جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « ایران معاصر » در نشریات گروه « علوم سیاسی »

The problem of the current article is to explain the relationship between the two fundamental concepts of power and security, along with its application to the developments of contemporary Iran in two time dimensions before and after the Islamic Revolution, in order to determine the geometry of their evolution. Power and security have at least four cause and effect relationships, means and goals, sometimes synergistic and sometimes negative; Using a native and Quranic framework, the author categorized the ratio of power and security in Iran in five levels (passive power, defensive power, deterrent power, counter-strike power, first link power) in a process and by means of documentation and implication. , has analyzed and explained. The occupation of Iran in the twenties, the seizing and looting of Iranian oil tankers in the thirties, Iran's military dependence on the United States in the forties, and the separation of Bahrain from Iran in the fifties are some of the historical cases that were examined before the revolution and show the power Iran is passive at that time. The sacred defense, the production of Shahab 3 missiles and..., the attack on the American base in Ain al-Assad, and..., the Supreme Leader of the Revolution's fatwa regarding the initial jihad, if expediency requires it, in the period after the revolution have been invoked. The findings of the article show that with the passage of time, the power and as a result of the security of the Islamic Republic of Iran has increased and it has turned from a passive power to the power of the first link.

The main discourses of Iran during the Pahlavi era and the Islamic revolution are Western and Islamic discourses. In these two discourses, there is a lot of ambiguity regarding the indicators of political development, and this issue has not been investigated in the framework of the discourse analysis method. The main question is the most important commonalities and differences between these two discourses. The most important difference is the presence or absence of the element of religion in their chain of equivalence, and that they look at political development with different central signifiers, and what they both have in common is affinity in the floating signifiers that find different meanings in the chain of equivalence of the two discourses. . The final goal of the article is to compare the approach of political development discourses during the Pahlavi era and the Islamic Revolution. To prove the hypothesis, the discourses of political development in this era were analyzed with discourse analysis and comparative methods. Pahlavi discourse emphasizes the indicators of political development in the framework of secularism and Islamic discourse emphasizes these indicators in the framework of religion. In Pahlavi's discourse, despite the desire for western models of political development, due to the existence of opposite elements such as popular participation and tyranny in the equivalence chain, the growth of political development indicators is not observed even in its western form. But in the Islamic discourse, political development as a floating signifier in relation to the central signifier i.e. authentic Islam, found a completely different meaning. In this discourse, due to the absence of signs of tyranny, as well as special attention to issues such as public participation, political development indicators have enjoyed significant growth.

One of the intellectual and political currents in contemporary Iran is the current of liberalism. This idea entered Iran as a transit branch from the West, shortly before the constitutional period, and with the victory of the constitutional movement, the liberal current was practically born in Iran. In this regard, the course of developments and the extent of the impact of this intellectual-practical school in the history of contemporary Iran, has always been one of the most controversial areas in the study of the history of political developments and political sociology in Iran.On the other hand, the historical period of 1953 to 1979 is one of the important historical periods in which the set of developments and arrangement of forces and intellectual-political currents involved, led to the glorious Islamic Revolution of Iran. This article intends to study the historical background, as well as the arrangement of forces and organizations carrying liberal thought in the period 1953 to 1979, to analyze the situation of this trend in these years by descriptive-analytical method and flow model.The result was that the current of liberalism had many ups and downs after the coup of 19 August 1953. . What has a special appearance is the birth of a special form of liberalism which, although there were traces of it during the constitutional movement and after it, but in practice with the formation of the National Resistance Movement and specifically the Freedom Movement that has objectively manifested in Iranian society.

This article examines the techniques of the West in changing the nutrition culture in Iran. The transformation of the food pattern of the Iranian people and the establishment of Western food culture are among the goals that the western colonizers have set for overthrowing the Islamic Republic of Iran and destroying the main and fundamental beliefs and traditions of the Iranian society. Through communication tools and mass media, they are the most powerful and penetrating tools of cultural invasion in providing unhealthy and un-Islamic patterns to Iran. The present article has commented analytically on some of the cultural techniques and tricks of the western countries in this regard, which include: humiliation of native and Islamic culture in the field of food style, ill-intentioned play against the cultural heritage of Islam in the field of food style, culturalization of western food style, supporting the promoters of Western nutrition style, false cultural norming in the field of nutrition style, cultural domination in the field of food diplomacy

Undoubtedly, one of the basic pillars of the development of any country in general is political development; By reviewing the experience of different countries that have gone through different levels of development in a general sense and political development in particular, it brings observers to some of the background differences in each country and their unique experiences.
Research

Based on this, one of the main bases and fields of these different experiences in the path of development, especially political development, is the difference in the political culture of countries, which is important to examine in this regard. Because with the definition of political culture that will be presented, this phenomenon plays an important role in the individual and social worldviews of societies in looking at issues and acting around them. Based on this, the question that this article tries to answer is, what effects and consequences has Iran's political culture had on the process of political development in contemporary Iran, especially during the Islamic Republic period? In response to this question, the authors' hypothesis is that with the given definition of the variables of this research - political culture and political development - part of the teachings of Iran's political culture has been positively influential in shaping the political developments of contemporary Iranian society, but for To maximize the constructive capacity of political culture in the path of political development of the country, the need to create transformation in political culture is felt. In this regard, the upcoming article is organized in three axes: in the first axis

Under the title of definition of concepts, he expressed the main concepts in his mind, and in the second axis, he explained the basic characteristics of Iran's political culture from the perspective of the author. The experts have discussed and in the third axis

Referring to the evolution of Iran's political culture in recent decades, the obstacles and capacities in it to bring about transformation in the direction of Iran's political development have been explained.

The movement of “ethnicism” (in the sense of right - seeking and central demand against The “ethnocentrism “of the dominant ethnic group in Iran) in the form of “Turkish nationalism” is an important par t of political Life in Azerbaijan. This article seeks to trace the roots and causes of the events of the politicization of cultural, racial, linguistic and regional differences in Azerbaijan in the contemporary peried; and especially after the Islamic Revolution to look at both the “primordial” and “modern” approaches to ethnicity. Explaining the ethnic-national political currents of Azerbaijan requires more coplex approaches to the issue of nationality and nation in “general” and nationalism in “particular”. The refore, one of the the ories of Michael Hechter’s scientific model (as a desirable model) with a structural explanation (ie, the effect of the uneven development & regional inequalities) for the analysis of ethnicism in Azerbaijan, forms the skeleton and direction of the article. The present article considers ethnic, cultural and identity diversity in Iran as a great blessing. Because the survival, continuity and width of the Iranian body in different scenes depends on its diversity. However, in the last century, the multi faceted tree of existence, the diverse Iranig culture and identity, has been plagued by wounds of “internal” and “external” origin. The results obtained in this article clearly show the direct effect of indicators and variables derived from the theory of the in the occurrence, emergence and continuation of nationalist and ethnocentr developments in Azerbaijan in the last century.

Relationships between political elites, due to their various aspects, are of great importance in political sociology. However, in Iran’s modern history studies, such relationships are reduced to personal traits and characteristics and do not pay attention to structural aspects. This paper is focused on elites compromise in modern history of Iran and addresses questions including: whether the elites relationships are based on a specific model or not?. why elites couldn’t stay committed to their alliance after achieving the primary aims and always after a short cooperation, there is a big gap among them?. For answering these questions, two opposite situations should be distinguished: movement situation and partly-democratic situation. The results reveal that coalition has always occurred in a non-democratic and movement situations. In fact, a common enemy, that often is the governed elites, makes the alliance imperative to reach goals for opposite elites. In contrast, rival elites have never compromised when faced weakened enemy, a situation which would have resulted in a partly-democratic situation. The most important reasons of non-compromised state in post-movement or partly-democratic situation are: the nature of coalition, ideological gaps between elites, elites’ power resources and elites’ network of connections, and political culture of elites’ incompatible mindset.

The different viewpoints of the jurists of the constitutional era, regarding the nature of the government during the absence and the difference in their starting point from the basic principle of the inadmissibility of forming a government, caused a difference in the way the government was formed. This article is in response to the question that the approach of these jurists about the nature of government had an effect on the process of formation of constitutional monarchy. Using the descriptive-analytical method in the framework of interpretive historical sociology studies, the article believes: the lack of theoretical coherence of the jurists of the constitutional era in the face of the constitutional monarchy, gradually created boundaries in the society; In such a way that some considered the establishment of new institutions to be against the Shariah standards and to fight against it, and some believed that the preservation of the foundations of Islam depended on the establishment of such institutions. According to the findings of this research, the sanctification of political behavior under Sharia titles led the society towards social, political and legal gaps and gave a stable state to the created gaps. A situation that caused the removal of platforms for peaceful dialogue between the two groups of supporters and opponents and created disruptions in the process of institutionalizing constitutional monarchy as one of the indicators of the rule of law and overshadowed the process of political development in contemporary Iran.

Gender policy in contemporary Iran has experienced many fluctuations, but it has generally brought about significant changes in the status of women. The question of this article is focused on political factors, especially the role of state, in these changes. Using a historical–comparative method, the present research shows that gender policy in contemporary Iran was influenced by three variables: the strength of the women’s movement, the state’s tendencies, and other positions of social forces. Moreover, gender policy has emerged under three distinct paradigms. First, the conservative paradigm, which stemmed from the weakness of the women’s movement concomitant with the traditionalist state as well as the resistance of conservative forces, has not succeeded to make considerable changes to the status of women. This paradigm can be seen in the years preceding the constitutional movement (1891–1905), during 1941–1951 (the 1320s Solar Hijri), and in some periods following the Islamic Revolution (1981–1988). The second paradigm, called authoritarian reform, resulted from the weakness of the women’s movement concomitant with the authoritarian state as well as the diminished resistance of conservative forces. This paradigm, seen in the years 1921–1941 and 1963–1978, caused significant changes in the legal status of women. Not accompanied by the participation of women, these changes could not firmly entrench themselves and at times relapsed into the previous stage. Third, the paradigm of democratic reform resulted from the women’s movement concomitant with the reformist state as well as the balance between modern and traditional social forces. This paradigm emerged in the early years following the constitutional movement and in the two post-Revolutionary periods known as construction and reformist, introducing relatively profound and lasting changes to the status of women.

The study of Iran's national identity in the process of historical transformation can be the basis for discussing its content "evolution". What is seen today in the debate over national identity is that the dispute over these territories is based on the dichotomies that have formed; The duality of Iran and Islam, the duality of Islam and the West, etc. It is important to see national identity according to the logic of evolution. In this way, the Iran's national identity from different historical stages, has absorbed and accompanied components, and this has led to the formation of the established identity of Iranians throughout its history. Although there are still many epistemological challenges and obstacles in the world of thought in the area of theory, despite the practical mixes in reality. This article tries to answer the question, what is the issue of Iran's national identity through its historical stages? In this research, using descriptive-analytical method and historical sociological approach, the above-mentioned question is answered in a content manner. The hypothesis of the article is that the Iran's national identity, through the ancient, Islamic and modern historical stages, has absorbed and accompanied elements that have strengthened both the cumulative and process aspects of this identity and how to survive and reproduce it Is located.

In the area of contemporary Iranian politics, "influence" is one of the main concepts that at any point in history of Iran, has created a kind of risk and threat to the interests of Iranian society and country in practice. One of the first steps in confronting this project (external infiltration project) is to gain a favorable understanding of the various aspects of this issue and to analyze. With respect to this matter, the present study uses the "content analysis" method to examine the coordinates of the British influence project during the Iranian constitutional movement (between 1906 and 1913) based on the analysis of letters issued by the previous British Foreign Secretary. (Edward) has dealt with Iran at that time. The findings of this paper show that in order to maximize its interests, the UK has designed seven policies based on a set of influence principles and implemented them through its internal and external agency. According to the results of this study, the main audience, observer, competitor, and supporter, are four categories of the audience that in the process of designing these policies, the influencers have been considered the nature and strategy of the historical obstacle of the infiltration process.

This study aims to describe an analytical framework to the formation of the non-rent states to achieve political development. This analytical framework has provided base on the theoretical approach of financial sociology and the dominant model in this field, i.e. rentier state theory. In this regard, rentier state has been examined from the perspective of fiscal sociology following its conceptualization. In addition to the study of Iran's economic policies history, study of the valid experiences of countries to equip their citizens has been evaluated. The main findings suggested that in order to get rid of the rentier state and achieve sustainable development it is necessary to pay attention to political variables in parallel with economic variables through an appropriate rulership. In this regard the state’s monetary and fiscal policies are of particular importance, because a rich country with a productive economy does not have a rentier situation. So poverty is the factor of rentierism.

Examining the role and influence of culture in political and social development is very important. Political development as one of the important dimensions of comprehensive and sustainable development on the one hand requires a change in political structure and on the other hand requires a change in the field of culture; In other words, the reasons for political underdevelopment must be studied from two different perspectives. The first is the study of political construction in the macro dimension and political structures in the micro dimension, and the second is the study of different dimensions of culture. Cultural fragmentation in Iran, which has been mostly due to civilizational gaps, indicates the confrontation of two different epistemological systems with completely different values; And the challenge of these two epistemological systems together has created an atmosphere of pessimism, mistrust, fear and violence in the social and political spheres and has prevented the emergence of solidarity and tolerance necessary for political participation and competition, which are the main indicators of political development. This study raises the hypothesis that cultural fragmentation and conflict between these cultures have contributed to political development during the contemporary history of Iran by asking the question that cultural fragmentation and conflict of these cultures together cause political underdevelopment. And the creation of non-competitive regimes in Iran has become contemporary. With regard to the subject under discussion, a descriptive and analytical method that has historical-analytical references based on theoretical foundations and indicators has been selected as the research method.

In the contemporary world, issues related to women, including efforts to empower them, have always been an important and influential part of most human societies. In contemporary Iran, and especially since the constitutional era, there have been numerous social movements, which have been the main concern of all women. Thus, the main issue of the research is the interpretation of legal empowerment by Iranian women's social movements in different periods and the extent to which the movements have achieved their goals. Bisley's "typology" was chosen as the theoretical framework and "genealogy" as the research method in this study. The findings of the study show that: The goals of women's social movements in Iran to empower them in different periods have been interpreted differently. These movements in the constitutional era saw the demand for the legal equality of men and women as their primary goal. The aim of these movements in the first Pahlavi era was to attempt to bring women into society and in the second Pahlavi era to fight against the exploitation of women in factories and to pay them equality. During the Islamic Revolution, the provision of a community activity space for women to be more in line with Iranian and Sharia-based elements of the social movement was identified as the goal of women's social movements, and thus led to a discourse in which women's social and political participation was considered natural. In the light of Bessel's typology, therefore, women's social movements in the four aforementioned periods can be assessed in terms of liberal feminism, radical feminism, Marxist feminism, and postmodern feminism, respectively.

The main core of new citizenship in the west is civil element; the one that founded by Hobbes and strengthened by Locke. Rousseau, in spite of his serious criticism and concentrating on the political, national and especially socioeconomic elements of citizenship, maintained the civil element as the constituent one. Finally, notwithstanding the theoretical conflicts and even contrasts, idea of citizenship could turn out to be the basis of political life in the sphere of western common sense. If we accept that the beginning of development of the idea of new citizenship in Iran was in evolutions led to the constitutional revolution, then we can say that the role of civil element was not noticeable at all. We think that this should be considered according to the rhetorical strategy of opponents of political modernity in Iran. This rhetoric in a sense indicated to the strategy applied by these modernists in the necessary theologico-political war had broken out. Based on belief in civil element or in idea of "the individual possessed unconditional right in the state of nature", political modernity founded on the theological ground itself and exactly this civil element in the face of rigid theologico-political core in Iranian network of common sense was the most conflicting one. In this article, we attempt to analyze the transformations in rhetorical strategy of opponents of political modernity in contemporary Iran on the basis of the mentioned war and examine its consequences for new idea of citizenship in Iran.

Contemporary intellectual environment of Iran has provided the opportunity for different and even contradictory thoughts and discourses about politics and government to take place in the shadow of modernism and Islamism contrast. Beheshti was one of intellectuals representing centrism in religious intellectualism under such condition. In the light of a dynamic practice of religious jurisprudence and a rational understanding of religion, he tried to provide a pattern of Islamic political system so that such values as democracy and freedom would be guaranteed, despite boundaries existing between it and Marxism and liberalism. In the paper, effort has been made to provide a critical understanding regarding his thoughts about politics and government, with consideration of intellectual and scientific backgrounds.

What are the dimensions of political thought of Allameh Tabatabai (RA) This research, using the analytical-historical method, has come to the conclusion that the political thought of Allameh Tabatabai (RA) is based on the socio-political background of the Islamic world and Iran. Besides, his idea is a system of interconnections based on certain theoretical foundations that distinguish it from intellectual systems (religious and non-religious) In addition, he has presented some novel theories in the field of politics, including the theory of recruitment, credentials, innate government and provincialism, and political realism. Allameh had a great effort in applying his political-social theory to his own society.

The discourse of political Islam has been regarded as an interpretation of Islam that has become predominant in challenge with competents` discources since the establishment of IRI and emphasized on Islamic comprehensive and maximum role-creating in human life. This discourse, relying on Islamic identity, has limited and defined its border of identity with other competent sub-discourses. In this way, Islamic discource has considered the identities of nationality, race and world as being under the essential identity of Islamism. This study, using the theory of discourse and analytico-documentive method has intended to response the question: what threatening agents may be found against the identity of political discourse of Islam in contemporary Iran? Identity management and policy-making to oppose the challenges of the discourse of political Islam make it necessary to recognize national, reginal and worldly challenges exactly, the fact studied positively and negatively in this research.