جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « foreign policy » در نشریات گروه « تاریخ »

This research aims to examine the main principles of Iran's foreign policy during the reign of Shah Abbas I Safavid based on the view of Hafez Farman Farmaian in the book Historical Analysis of Iran's Foreign Policy from the beginning to today and to answer the question that what principles did Shah Abbas I Safavid follow in governing Iran's foreign policy? The method of data collection in this research is library and documentary, and the method of data analysis is descriptive-analytical. The findings show that the main principles of Iran's foreign policy during the reign of Shah Abbas I Safavid were the same principles that F Farman Farmaian mentioned as the traditional principles of foreign policy. According to the findings, the principles governing Iran's foreign policy in the era of Shah Abbas were expanding and guarding the borders of the government territory, developing and protecting trade routes, supporting neutral countries on Iran's borders, and the approach of cultural tolerance and religious tolerance in the realm of governing.

In recent decades, "Iranology" has been proposed as an independent science in academic circles in Iran and around the world. Moreover, after the Islamic revolution, an institution with this title was established in 1997 to advance the goals related to Iranology. All the while, the synergy of "Iranology" with other sciences is one of the most important concerns regarding this field of study. In the meantime, "Foreign policy", as a branch of the relatively nascent science of International relations, is considered an important aspects of the science of "Politics", whose synergy with Iranology can lead to fruitful results. Based on this, the main question will be raised, how Iranology (as knowledge or the foundation of Iranology) and Foreign policy can mutually improve the levels of official diplomacy and public diplomacy of the country. The research method in this article is descriptive-analytical, and to collect data and information, library and internet sources have been used. Based on the findings of this research, Iranian studies and Foreign policy can improve the levels of official diplomacy and public diplomacy of the country through three concepts, which are: The concept of "Iranology in Foreign policy", with its efforts to solve cognitive difficulties; The concept of "Iranology for Foreign policy" through actions that include facilitating, deepening, and developing various types of diplomacy; and the concept of "Foreign policy for Iranology" through measures such as introducing and supporting the "Iranology Foundation" in the international arena.

The relations between Oman and Iran have a very long history. This longstanding connection is clearly documented in historical records over the past century, showcasing the diplomatic engagements between the two nations. Numerous factors, contexts, and platforms have shaped the Omani rulers' approach, marking them as individuals of high tolerance towards other states and nations in local, regional, and international politics. Oman's strategic position at the Strait of Hormuz, coupled with its identity as a Muslim country boasting ethnic diversity—including Arab, Iranian, Indian, Chinese, and Pakistani communities—has enriched its cultural, religious, social, and linguistic tapestry. This diversity within the social structure of its rulers has enabled Oman to undertake political actions aimed at fostering political solidarity and an internal bond of tolerance among all ethnic groups, thereby embodying these values.Such practices have positioned Oman as a nation characterized by tolerance, balance in behavior, and stability in local, regional, and international policy adoption. Historical documents and texts reveal that Omani rulers have held a prestigious status in various fields, significantly contributing to de-escalating tensions and preventing conflicts among Muslim countries. By embracing a policy that spans political, social, economic, religious, cultural, linguistic, and security dimensions, Oman has played a pivotal role in peacefully resolving local, regional, and international disputes. Notable examples of Oman's diplomatic interventions include its involvement in the Iran-Iraq war, nuclear negotiations, the Iraq-Kuwait conflict, the signing of numerous oil, gas, and security agreements in the Persian Gulf and Oman Sea, facilitating hostage releases, and the exchange of cultural, artistic, and media delegations.Moreover, Oman has been instrumental in mediating significant issues such as the conflict between Ansar Allah (the Houthis) and Saudi Arabia, showcasing its commitment to peace and security in the region. This aspect of Omani diplomacy merits attention as a critical historical topic in international relations.The current research aims to examine the role and position of the Omani government in its relations with Iran from the pre-revolutionary period to the present, based on historical documents and evidence. By employing a descriptive, explanatory, and analytical method, this study addresses the underlying factors, grounds, substrates, and motives that have sustained the balanced and relatively stable relationship between Oman and Iran since before the revolution.Preliminary findings suggest that various factors and contexts have historically underpinned the positive and robust relationship between Oman and Iran. Oman's role as a mediator in regional and international conflicts has contributed to outcomes favoring peace, friendship, and security in the Persian Gulf. This research focuses exclusively on the diplomatic interactions between Oman and Iran, emphasizing the significance of their cooperative efforts while other matters remain beyond its scope

At the beginning of World War I, Iran decided to adopt a policy of neutrality in foreign policy and international relations. Iran's statesmen thought that by adopting this policy, they could keep the war away from Iran's borders; however, this prediction did not occur and the war entered Iran's territory and caused huge losses to Iranians. Even though for the majority of statesmen, the policy of neutrality was an unquestionable matter and the best strategy to get rid of this devastating crisis, weak voices were reflected in that space, which did not consider this policy to ensure Iran's territorial integrity and national security. This study made an attempt to present some of these criticisms and doubts. The arguments and opinions of the opponents of the policy of neutrality were neglected at that time, but by investigating them, it may be possible to achieve results for Iran today.

With the announcement of the withdrawal of British Forces from east of Suez and the Persian Gulf, after World War ∏, America as a western super power gradually expanded its influence in the Persian Gulf region to prevent the expansion of Soviet Union’s influence in the region. Raising the issue of power vacuum and change in the balance of power, America while preparing political and propaganda grounds, announced its official presence in the Persian Gulf region as the protector of the west’s interests. Given the strategic importance of Persian Gulf in regional foreign policy of America in 1969 based on Nixon-Kissinger doctorine, a policy called Twin Pillars policy, was adopted to keep domination on the region at the expenses of the local governments to indigenize regional issues. Based on that policy, Iran was a military pillar and Saudi Arabia was a financial pillar. The us twin pillars policy continued for about 10 years. With the occurrence of the Islamic Revolution in Iran in 1979 and as result of it, the loss of Iran’s support for that policy as one of its pillars, regional strategy of America in Persian Gulf failed during 1970s. In this article, It has been tried to study the position of the Persian Gulf in foreign policy of America in the framework of Nixon doctorine focusing on Iran’s role during 1969-1979. Research method in this article is based on library and archival resources. using descriptive and analytical type.

The fall of the Safavieh dynasty caused instability and the internal politics and the influx of foreigners to Iran s borders the rise of Afghans the illegal considerations of the Russian and Ottoman governments and insecurity in the maritime borders wer the results of this instability. In the meantime Nader shah Afshar was able to Suppress the Afghans and toke the lost territories from foreiners by ordering the disorderly Iranian army . Nader shah s effords to expel foreigners from Iranled to the unification of the land and the formation of storng govern in Iran in the 12th century. On of the reasons for the Success of Nader Shah in saving Iran and stabilizing the government was the components that strengthen the national identity . this research is about using a constructivist approach of identity and its components in the era of Nader shah Afshar. The results of this research wich has been done in a descriptive and analytical and library method.suggests that Nader Shah has had a moral awareness over the history calture and important components of the Iranian identity and during its rule he has been trying to meet These components independence and maintaining boundaries.suggests that Nader Shah has had a moral awareness over the history calture and important components of the Iranian identity and during its rule he has been trying .

Adris bin Abdullah (172-177 AH) established the Idrissian government in the far west at the end of the second century. By creating security in trade routes and implementing sound economic policies, the Idrissians were able to provide the necessary grounds for the economic prosperity of the various economic sectors of the Far West. With tolerance, respect for private property, offering various economic plans, creating welfare facilities for traders and merchants, creating and developing economic centers such as numerous domestic markets and border markets, Idrissian caused domestic economic prosperity and prosperous trade with its neighboring governments. - Despite all the political, religious differences and conflicts of economic interests.This descriptive-analytical study seeks to answer the question: What special work did Idrissian do for the prosperity of trade in his time? And what is the place of trade in Idrissian relations with neighboring governments? The result is that the various actions of the Idrisian government led to the prosperity and expansion of trade in their time, and trade was an influential factor in the Idrissian relations with their neighboring governments, despite the enmity between them, and ultimately led to the longevity of their rule for two centuries.

 In this research, to explain the influential factors on decision-making in the foreign policy area of the 2nd Pahlavi reign, we study the official decision-makers during the era. This research, based on the James Rosenau model, separates and examines the five elements considered in this model, that is the Individual, Participatory, Governmental, Social and International elements. In doing so, the actors of the foreign policy arena in this period are recognized and their power, and amount of influencibility of each other are explored in the form of the Rosenau’s five variables. Tyranny in decision-making in this period reduced the role of other elements such as the bureaucratic decision-makers of the country’s foreign policy (the Judiciary, court, and the Parliament) and the activities of these institutes were merely summarized in approving the Shah’s orders. The decision-makers saw themselves responsible against the individual (Shah) according to the principles, policy line and organizational rules, and the criteria for promoting persons were not based on qualification, but based on loyalty to the Shah. To the author, in these decisions , the foreign policy sphere was influenced by cognitive elements and were mostly adopted by the Shah, and among the five variables involved , the variable of person and after that the international system had the most influence in adopting decisions of foreign policy.

Harem had always played a social and political roles throughout the history of Iran and generally had influenced the political structure of the country. And also, in the Safavid period, the Harem interfered in the Internal and foreign policy of the country. This article wants to clear the rates of impact and interference of harem on the foreign policy of the Safavids, a problem that can be studied as one of the raised canon on the act of decision making on the foreign policy of the Safavids. The findings of our research shown that in this period the role of Harem in the foreign policy of the Safavids was in Ups and downs condition. Before Shah Abbas I the Harem had little interference in foreign policy in compared with the period before him. But because of the king's new policy on keeping and upbringing the princes in the harem, after him, a hidden center of power that was composed of women and eunuchs had been formed within the harem in which had important role in decision-making and relevant issues on the foreign policy of the Safavids.The research method in this article is based on analytical- descriptive method and the way of data collecting is Libraries method.

Roman domination of many of the Parthian lands near the Euphrates and the annexation of Armenia reinforced the idea of Mesopotamian domination for the growing Roman power. Parthian internal strife at the beginning of Orodes II and the Roman conquest of Pontus and Armenia, as a result of Iran's neutrality during the reign of Phraates III, reinforced the idea of attacking Parthian territory in Mesopotamia for Roman generals. But the defeat of Rome in the Battle of Carrhae as a result of the proximity of Iran and Armenia upset the Roman equation for domination of the Orient. This study seeks to prove the claim that the Parthians in the Second Orodes period, after ending internal strife and strengthening internal forces to counter Roman power, the most important issue they faced was to re-infiltrate Armenia. Because they were aware of the role of Armenia in thwarting the Roman conspiracy, and for the first time in their first war with Rome, they at the same time invaded Armenia to challenge Roman hegemony and power in the northern Mesopotamia and Syria.

When Safavid dynasty collapsed, Iran faced with riot for more than eight decades and finally Agha Mohammad Khan took over the whole country defeating other rivals and champions. He took over the country, chose Tehran as the capital, and assumed himself the successor of the Safavids to revive the values of Safavid era. Taking a descriptive-analytical method, the study used library resources to identify the politics and governing method of Agha Mohammad Khan in his reign and sought to answer the following questions: What was Agha Mohammad Khan’s perception of politics and governing? What goals he pursued in domestic and foreign policies? As an answer to the questions one can say that seemingly Agha Mohammad Khan pursued his goals in politics and governing through military actions and the majority of his domestic relations and foreign policies were based on eliminating rivals and fighting against other countries.

The years 2011 onwards should be considered as complex and important years for Iran's foreign policy in the Middle East; It is the time when the world order has undergone major transformations and the Middle East region, as a subsystem, has been affected by the global situation and processes that can be called the "chaos" situation. Hence, the Middle East, which had been in crisis and disorder for years, be headed for a security turmoil and instability. The components and signs of the security turmoil in the Middle East can be considered as chronic crises, cycles of security crisis, crisis interference, security ambiguity, the spread of extremism and terrorism, and the emergence of fragile states. In this context, the pattern of regional behavior of Iran will be of great importance for maintaining and pursuing national interests as well as dealing with regional crises and conflicts. This study will answer the main question: What are the characteristics, components and strategies of Iran's foreign policy during the Middle East security turmoil? The main hypothesis is that in a situation of turmoil and in a situation where security threats and ambiguities have increased, the Islamic Republic of Iran manages such a process through a strong government and strategic, communication-diplomatic mechanisms. First of all, this study tries to use a descriptive-analytical method to examine the components of the security turmoil and then to explain Iran's foreign policy strategies and political-security tools during the Middle East security turmoil.

Iran, which before the US invasion of Iraq in 2003 potentially considered Iraq as its geopolitical enemy, was doubled its concern for the possibility of emergence of a threatening government in Iraq after the US invasion; It should be noted that the presence of American troops also raised these concerns. However, the situation in Iraq after the occupation was such that Iran could play a major foreign actor in the country. After the occupation, a generation of rulers came to power in this country who established close relations with the Islamic Republic of Iran. These relations were influenced by the religious ideas of the leaders of the two countries, which caused these relations to be pursued on a large scale and completely different than before.With these interpretations, the main purpose of this article is to examine how these relations between Iran and Iraq were formed.Given what has been said, the main question of this article is how these relationships emerged and What were the influencing factors of the formation of such relationships? The hypothesis of this article is that religious and mental ideas have been effective in shaping these relations and converging between these countries. The present article tries to explain this issue with a descriptive-analytical method and using a constructivist approach.

The formation of the Safavid government as a Shiite state is one of the most important chapters in the history of Iran and Islam in the world. The first foreign relations in the Safavid era, took place with the Portuguese and later with Spain. The Safavid government, for various reasons, including rivalry with the Ottomans, neglected to pay serious attention to the political and economic affairs of the Persian Gulf on the other hand, the Portuguese and the Spaniards, relying on their military and naval forces and their colonial ideas, monopolized trade in the Persian Gulf, thereby inflicted irreparable damage on Iran's political sovereignty in the Persian Gulf. Permanent or temporary alliance with the Third Force was one of the strategies in the history of Iran's foreign relations to establish relative stability and security. The third force in Iran's foreign relations was the use of a third emerging power to restrain the first and second powers, whose threats and exploitation have always annoyed Iran. Iran sought a strong political and military ally to obviate its needs and deal with its enemies. Therefore, Iran's relations with Britain were formed as a third force against Spain and Portugal. The purpose of this study is to investigate the impact and socio-political developments on Iran's foreign policy in the era of Shah-Abbas Safavi and determine the position of European states in Iran's foreign relations and policy in this period. The findings of this study showed that Iran's historical relations with European countries have had ups and downs during the Safavid period. Establishment, expansion and stabilization of trade and economic relations in the Persian Gulf and the Indian Ocean and the alliance against the Ottomans, were recognized as the most effective factors in establishing relations between Iran and the governments of Portugal and Spain. Also, during this period, in order to get out of the military threats and economic recession in the Iranian ports on the Persian Gulf coast, a favorable opportunity was provided for the British presence in Iran as the East India Company.

Iran’s Democrat Party started its activities as a political party from the 2nd national consultative assembly. The triumph of constitutionalist revolutionists and their conquest of Tehran provided a suitable political atmosphere for reactivation of various political inclinations. The democrats, more than other parties, paid attention to Imperialism and western states. The foreign policies of Democrat Party were toward more resistance against foreign authority and preservation of the country’s independence from the influences of foreign countries. They believed that only through resistance against Russia and England it was possible to prevent from their invasions.
The present research attempts, through making use of resources and negotiations of the assembly and descriptive analytic method, to answer the question of “What was the plan or approach of the Democrat representatives in the foreign policy within the party’s creed and, to what extent, they have acted within the plan of the party?”
The results showed that the Democrat representatives have seriously attempted to oppose Imperialism. In some contexts, they acted as a bargaining chip against the influences of the foreigners but, due to some domestic and foreign problems, they did not reach their ideal consequences.

The Islamic Republic of Iran and Turkey, as two regional powers, have long been recognized as the two main rivals in the Middle East. In recent years, Iran-Turkey relations have always been a mixture of interaction and competition. Meanwhile, one of the issues that in recent years has somehow reflected the competitive dimension between the Islamic Republic of Iran and Turkey is Iraq and the political developments in this country. During the political developments in Iraq, the Islamic Republic of Iran and Turkey in many cases took a contradictory approach to the political developments in this country. Therefore, the purpose of this article is to explain the strategies of the Islamic Republic of Iran and Turkey towards Iraq and its political developments in the post-Saddam era. In this regard, the author, using a descriptive-analytical method and a comparative approach, has sought to answer the fundamental question of what approach the Islamic Republic of Iran and Turkey have taken to the political developments in Iraq? The opportunity to answer this question is that Turkey has tried to shift the balance in its favor by supporting Sunni and Kurdish Arab groups. The Islamic Republic of Iran has also tried to maintain the balance in its favor by supporting Shiite and Kurdish groups.

One of the most valuable documents of any country is the official documents and doctrines of that country's foreign policy, and concepts such as the military doctrine and foreign policy of that country can be deduced from it. Russia is no exception and with the importance of intelligent power in its agenda and considering its highest goal after the collapse of the Soviet Union and return to global hegemony, it has revised the writing of its foreign policy documents and doctrines and applied A different view of the international system using discourses governing its foreign policy based on aggressive realism and taking into account factors such as economic, military, the role of elites, nationalism, geopolitics, international competition with fear or cooperation with Rewards have a different policy on their agenda towards the East and the West. The Islamic Republic of Iran in the last decade and the relations in the region, has a different role and presence in the international system and Russian foreign policy documents. In this article, the author tries to explain and analyze Russia's foreign policy towards Iran in Russian documents and doctrines. The findings of this study are descriptive-analytical and follow the analysis of recent events in the international system and their effects on Russian documents in the period 2020-2010 and the role and place of the Islamic Republic of Iran in these documents.

he analysis of the Palestinian question and the conditions for the emergence of Israel in 1948 is an issue that is very complex in examining this issue, and this issue is at the regional level, which has different dimensions. Research on the role of the Arabs and their different approaches to the Palestinian-Israeli issue is also one of the issues that has been considered by researchers in various ways. The views of the Islamic world and the West in this regard are also other issues to be considered in this area. Today, given the compromising approach of the Arab states to Israel, Iran's position as a supporter of Palestine is becoming increasingly important. The findings of this study show that this land has been inhabited since the arrival and occupation of the Israelis in Palestine. It has witnessed heavy internal and external wars in which various parties, sects and organizations have grown up, sometimes standing opposite each other. After the formation of the state of Israel, the anger of the Palestinians against this aggression flared up more and more and they resisted the aggressors. The existence of various events and the geographical situation of the land of Palestine have caused serious and sometimes irreversible differences between Palestine and Israel.

Iran enjoys an extremely strategic position in the Middle East, and its size is unique after Saudi Arabia, and it has long borders with the central regions. One of the most important straits in the world has complete dominance, and the orientation of its heights has created a suitable defensive position. Iran's foreign policy model became a model of "neutrality" in the post-constitutional era. This pattern refers to the neutralization pattern of the de-stressing pattern. It was about the rivalry of the great powers and the use of their rivalry to ensure Iran's security and territorial integrity. This pattern continued until 1332 AH. After the coup d'état of 28 August 1332 and the establishment of the Shah's position as the sole helmsman of Iran's foreign policy, the neutrality model was replaced by the adaptation model. During this period, which coincided with the escalation of the Cold War between the two powers, Iran's foreign policy was formed under the auspices of the United Arab Emirates. Mohammad Reza Shah's foreign policy during this period was close to that of the United States.

The prevailing influence of foreign policy over foreign relations in Iran in the period 1953-1979 drove Mohammad Reza Shah to take steps in furthering Iran’s interests, which led to the expansion of cooperation between Iran and the United Socialist Soviet Republics. The current research draws upon theoretical frameworks based on positive nationalism and national independence and employs qualitative content analysis methodology to assess Iran-Soviet relations under the Shah. The main research question is what was Iran’s main incentive for establishing interactive relations with the Soviet Republics? According to documents, the Shah pursued a line of positive nationalism and national independence in the conduct of his foreign policy and, unlike previous era of inactivity and submission to the norther neighbor, took the matters in his hand and initiated many endeavors vis-à-vis the Russians which contributed to expansion of friendly relations in trade, science and technical spheres.