جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه "ایران و خاورمیانه" در نشریات گروه "علوم انسانی"

Gaining and maintaining a superior position in the challenging geopolitics of the Middle East is one of Iran's strategic priorities, and this important goal has been realized for many years under the shadow of benefiting from the two wings of the country's military and ideological power. A position that, despite the priority of pragmatism and transformation in regional power and wealth production circuits, including economic and environmental priorities, social reforms, the emergence of new regional and extra-regional power actors, the formation of new power blocs, the priority of science and technology, etc., has a worrying perspective. To maintain Iran's regional position has been faced. A topic that using the descriptive-analytical method and regional security theory design, in the form of the question that what are the strategic-approach requirements of Iran despite the changes in the foundations and traditional bases of power in the Middle East? And the hypothesis that Iran is not exempt from the change of power equations in the Middle East and that it is necessary to review the past policies based on being limited to ideological-security competitions in order to maintain the balance and not remove the power from the multi-dimensional security in the Middle East, has been analyzed. The findings of the research show that the new Middle East, unlike Iran's idealistic and realism-oriented policies, has moved with the application of liberal and pragmatic policies and centered on hybrid power, and the traditional ideology-security tactic, despite the regional de-escalation, is to leave the outcome of the power game to the competitors, and in this direction In order to maintain regional authority, it is necessary for Iran to take measures such as efficient and trial-and-error diplomacy, the use of a multi-dimensional and knowledge-based economy, benefiting from geopolitical capacities, improving society and governance relations as the basis of foreign policy, using cultural and historical capacities and... do it.

Security issues in the Middle East entered a new environment with the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, one of the manifestations of which can be seen in the prominence of the competition between Iran and Saudi Arabia for regional leadership. This competition itself led to the greater complexity of security issues and the occurrence of new security crises, which is important for the security of the region, as well as international peace and security. In this article we will examine the effect of the competition between Iran and Saudi Arabia as the two countries claiming leadership in the Middle East on the security of this region after the September 11 in the framework of the regional security complex theory. The main question is, what effect has the competition between Iran and Saudi Arabia had on the developments of the Middle East security complex? In response to this question, the hypothesis is emphasized that the competition between Iran and Saudi Arabia has increased insecurity in the Middle East and grew the intervention of world powers in the region, which resulted in the formation of domain security crises, and instability. In collecting research data, we use first- and second-hand library sources. In data analysis, using the historical and comparative methods, we describe and analyze the impact of the competition between these two countries on the developments in the security complex of the Middle East after the September 11.
The theory of regional security complex was proposed for the first time by Barry Buzan and Ole Weaver in Regions and Powers book. They believe that while the national and international levels of analysis do not provide a complete guide for the analysis of issues related to regions, therefore, the existence of an intermediate level of analysis will be suitable for this purpose. This intermediate level of analysis tries filling the gap between the national and the international system levels. Based on the definition, a security complex is a group of states whose main security concerns are so interdependent that their national security cannot reasonably be separated from each other. In other words, the regional security complex is mainly formed by patterns of friendship and enmity. These patterns are socially based on historical factors and common cultures of the region. Based on this, the security of any country does not rely only on itself, and one cannot rely only on the national level in security analysis. On the other hand, the global level is also very general and is not sufficient for understanding of national security of countries. Therefore, the regional level is introduced as the appropriate level of analysis in which global and national security influence each other, and the security of individual units and the intervention process of global powers can only be understood through the understanding of regional security developments.
Based on the principles of the regional security complex theory, in the Middle East region, various factors have shaped the relations between Iran and Saudi Arabia at different levels, the most important of which are: oil and energy supply, conflict over regional supremacy, identity subnational and transnational factors such as Shia and Sunni identities and ethnic identities such as Persian, Arab, etc., foreign powers that have influenced or covered security developments in the Middle East, various ideologies such as Revolutionary Shiite Islam in Iran and Sunni Wahhabi Islam in Saudi Arabia. The sum of these factors has made Iran known as a country in favor of creating a stable and local security system suited to the needs of the region, while Saudi Arabia, accepting the presence of foreign powers including the United States, has always considered the security of the region dependent on their support.
To examine the impact of the competition between Iran and Saudi Arabia on the developments of the Middle East security complex, we first examined the existing theories and perspectives on the security of the Middle East, and after examining and criticizing those, we developed and applied the theory of the regional security complex to explain the developments in the region. This theory deals with the analysis of security at four different levels: internal, regional, interregional and global, and for this reason, it has more importance and explanatory power for the systematic review and analysis of security issues in the Middle East. Examining the relations between Iran and Saudi Arabia based on the components and variables of this theory clearly shows that since 2001, competition and even hostility between the two countries has increased and the balance of power in the Middle East has undergone fundamental changes. These changes have caused an increase in the intervention of world powers, including the United States, the European Union, China, and Russia, in the development of the region. The examination of the relations between Iran and Saudi Arabia at the four internal, regional, interregional, and global levels shows that not only the security of the Middle East is not ensured, but also under the influence of the competition between these two countries, the competition between the effective world powers have increased in the region.
In such a situation, to control and manage crises and reduce insecurity in the region, above all, a collective will and mutual understanding must be formed between the leaders and decision-makers of the Middle East countries, especially Iran and Saudi Arabia. The leaders of Iran and Saudi Arabia, as the main players, should put aside their differences and take steps toward convergence and synergy. These actors must, first of all, understand that they have a common destiny. They should reduce their differences through comprehensive dialogue and diplomacy at all micro and macro levels, to achieve mutual understanding of common interests and greater awareness of the benefits of common security. To change the situation, it seems that the countries of the region should focus more on mutual economic interests and collective security than on differences or even shared identities, and they should accept that all actors should have their roles and place in the power and security equations of the region. Naturally, emphasizing establishing and strengthening economic and commercial relations, along with paying attention to cultural and identity commonalities, can become the basis for strengthening political and even security relations. If such conditions are fulfilled, it is obvious that there is no need for the presence and direct intervention of foreign powers in the affairs of the region, and this also helps to solve more issues and changes the security complex of the Middle East from a divergent, insecure and unstable state to a convergent, safe and stable region, not only for the countries of the region but also for the whole world.

The geopolitical environment can be considered as a network within which there are different actors and actors. In this network, each of the actors has a different role, weight, importance, communication, and ability to influence and act. In such a way I can see a hierarchy of power, influence and influence in it. The geopolitical position of countries plays an important role in generating their power. Iran because of its ancient civilization. Having extensive natural resources; The population has a significant geopolitical centrality. Iran is a country whose power is greatly influenced by its geopolitical position. This study intends to make a comparative study of Iran's geopolitical centrality in the Pahlavi and Islamic Republic governments. The Middle East region, as a geopolitical network, has several sub-networks, and in total, we can name 11 geopolitical sub-networks, the most important of which are the sub-network of Islam, energy, democracy, and the sub-network of resistance.

 The research method in this article is analytical-descriptive. The data and information in this article have been done using the library method and by studying articles, books and documents.

The Middle East is a geopolitical network in which different actors compete for control and influence, and this competition takes place in several subnets. The Middle East Geopolitical Network has eleven geopolitical sub-networks Which include:  Resources, Economy and Energy, Shiism, Islam, Sunni, Arabs, Security, West, Resistance, Terrorism, Democracy, Gulf Cooperation Council Iran, as one of the countries in the Middle East region, has had a different position in these sub-networks in different periods.  In the Pahlavi era, the centrality of Iran was mostly related to the security, western and economic sub-networks but in the period of the Islamic Republic, they changed their nature and took on more ideological aspects. Before the 1979 revolution, Iran was more concentrated on the three networks of the West, security, and the economy. Under the Western network, which existed against the communist regime, and all the countries of the Middle East except Syria, South Yemen, and Iraq were present in this sub-network. Iran was highly centralized due to more advanced modernism than other countries
The security network included Iran and several other countries, including Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, and Turkey in order to counter the influence of communism and to defend the West, they realize that Iran is being considered by the Western powers and is centrally managing this network. The economic sub-network includes the oil countries of the region, in which Iran is the center of energy flow in the Middle East. The occurrence of the Islamic Revolution in February 1978 is the beginning of a new chapter in the contemporary history of Iran and established a republic based on Shiite Islam under the name of the Islamic Republic. This revolution caused many changes in Iran and the region Iran subnets in this period include Shiite subnets, democracy, and resistance. The Shiite sub-network includes Iran, Iraq, Bahrain, and Lebanon, with Iran as a key player, as opposed to the Saudi-led Sunni network. The geopolitical subnet of democracy also includes countries with democratic governments, including the United States and the West, Turkey, Iran, Lebanon, Iraq, and Israel. There is a fundamental contradiction in this subnet, and that is the presence of the West and Iran together. Iran is not very central in this sub-network. Iran argues for religious democracy in the face of the Western model of democracy. Religious democracy is influenced by the form of government of the Islamic Republic and is based on the two foundations of republic and Islam. Resistance-based subnets include Iraq, Syria, Hezbollah, Lebanon, Ansar al-Yamin, Hamas . These sub-networks have been formed in opposition to the West and seek to confront the West and allied countries with the West, especially Israel.

The Middle East is one of the most challenging regions in the world today due to its strategic location and the abundance of vital resources and the intervention of great powers. As a result, most countries and their governments are in crisis or are looking for weapons and ammunition for fear of war.  Iran, as one of the most important countries in the Middle East, is no exception to this rule. This article comparatively examines the geopolitical centrality of Iran in the two Pahlavi and Islamic Republic periods. Based on the findings of this study, the influential factor in Iran's geopolitical subnets in the Pahlavi period (West, security and economy) has been the West. In 1978, the Islamic Revolution of Iran led by Imam Khomeini won and the Islamic Republic of Iran became a country that did not belong to any of the ideologies of communism and capitalism and established its government based on the religion of Islam.  The victory of the Islamic Revolution causes a change in the geopolitical sub-networks of Iran in comparison with the Pahlavi era and new sub-networks with an ideological nature are formed (democracy, Shiite, resistance).

This study aims to examine the issue of new Ottomanism, which has become a prominent discourse in the foreign policy of the Turkish government, by considering historical issues and paying attention to the evolution of the Turkish government's policy. By reviving the geography of the empire, new-Ottomanism has attracted the minds and attention of many scholars and commentators. The claim of new-Ottomanism is controversial and that is why there are many opinions and interpretations about it. Crossing national borders and what Sykes-Picot called the nation-state is not without controversy. Hence, in many studies, considering the geography and territory of the land that is thought of neo-Ottoman politics; such an approach has been interpreted in line with the Turkish government's determination to expand regional and even territorial authority. Concerns are being raised about the geopolitics of some countries, and Iran is no exception to this rule. Therefore, numerous interpretations of the policy of new-Ottomanism and the threat of this policy were written for some countries in the Middle East, the Caucasus, and the Balkans. It is important to examine such a policy, given its prominence over the last two decades and the targeting of various governments, especially Iran.

Why are the Turkish political elites inclined to Ottomanism and how can the impact of this policy on Iran be analyzed?

Such a policy is a response to Turkey's internal crises and a ploy to find a solution to Turkey's internal identity crisis and a sign of the failure of ethnic nationalism (Turkism) rather than a threat to Iran's territorial integrity and identity.

 The present study by qualitative method examines the discussion of new-Ottomanism in the foreign policy of the Turkish government. In this regard, an attempt is made to offer a different reading of neo-Ottoman politics by considering the two categories of politics and geography. Also, considering that new-Ottomanism is a return to the past, historical issues are not neglected in the present study. The importance of the three components of politics, geography, and history in the interpretation of new-Ottomanism shows that research is of a fundamental type and can be proposed in the humanities framework. The Content was collected and arranged in a library method. To explain the idea of research, an attempt is made to reflect such a discourse in Turkish foreign policy, and especially towards Iran, by analyzing the discourse and re-reading the ideas of the founders of neo-Ottoman policy. Studying the policies of the political elites of the Turkish government along with paying attention to the internal conditions and events of this government in the last few decades, provides the possibility of why neo-Ottomanism is valid in foreign policy.  In this research, the foundations of Constructivism theory are also used to provide a comprehensive understanding of new-Ottomanism policy.
 

New-Ottomanism has become an important discourse in Turkish politics since the AKP came to power. Several interpretations have been made as to the historical background and purpose of such a return. Unlike the Young Turks and the Republic of Turkey, new-Ottomanism insists on geography that is more close to the imperial system, a system in which a wide range of nationalities, religions, and groups were ruled by one. Many scholars and commentators have analyzed such a return in the meaning of the Turkish government's expansion of authority and geographical influence. So, there is a concern about Iran's geopolitics that new-Ottomanism policy may affect Iran's geopolitics and some of Iran's identity geography. In the present study, with the historical reading of new-Ottomanism, it was argued that new-Ottomanism policy could be considered more a tactic or solution to resolve Turkey's internal identity crises than a threat to the territorial integrity and identity of Iran.

Geopolitical idealism under the name of new-Ottomanism became more important and heated when dissatisfaction with politics and governance arose in Turkey. The incompatibility of the Turkish Kurds, the failure to join the European Union, the coup, the change of political system from a parliamentary to a presidential one, the Gulen movement, the tendency towards authoritarianism in domestic politics, and the rise of the Syrian Kurds, especially in the Syrian crisis and Kurd' resistance against Daesh (ISIS) which improve the position of the Kurds in northern Syria are concerns and crises that the Turkish government is aware of.
Therefore, the policy of new-Ottomanism, which comes at the same time as such crises, seeks to use the capacity of geography and history to deviate minds from deep internal crises. New-Ottomanism also suggests that the insistence on Turkish nationalism and ethnocentrism failed to solve the problem of Turkish identity and that the Turkish Kurds remain a serious issue for the government. As a result, returning to Ottomanism means defining everything under geography, including Turks and Kurds.  Although such a policy may face Iran with problems, it cannot create an inherent and complete threat to Iran's territorial integrity.

 In the literature of geopolitical studies, the convergence of two countries has always been considered as their political, economic, and strategic intermingling. International convergences can both promote the geopolitical status of a country and expand its influence on geopolitical domains. Based on the status and functions played by Islamic Republic of Iran and Arab Republic of Egypt in the affairs of the Middle East, the existence of barriers to the convergence of the two countries can bring about considerably far-reaching consequences in this geographical region. Thus, the present study aimed to investigate the most significant barriers to the convergence of Iran and Egypt (in the period between 2018 and 2022). The study was applied in terms of purpose and implemented a descriptive-analytical methodology. The population consisted of all experts, specialists, and university professors in geopolitics and international relations, and Cochran’s formula(William Cochran) determined the sample size at 50. The obtained means were analyzed using SPSS(Statistical Package for the Social Sciences). The results showed that transregional, regional, and domestic factors were the most significant barriers to the convergence of Iran and Egypt, and trans-regional factors were more pronounced in this regard. In other words, Egypt’s support of the intensified military presence of the U.S. in the Middle East, the Iranian ideology of exporting its revolution to the Middle East and North Africa, Iran’s support for the resistance front, and Egypt’s approval of “Abraham Accords” have had the most significant impacts on the increased divergence between Islamic Republic of Iran and Arab Republic of Egypt.

This article discusses the foreign policy strategy of traditional Arab leaders in the three countries of "Saudi Arabia", "UAE" and "Egypt" and by reading their foreign policy, features such as the policy of non-confrontation with Iran, economic dependence on Western countries; Westernization and non-recognition of Israel were examined. However, the present study seeks to answer the fundamental question of the traditional Arab leaders' foreign policy strategy and what approach they took towards Iran? The strategy of traditional Arab leaders towards foreign policy has been based on defensive realism. By adopting this strategy, Arab leaders avoided costly and impulsive behaviors towards regional conflicts by pursuing a policy of patience and anticipation. They also followed a conservative approach to the Islamic Republic of Iran, far from confrontation. In this article, James Rosena's theory of decision making and defensive realism have been used as a framework of integrated theory, and the research method is descriptive-analytical. The library-documentary way has been used to collect data. The present study's findings show that traditional Arab leaders, unlike the new generation, pursued a conservative and defensive strategy in foreign policy, and their approach to Iran was based on a policy of patience and avoidance of confrontation and aggression.

After entering the power system in Saudi Arabia, Mohammed bin Salman, made great changes to the Saudi foreign policy strategy. By leaving the traditional strategy of defensive policy, he conducts an offensive strategy against Iran and the middle east and north Africa regions. Meanwhile, changing the coalition patterns in the region in the form of alliance with Israel, the NATO plan and trying to retain American military in the region has threatened national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran. However, the present study aims to answer the question of what requirements the foreign policy strategy of Mohammad bin Salman in the region has created for the foreign policy and national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran? In this paper, "the security of the Copenhagen school" and "aggressive constructivism" have been used as a theoretical framework. Research methodology and data collecting are descriptive-analytical and library-documentary approaches. The findings indicate that the increasing closeness of Saudi to Israel, trying to create an Arab front along with Egypt and the United Arab Emirates, Riyadh 's attempt to move closer to the United States and bring this country to a wide contrast with Iran, has touched Iran 's national security at two levels of confrontation and detente.

Considering that a political unit needs a logical convergence between its constituent parts in order to survive; Middle Eastern governments need to converge to resist the divergence imposed on them by foreign governments. This has led to a regional convergence among some regional actors, for example Iran and Syria, despite not having the same language, culture and race. The main factor and the ground for regional convergence in Iran-Syria relations can be considered the adoption of the same foreign policy against Israel, as well as the support of Lebanese Hezbollah and Palestinian resistance movements. This closeness of relations in order to ensure security c. Iran, as well as Syria, are against Israel. In these anti-Zionist strategies, Hezbollah in Lebanon plays a key role in the foreign policy of Iran and Syria, which has been able to strike blows at Israel, both politically and militarily. Brought. However, this convergence faces obstacles. For example, Saudi Arabia, as one of the most important obstacles to the regional convergence of Iran and Syria, tries to prevent this convergence by using political, economic and ideological tools. This research is a descriptive-analytical method.

With the coming of the fifth generation of Chinese leaders following the eighteenth congress of the Chinese Communist Party in 2012, we are witnessing the adoption of new strategies for China's foreign policy orientation. The idea of ​​one road one belt by Chinese President Xi Jin Ping, as well as the country's decision to grant facilities and financial assistance for the economic revival of the Arab countries, shows a shift in China's foreign policy strategies in the new era.The Islamic Republic of Iran, as one of the most powerful actors in the Middle East region, plays a strategic role in China's foreign policy. This article seeks to answer the question of which model of foreign policy of the fifth generation of the Chinese leadership toward the Middle East, and in particular the Islamic Republic of Iran? The findings of the study indicate that China's foreign policy action model toward Iran, is mediation policy, and it is trying to avoid confronting other powers in the region, especially the United States, to ensure the stability of the flow of energy exports Iran to China, to maximize its economic interests and increase its political and economic security in the region through Iran

The years 2011 onwards should be considered as complex and important years for Iran's foreign policy in the Middle East; It is the time when the world order has undergone major transformations and the Middle East region, as a subsystem, has been affected by the global situation and processes that can be called the "chaos" situation. Hence, the Middle East, which had been in crisis and disorder for years, be headed for a security turmoil and instability. The components and signs of the security turmoil in the Middle East can be considered as chronic crises, cycles of security crisis, crisis interference, security ambiguity, the spread of extremism and terrorism, and the emergence of fragile states. In this context, the pattern of regional behavior of Iran will be of great importance for maintaining and pursuing national interests as well as dealing with regional crises and conflicts. This study will answer the main question: What are the characteristics, components and strategies of Iran's foreign policy during the Middle East security turmoil? The main hypothesis is that in a situation of turmoil and in a situation where security threats and ambiguities have increased, the Islamic Republic of Iran manages such a process through a strong government and strategic, communication-diplomatic mechanisms. First of all, this study tries to use a descriptive-analytical method to examine the components of the security turmoil and then to explain Iran's foreign policy strategies and political-security tools during the Middle East security turmoil.

As Putin came to power in 2000 and adopted a policy of balancing in international relations, Russia's foreign policy toward the Middle East changed. Russia's relations with Israel have also undergone a significant upheaval, and after about 40 years Russia and Israel expand their relations. Various factors such as Israel’s refusal to criticize Kremlin’s actions in Chechnya and Ukraine, as well as its non-compliance in Western sanctions against Russia, and the development of trade-economic relations in the Middle East have led Putin to expand relations with Israel, especially in the early years of his presidency. An examination of Russian-Israeli relations from various aspects shows that, the relation between the two, though weak, is positive. Trade relations are limited to the trading of raw materials, and hi-tech trading is limited because of Israel's foreign policy model. Military relations are also the weakest link between Israel and Russia because of Israel's heavy dependence on the US military industry. And despite important strategic issues such as Iran, Syria and Palestine, which hinder the expansion of their relations, the two sides are working to strengthen their relation.

Iraqi Kurdistan has made great strides in the scientific, economic and political fields since the formation of the federal government. In addition to progress in these areas, it has gained more influence in the region, especially in Kurdish minority countries, by supporting US policies in Iraq as well as its relationship with the Zionist regime. Existence of common borders and cultural and religious commonalities and on the other hand the many developments in recent years in the Kurdistan region compared to the Kurdish regions of Iran, along with the significant contribution of Kurds in the Iraqi political structure, have increased the influence of Iranian Kurds from Iraqi Kurdistan. The main purpose of this study is to investigate the effects of the independence of the Iraqi Kurdistan region on the national security of Iran. Accordingly, the main question of the research is based on what is the impact of the independence of the Iraqi Kurdistan region on the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran?, Assumes the idea that, given the Kurdish neighborhood of Iran and Iraq and their influence from each other, the possible independence of this region will undoubtedly have a major impact on the security of Iran's Kurdish regions. The results indicate that in the current situation (climate federalism) this impact may only be significant in its economic dimension and in other security components, it will not have much impact on the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran.

The Syrian crisis began in 2011 and its internationalization was due to the presence of regional and supra-regional actors, the occurrence of numerous internal violence, the displacement of thousands of Syrian citizens, and the destruction of its economic infrastructure and the inability of this government to Meeting the basic needs of its citizens; The heavy shadow of the fragility of the government of this land in the Middle East has increased and has affected the security of many regional governments, including Iran. Therefore, this research, with a descriptive-analytical research method, seeks to answer the question of what security threats has the fragility of the Syrian government posed to Iran? The temporary answer is that Iran's perception of the Syrian government's fragility has posed threats to it, both domestically and regionally; These threats include the threat to territorial integrity and national cohesion, the threat to its geopolitical and geostrategic depth, and the threat to the ideological balance in the region. The findings of this study, using the theory of defensive neorealism, are based on the fact that Iran, in addition to uniting with supra-regional powers such as Russia to strengthen the axis of resistance as its proxy arm, to prevent the Syrian government from overflowing with fragility threats. In the region and trying to keep the Assad government in power with its military presence in Syria, it has posed a threat to balance. The method of collecting information and data in this research is based on the library and Internet methods.

The purpose of this research was to examine Iran status concerning the quantitative and qualitative dimensions, compare with countries in the Middle East in order to be aware of Iran’s position, and help to decision-making in tourism policy-making; Also, the relation between scientific production and tourism income was examined. The present study was carried out with the Scientometrics approach. Tourism scientific products extracted from WOS database between 1998-2017. HistCite and VOSviewer software were used for data analysis and drawing of scientific maps, and for statistical analysis, Excel and SPSS software were used. The results showed that Iran has 354 indexed documents in this database. In terms of the number of documents in this field, Iran has 38th place in the world and the third one in the Middle East. Also, in terms of international cooperation in the world and the Middle East, the most cooperative works of all in Iran were with Turkey and Malaysia respectively. The results indicated a growing trend in documents number of Iran, in the field of in tourism. Hence, Considering that Iran has a good status in the Middle East in terms of the number of documents, but it has had a poor performance in terms of citations and international cooperation, which should be taken into consideration. Also, according to results, the relation between scientific productions and tourism income was significant at the level of 0.01.

The purpose of this research is to investigate the quantitative and qualitative status of Iran's scientific production in the field of environmental sciences and compare it with the countries of the Middle East to know about position of Iran and helping to policy making decisions in the environmental field. The present study is scientometrics approach. Scientific products in the field of Environmental sciences between 2008 and 2017 extracted from WOS database. HistCite and VOSviewer software are used for data analysis and drawing of scientific maps, and for statistical analysis, Excel software has been used. The results showed that Iran has 8147 indexed documents in the field of environmental sciences. The highest number of documents is for 2017. In terms of the number of documents in this field, Iran ranked 19th in the world and has the second place in the Middle East, also, In terms of international cooperation in the world and in the Middle East, Iran is the most cooperative with the countries of the United States and Turkey. The results indicate the growing trend of Iran’s documents in this area. Considering that Iran has a good position in the Middle East in terms of the number of documents and citations, it has had a poor performance in terms of international cooperation and the Relative Specialization Index (RSI), which should be taken into consideration.

The symptoms of evolution in the security policy of Middle East's actors have been shaped following the Arab uprisings in 2011. Iran's security policy formed by both internal and external factors was quickly affected by the mentioned developments. The present paper explores Iran's security policy making since the Arab awakening and especially towards the developments in Syria, Yemen, Bahrain and Iraq. Moreover, the authors attempt to submit a prescriptive instructions in order to improving the security policy making in Iran. The main question of the paper is as follows: what is the essence and elements of Iran's security policy towards the Arab awakening and what implications it has had? The findings illustrate that Iran's security policies since the eruption of uprisings in the region has been based on maintenance and expansion of regional influence through various instruments such as diplomatic, economic and military methods.

The Arab Middle East developments that began in 2011 are a milestone in the political history of this strategic area of the world. Although the Islamic Republic of Iran has always striven to influence the Middle East but the post-2011 revolutionary developments in the Middle East have provided more influence to Iran in Bahrain, Yemen, Iraq, and Syria. The main question is that "The foreign policy of the Islamic Republic in relation to the developments in Islamic awakening, especially in the context of the Syrian crisis What has been the reason for increasing Iran's influence in the region? "The main purpose, which is carried out through a descriptive-analytical method based on constructive theory, is to influence the Islamic Republic of Iran in the region based on its foreign policy components To clarify how its loyalty to the principles of foreign policy of the Islamic Republic and its valorous Islamic ideals, which makes it the identity of this foreign policy, is clear. The result is that Iran wants to expand its identity values in the region, but it is trying to get more influential in the region, using the policy of unity with Russia, first of all its national security.

On the one hand, the Islamic Revolution in Iran and on the other hand, the assumption of power by Anwar Sadat in 1971, the two state's foreign policy undergone major transformation towards Israel. Seemingly, the two state's identity changed after the Islamic revolution in Iran and Anwar Sadat's presidency. This research seeks to scrutinize "How has the Iranian and Egyptian foreign policy been influenced by the change in their government's identity in different time periods?"
In response, this paper based on the constructivism assumptions claims that the changes in the internal norms affecting the formation of the identity of different governments of Iran and Egypt explains the shifts in these two countrie's foreign policy towards Israel in different periods. In fact, the changes in the domestic norms shaping the identity of the Iranian governments after the Islamic Revolution and Egypt after Jamal Abdel Nasser led to a significant change in their foreign policy towards Israel. In the first section, the assumptions of constructivism in international relations will be briefly explained. The second section is devoted to the role of constructivism in the study of foreign policy. In the third and fourth sections I will examine the shifts in Iran's foreign policy after the Islamic Revolution and changes in the Egyptian foreign policy towards Israel under Jamal Abdel Nasser presidency.