppositions and beliefs. The scientific method has three stages of Problem-finding, theorizing, and validation. In between, the criteria for validating propositions and statements are correspondence with reality and logical compatibility. The purpose of logical compatibility is reasonableness, harmony, cohesion and consistency, and ultimately the compatibility of propositions and statements with rational and logical principles, is such that it is acceptable to the minds, clear and self-evident. The validation of theories in the field of empirical sciences (such as geography) is posterior, and theories are inductively endorsed with a degree of probability, rather than deductive proof.Some of the studies that have focused on the problem of "objectivity and validity" include some articles and books such as Biyabanki, M.  “At Interpretation of objectivity; look at the position of objectivity of scientific propositions in various schools of philosophy of science” (2012); Dirbaz, A. “Scientific objectivity and religious attitude” (1998); and Shiroudi, M. “Validation of Hermeneutic Methodology in the Humanities and Islamic Sciences” (2013). The books of Dr. Soroush such as (What is Science? What is Philosophy?, Knowledge and Value, A lecture on Philosophy of Science- Society), and works by Karl Popper, such as Realism and the aim of Science and the Book of The Logic Of Scientific Discovery can also be mentioned.

    Method

    The present research, due to its philosophical and logical nature, is classified under the theoretical and fundamental research. This research is based on a descriptive-analytical (logical) method and the topics and contents of this collection are documentary and library type.

    Findings and discussion

    In this paper, various schools of positivism, hermeneutics, phenomenology, Frankfurt, postmodern, and post-structuralism were examined in terms of objectivity and validity of geographic propositions, and it was shown that since critical schools finally lead to relativism, they do not endorse objectivity and validity of geographic propositions, and in this respect they face the problems of epistemology. Finally, it was shown that geographic realities and their recognition as well as evaluation and determination of accuracy or inaccuracy of these hypotheses will be possible through realistic and precise research within the hypothetical-deductive method and rational-empirical approach.

    Conclusion

    According to the results of this paper, the concept of objectivity in geography can be considered from three perspectives: 1. Although geography is one of the validity sciences and geographic concepts have a valid and abstract position, the above-mentioned phenomena and concepts are objective and realistic out of mind, and phenomena such as vegetation of gardens, roads, bridges and buildings, farms, villages, cities and other geographic phenomena of the same valid nature are objective and real phenomenon. 2. The other meaning of objectivity of geography as an empirical science is that geographic research is a general and universal, and the study of geographic phenomena, hypotheses, and theories is not considered to be monopolistic or individual but is available to all researchers. All geographers are able to examine, for example, the relationship between the Earth's rotation and transition around the sun, with the advent of the night and day, and the various seasons, and / or the possibility of examining the relationship between the geographical location of each area and its climatic conditions, causes of various geographic perspectives, and etc., available to all geographical researchers; and 3. As with other empirical sciences, geographic studies in order to evaluate and judge geographic hypotheses and theories use objective criteria independent of the subjectivity of individuals. These criteria, which are the same criteria for validation in science, are based on a realistic approach that includes the following two principles: a) the principle of correspondence with reality and b) the principle of compatibility with the foundations of reason and logical compatibility. Therefore, briefly, it can be said that the meaning and validity of geographic propositions are as follows: 1. The real and objective nature of geographical phenomena and processes, and propositions about them; 2. Publicity and universality of geographic research; and 3. Determine the value and validity of geographic hypotheses, propositions and theories by adapting them to the criteria of "reality" and "rational compatibility".

    Keywords: Objectivity, validity, geography
  • محمود واثق، سید عباس احمدی، عباس طباطبایی

    مرزهای ایران در دو قرن اخیر عرصه کشمکش ها و فراز و فرودها و جزر و مدهای ارضی بسیاری بوده اند که حاصل آن در دوره ثبات پهلوی اول و تجدد مفاهیم عینی سیاست نظیر مرز، سرزمین کنونی ایران را حاصل آمده است. ایران و افغانستان در حدود 945 کیلومتر مرز مشترک دارند که از دهانه ذولفقار تا ملک سیاه کوه امتداد یافته است. عوامل خارجی و داخلی بسیاری در آمایش نواحی مرزی دو کشور تاثیرگذار است. مساله ای که در این پژوهش بررسی می شود، بررسی این عوامل و تاثیراتی است که در آمایش نواحی مرزی این دو کشور باید به آن توجه کرد. در این پژوهش با روش کتابخانه ای و تحلیلی در تلاشیم تا به این پرسش پاسخ دهیم که چه عوامل خارجی و داخلی در آمایش نواحی مرزی ایران و افغانستان تاثیرگذار است؟ با توجه به یافته های پژوهش عوامل بسیاری نظیر مهاجرت غیرقانونی، مواد مخدر، تروریسم و حضور قدرتهای غربی در این مهم تاثیر گذار است.

    کلید واژگان: آمایش سیاسی فضا نواحی مرزی تروریسم مواد مخدر مهاجرت
    Mahmood Vasegh, Abbas Ahmadi, Abbas Tabatabai

    The borders of Iran in the recent two centuries have been the arena of conflict and territorial tide that its result in the period of first Pahlavi and modernize of politics conce pts waz the current land of Iran. Iran and Afganistan have about 945 KM common border that stretched from the Zulficar crater to the Malek siah mountain. There is a lot of external and internal factors that are effective in the frontier zones of this areas. The issue that is analyzing in this article is the impacts of this factors that must be seen in the land use planning of this areas. The research method in this article is library and analytical to answer this question: Wich external and internal factors are effective in the spatial planning in border regions. According to the findings of this article, many factors such as immigration illegal, drugs, terrorism and the presence of western powers are effective on this issue.

    Keywords: political space, border regions, terrorism, immigration, drugs
  • مصیب قره بیگی، محمود واثق*
    هدف پژوهش حاضر، وضع نظریه گریز است. این نظریه، قابلیت تبیین رفتارهای نظام های منطقه ای و هرگونه نظام/سیستم/تشکل/ائتلاف اجتماعی-سیاسی و نیز پیش بینی سرانجام آنها را دارد. در خصوص نظام های منطقه ای به عنوان ائتلاف های جغرافیایی، هدف نظریه گریز تبیین فرایند شکل گیری چالش های واگرایی در این نوع نظام ها است. این نظریه با معرفی مفروضات منطقی، الزامات و مقتضیات گریز یک عضو از ائتلاف های منطقه ای را شناسایی کرده است و با معرفی اصول، مفروضات بنیادی، شاخص ها و عوامل، مقیاس تحلیل و حوزه ها، چارچوبی نظری برای مطالعه، فهم و پیش بینی کنش ها و وضعیت آینده نظام های منطقه ای ارائه داده است. به دیگر سخن، نظریه گریز به این پرسش های بنیادی پاسخ داده است؛ چرا و چگونه در یک نظام منطقه ای، گسست به وجود می آید؟ با مطالعه رفتار نظام های منطقه ای، چگونه می توان به پیش بینی نوع و نحوه رفتار آن ها در آینده دست یافت؟ برخورداری از چه شاخص ها، وضعیت و عرصه هایی می تواند بسترهای گسست و جدایی یک یا چند عضو از یک نظام منطقه ای را محقق سازد؟ چه نمونه های تاریخی را در راستای نظریه گریز می توان به عنوان شاهد ذکر کرد؟ در نظام های منطقه ای موجود، چه پیش بینی هایی را می توان درباره آینده این نظام ها به​دست داد؟ نظریه گریز با مقیاس تحلیلی میان فردی تا جهانی، می تواند نوع و نحوه گسست در تشکل ها، نهادها و سیستم های اجتماعی-سیاسی را تبیین و رفتارهای احتمالی آن در آینده را پیش بینی کند.
    کلید واژگان: گریز, واگرایی, نظام منطقه ای, نظام سیاسی- اجتماعی, مرکز - پیرامون
    Mosayeb Gharehbeygi, Mahmood Vasegh *
    Introduction
    The paper is intended to introduce and propose “digression theory”. The theory is capable of explanation and prediction of the regional system and all kind of social-political institution, system or coalition. Division/digression theory can predict the ultimate of systems and organizations according to some specific indexes. Particularly, the aim of the theory is explanation of the divergence challenges in regional systems as a geographical coalition. Digression theory has recognized the necessity and circumstances of an organ/member dividing from a coalition with introducing of logical hypothesis. Also, it has provided a logical criterion to study, explain and predict the present and future terms of regional systems by commencing principles, hypothesis, indexes and factors, analysis unit and scales. Below questions can be answered by the logical criteria of digression theory: How and why is made a digression or secession in a regional system? How can be predicted the future of a system in according of its behaviors? Which indexes, settings and positions can fortify an organ/member into dividing from a system? Which instances prove the developments along with the theory? What future can be predicted to the present regional systems with referencing to the digression theory?
    Methodology
    The paper is a fundamental research from the point of typology and from the purpose is a theory making (theorizing) in order to problem resolving (mental and philosophical problem) one. The analysis of paper is based on logical and epistemological theorem and reasoning. The paper’s references are absolutely improvisation.
    Result and
    discussion
    Digression theory has two main principals as follows:Extension and Secession: according to this principal all kinds of systems or organizations will be encountered by secession as well as extension. In other words, the bigger in quality and quantity, the bigger in separation and breaking. Increasing in the space and possibilities in an organization or system brings hardest competitions among the organ or members. Members of a system attempt to achieve in top of the hierarchy order and as a central positionality dominate on others. By increasing in tension and competition, the space of dividing and making of independent system is prepared.
    Stability: This principal theorizes that foundation of systems determine the quality of their stability. From this perspective, all kind of systems are made from three foundations:1- Economic Oriented Systems (Systems are made from materialistic and economic indexes);
    2- Security Oriented Systems (kind of systems which military and protective issues have made them);
    3- Cultural Oriented Systems (coalition and organizing based on religion, thought, rituals and ideological commons).
    The last one (cultural oriented systems) is the most stable, conservative and diehard among other three system foundations. Religion as a cultural system is the best example of stable cultural systems from the past to the present.
    Division/digression theory has two fundamental hypotheses as follows:Philosophical hypothesis: Digression theory is based on primordial human nature. This nature in Islamic philosophy is called by “human as liberation entity”. According to this nature, human being cannot stand domination. This covenant is significant in that it asserts that an understanding of the origin of man is something deeply inherent to and natural within every person. Any disconnection from this memory is referred to as being ‘forgetful’ within the scripture, Hadith literature and commentary. The Quran constantly implores people to recall and remember. Scholars suggest that the call to remember throughout the Quran is in fact a call to remember this particular moment in their spiritual history. Suggestions are also made that where people recognize people with ease, it is usually as a memory from this event. There are many scholarly perspectives taken on the significance of this covenant. It is understood as marking the beginning of human consciousness with mankind making their first conscious response to the divine question 'Am I not your lord?'. Some also see it as being relevant to the Islamic principle of unity as the entirety of mankind was said to have been assembled on the plane on this date. Logical hypothesis: Reasonable and logical assumes of the theory are such as bellows: existing of a central-periphery structure, being of relatively hegemonic relations in the structure, will and power to division and digression, possibility and feasibility of dividing and digression, ex-systemic relations and moods, an aggressive organ or member.
    Conclusion
    Centre-periphery orders bring some disputes and tensions between the members of a system. By increasing in central domination some of the members with feasible indexes decide to be divided, indexes like strong economy and capitals, political parties and structures, historical-cultural wealth, outer systemic relation and interest in other members in other systems and finally, third outer systemic member intervention. The historical examples like Islam Prophet dividing Pre-Arabic system and Iranians dividing Pro-Arabic system are some most instances of digression. According to the digression theory, it is predicted that along with Qatar, states such as Kuwait, United Arab Emirates and Oman will be divided from Persian Gulf Council Corporation (GCC). Also, in European Union along with Britain other states will be separated such as Poland, Italy, Spain, Belgium and Norway.
    Keywords: Digression, Divergence, Regional system, Socio-political systems, Core-periphery
  • محمود واثق، مرجان بدیعی ازنداهی، لطف الله نبوی، احد محمدی *
    بر اساس تعریف علمای علم منطق، موضوع یک علم عبارت از آن چیزی است که در آن علم از احوال و عوارض ذاتی و بی واسطه آن بحث می شود. عوارض ذاتی به آن دسته از صفات اشیاء و پدیده ها گفته می شود که مستقیما از ذات پدیده یا شیء برمی خیزند و در موجودیت خود نیازمند هیچ واسطه ای نمی باشند. به طور مثال، صفاتی چون رشد و تغذیه در زمره صفات ذاتی موجودات جاندار بوده و مستقیما به ذات آن ها وابسته اند. همچنین صفت نطق(تفکر) در انسان، صفتی است که به طور مستقیم به ذات انسان وابسته است. در حالی که وقتی به صفت نویسنده در مورد انسان اشاره می شود، این صفت با واسطه صفت تفکر و نطق به انسان نسبت داده می شود. صفاتی نظیر وحدت و کثرت، حادث و قدیم، مجرد و مادی و نظایر این ها، در زمره صفات ذاتی هستی به​شمار می روند اما صفاتی چون سنگین یا سبک، سرد یا گرم جزو صفات باواسطه هستی محسوب می شوند؛ زیرا هستی ذاتا سنگین یا سبک، سرد یا گرم و... نیست و این صفات صرفا از طریق واسطه ای به نام جسم به هستی نسبت داده می شود. مطابق بیان فوق آن دسته از علوم که به مطالعه پدیده ها و اشیاء حقیقی که واجد ذات هستند، می پردازند؛ در زمره علوم حقیقی قرار می گیرند؛ نظیر فلسفه، ریاضیات و منطق. روشن است این دسته از علوم به دلیل پرداختن به هستی های دارای ذات، واجد موضوع می باشند. اما آن گروه از علومی که به مطالعه در احوال پدیده های فاقد ذات می پردازند، جزء علوم اعتباری محسوب می شوند؛ نظیر علوم اجتماعی و از جمله علم جغرافیا. در علومی نظیر جامعه شناسی و جغرافیا، پدیده هایی همچون جامعه، کشور، ملت، دولت، سازمان ها و نهادها، فضاها و نظایر آن ها که پدیده هایی برساخته و اعتباری بوده و فاقد ذات هستند، مورد مطالعه قرار می گیرند. شکی نیست که پدیده های فاقد ذات، به طریق اولی فاقد صفات ذاتی نیز هستند و از آنجا که در تعریف موضوع یک علم، پرداختن به صفات ذاتی پدیده مورد مطالعه آن علم شرط اصلی است، لذا با فقدان ذات و ایضا صفات ذاتی، به​خودی خود موضوع نیز منتفی خواهد شد. بر این اساس می توان گفت علم جغرافیا به​دلیل مطالعه پیرامون پدیده های فاقد ذات (اعتباری)، فاقد موضوع می باشد. هدف اصلی این مقاله تحقیق و بررسی پیرامون این مسئله است.
    کلید واژگان: ذات, صفات ذاتی, موضوع علم, علوم حقیقی, علوم اعتباری, غایت علم, جغرافیا
    Mahmood Vasegh, Marjan Badiei Azandahi, Lotfollah Nabavi, Ahad Mohamadi *
    Introduction
    In science of Logic, a science subject include thing that in this the science will be discussed of conditions and accidents the essential and it’s immediate. Accidents the essential to those attributes of things and phenomena is said that directly arises from the essence of the phenomenon or things and in its existence not need no intermediary. Though relying on the “subject” for the definition and classification of sciences contain of ancient and long history, but it should be noted that the application of this criteria is not effective for defining all the Sciences; because the definition a science based on subject, when possible that first, the science Intended been components the real sciences and phenomena under the study of Its, be eligible essence and characteristics (accidents) essential. Second, Sciences which are defined and classified based on the subject, at least have three basic characteristics that include: 1. their sentences and problems being universal 2. Being necessary the relations between subjects and predicates of their propositions 3. Being demonstrative. For this reason, those sciences which first their under investigation phenomena are unreal and secondly the above-mentioned three characteristics are lacking, cannot be based on the subject, defined. This category of science that are known as the "Credit Sciences", should be based on other criteria, including based on teleo and method, defined and categorized. In other words, the definition of the subject, merely special the real sciences is such as philosophy, logic and mathematics and does not include credit sciences such as the social sciences and including geography. And maintaining the integrity of the social sciences as well as geography through the teleo and its function, eligible reasonable benefits and offered more functionality of define subject is for these disciplines and can rescue this sciences of current philosophical the stagnation and crisis.
    Methodology
    The present study due to the nature of philosophy and own logical, is among the fundamental and theoretical research. This study is based on descriptive and analytical method (logical) and its analysis is done based on logical reasoning and arguments. Therefore, discussions and matters from this series of documentaries and library are considered.
    Result and
    Discussion
    Based on research conducted in the subject science of Geography, it can be said: geography is among the sciences without subject. Because the subject can be raised only in those sciences that phenomena and things of the study of those sciences, essence eligible and consequently, be essential characteristics eligible and this feature there is only the real science that them investigated phenomena independent of the will of man, are available. Accordingly, because Sciences unreality (Sciences credit) such as social sciences, such as geography, unreal phenomena and man-made (credit) they can read, that are lacks essence, cannot they Have an subject because the subject when have mean that first be essence in the work and secondly considered essential characteristics. Since the main field of the study science of Geography is considered to be credit phenomenon of space and we know Geographical space is phenomenon lacks essence and essential characteristics and therefore the science of geography which is engaged in the study of such phenomenon cannot be eligible subject.
    Conclusion
    Given that the subject a science include one thing in which science does discussion about the accidents and essential characteristics that, therefore objective Sciences are the sciences which the study of Its phenomena, to be essence eligible and then characteristics (accidents) essential. Also propositions these sciences, is universal, necessary and permanent and this sciences will be a demonstrational but geography because it phenomenon case the study of its (space and time) is lacks essence and statements It is personal therefore above features will not have. So of logical point of view, geography cannot be the subject and any attempt to define Geography objective this string will be faced with a logical contradiction. Since the geography is empirical, social, credit science and placed in rows Sciences practical and functional and has the nature of the problem solving not only need to have does not the subject but also thematic objective to geography, has been caused lack of dynamism and caught this knowledge in an identity crisis and philosophical. So to define of geography must has rely on its functional the nature because the definition of functional and teleo-oriented, for Geography will enhance authority and position and Its role in various fields of political, social, economic and macroeconomic planning development, planning and formulation of comprehensive national strategies and transnational over the current situation. It can therefore be defined Geography in terms of teleo and function in the form knowledge production and management space.
    Keywords: Essence, Essential characteristics, Subject of science, Real sciences, Credit Sciences, Teleo of sciences, Geography
  • عاطفه گلفشان، محمود واثق
    در این پژوهش سعی شده تا با بررسی اندیشه فلسفی، «توماس هابز» (1588- 1679)، به تبیین اثرات دیدگاه فلسفی بر جغرافیای سیاسی پرداخته شود. هابز با تدوین کتاب لویاتان بعنوان مهم ترین اثر خود، تاثیر بسزایی در جامعه دانشگاهی غرب داشته، به طوریکه این کتاب به عنوان متن مرجع در دانشگاه ها تدریس شده است. نظرات و اندیشه سیاسی توماس هابز بدلیل ارتباط آن با مبانی علم جغرافیای سیاسی و ژئوپلیتیک یعنی قدرت، دولت، حاکمیت، سرزمین و مردم، (به طور مستقیم و یا غیر مستقیم)، برای جغرافیدانان سیاسی بسیار حائز اهمیت است. دانستن اندیشه فلسفی ای که هابز را به نوشتن این کتاب رهنمون شده از اهمیت بالایی برخوردار است؛ چرا که اندیشه فلسفی هر کس مبانی و پایه های فکری او را مشخص می کند. برخی توماس هابز را «خالق فلسفه به زبان انگلیسی» می دانند. هابز در کار خود از روش شناسی علمی بهره گرفت و همانطور که در طول تحقیق مطرح شده، دارای رویکرد فلسفی رئالیستی است، و دیدگاهی مکانیکی و طبیعت گرا دارد. او از روش استقرایی قیاسی برای تبیین مسائل استفاده می کند. هابز نگاهی بدبینانه به انسان دارد و انسان را گرگ انسان می داند. از این رو وجود یک نیروی بالاتری که بر انسان ها حکومت کند را ضروری می داند. تاثیر اندیشه های سیاسی زمان او و دوران پرآشوبی که در آن می زیسته، باعث شکل گیری ذهنیتش در مورد حکومت و مردم شده، و سرانجام نظریه خود درباره دولت را در کتاب لویاتان به رشته تحریر درآورده است. در این پژوهش، اثرات آراء فلسفی توماس هابز بر اندیشه ها و موضوعات جغرافیای سیاسی به صورت توصیفی – تحلیلی مورد بررسی قرار گرفته است.
    کلید واژگان: توماس هابز, اندیشه فلسفی, لویاتان, وضع طبیعی, قوانین طبیعی, جغرافیای سیاسی
    Atefe Golfeshan, Mahmood Vasegh
    In this study, we have tried to explain the effects of the philosophical point of view on the Political geography, with examining examine the philosophical thought of the "Thomas Hobbes" (1588- 1679). Hobbes's Leviathan as his most important compilation had a substantial impact on the west academic community, as this book as a reference text has been teaching at universities. Thomas Hobbe's political thought and his comments are very important for political geographers, because of its association with the principles of Political Geography and Geopolitics like power, government, sovereignty, territory and people, (directly or indirectly). Knowing the philosophical ideas that led to write this book by Hobbes is very important; because everyone's philosophical thought defines his principles and foundations. Some people know Thomas Hobbes as "creative philosophy in English". Hobbes used the scientific methodology in his work, and as discussed in the research, he had the realist philosophical approach, and had the mechanical and naturalist approach. He uses inductive and deductive methods to explain the issues. Hobbes has a pessimistic view to human and sees man the wolf man. Hence being a higher power that governs on the people is necessary. Influence of Political thought during his time and the tumultuous time in which he lived, created his point of view about the formation of the government and people, finally, his theory of the state is written in the book Leviathan. In this study, the effects of the philosophical ideas of Thomas Hobbes on Political Geography's issues are studied with analytic – descriptive method.
    Keywords: Thomas Hobbes, Philosophical Thought, Natural Rules, Natural Situation, Political geography
  • ریحانه عالم، محمود واثق
    نهج البلاغه پس از قرآن کریم و سیره سیاسی پیامبر اکرم (ص)، بنیادگذار فلسفه سیاسی اسلام است که راهبردهای روشنگرانه ای در زمینه سیاست و حکومت ارائه نموده است. حضرت علی (ع) در بسیاری از خطبه ها، نامه ها و حکمت های این کتاب، علاوه بر روشن ساختن نوع معرفت شناسی، هستی شناسی و رویکرد فلسفی خود به جهان، به موضوع نحوه سیاست و مدیریت جامعه و سرزمین از ابعاد مختلف می پردازد.
    از آنجا که هر نظام سیاسی در جهان دارای چارچوبی ایدئولوژیک است، لذا ایدئولوژی ها نقشی مهم در شیوه سازماندهی سیاسی فضا به عنوان مهمترین وظیفه جغرافیای سیاسی دارند. پژوهش حاضر که به روش توصیفی تحلیلی انجام گرفته است، به دنبال شناسایی ریشه های جغرافیای سیاسی در نهج البلاغه بوده و در پی ترسیم چارچوب جغرافیای سیاسی از دیدگاه امام علی (ع) است.
    به علت گستره وسیع موضوعات در جغرافیای سیاسی، این پژوهش به چهار موضوع که بیشتر جنبه بنیادین دارد می پردازد. به عبارت دقیق تر، نوع رویکرد فلسفی و هستی شناسانه حضرت به جهان (جغرافیای طبیعی و جغرافیای انسانی)، چگونگی ساختار معرفت شناسی و هستی شناسی از نگاه امیرالمومنین، الگوی مطلوب حکومتی مورد نظر اسلام و همچنین نگاه حضرت به مفاهیم اساسی جغرافیای سیاسی همچون سازماندهی سیاسی فضا، ملت، قلمرو، مشروعیت و... می پردازد. نتایج پژوهش نشان می دهد رویکرد فلسفی حضرت علی (ع) رئالیستی، غالب تبیین های حضرت از نوع علی و همینطور غایی و نوع ساختار حکومتی مدنظر اسلام و به تبع آن امیرالمومنین (ع)، بسیط غیرمتمرکز است.
    کلید واژگان: جغرافیای سیاسی, فلسفه سیاسی اسلام, نهج البلاغه, حکومت
    Reyhane Alam, Mahmood Vasegh
    Following the Holy Quran and the Holy Prophet (P. B. U. H.) political method، Nahj-al-balaghe is the foundation of political philosophy، which has provided an insightful strategies in the governance and policy. Imam Ali (P. B. U. H.) in many sermons and letters of this book، in addition to clarifying the type of epistemology، ontology and philosophical approach to the world، Points to the policy and manages the society and also the country from various points. Since every political system in the world has an ideological framework، therefore ideologies have an important role in the way of organizing political space as the most important task of political geography. The present study was conducted using descriptive analytical method، seeking to identify the origins of political geography in Nahj-al-balaghe and defining the framework of geopolitics from Imam Ali (PBUH) point of view. The results show that the philosophical approach of Imam Ali’s (P. B. U. H.) is a realistic one، and dominant explanations of him are causal and also conclusive، and the type of governance structure from Islam and Imam''s point of view is a decentralized comprehensive one.
    Keywords: Political geography, Islam's political philosophy, Nahj, al, balaghe, government
نمایش عناوین بیشتر...
بدانید!
  • در این صفحه نام مورد نظر در اسامی نویسندگان مقالات جستجو می‌شود. ممکن است نتایج شامل مطالب نویسندگان هم نام و حتی در رشته‌های مختلف باشد.
  • همه مقالات ترجمه فارسی یا انگلیسی ندارند پس ممکن است مقالاتی باشند که نام نویسنده مورد نظر شما به صورت معادل فارسی یا انگلیسی آن درج شده باشد. در صفحه جستجوی پیشرفته می‌توانید همزمان نام فارسی و انگلیسی نویسنده را درج نمایید.
  • در صورتی که می‌خواهید جستجو را با شرایط متفاوت تکرار کنید به صفحه جستجوی پیشرفته مطالب نشریات مراجعه کنید.
درخواست پشتیبانی - گزارش اشکال