پرویز احدی

Political, social, economic and cultural developments of the last century and especially the last few decades in the world arena which in many ways has led to the humiliation of man and humanity, subsequently it has led to the formation of a metaphorical and mythical atmosphere, which on the one hand with the help of religiosity and on the other hand with the help of secularism, pursues human freedom as central and fundamental signs. Two dominant and hostile discourses, namely the discourse of contemporary political Islam and the discourse of western liberalism (despite stretching in and taking root in the heart of history) from the heart of such an inflamed atmosphere, they have matured again and been rebuilt and highlighted. Discourses that, despite having formal similarities, are always in conflict with each other in theoretical and practical dimensions. This article explains the basics of resistance theory by purposefully using "Laclau and moff" discourse analysis methods and will show its points of conformity, especially its inherent conflict with western liberal democracy in areas such as the way of looking at human beings, rationality, government, sovereignty, culture, economy, society and individual and thus the quality of formation and inevitable birth of the theory of Islamic resistance against western liberalism will follow as a model for the flow of the middle circle of modern Islamic civilization. In this research, a descriptive-analytical method is used and based on the documentary and library method, data and documents have been used.

The purpose of the current research was to investigate the strategic factors in dealing with the influence of ISIS on the regional relations of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The research method was applied and mixed exploratory. The sample of the qualitative part of experts and experts in charge of foreign relations. The population of this research in the quantitative part of experts and experts in charge of foreign relations, which in 1401 are working in research centers with the number of 335 people and randomly A class was selected. The analysis was carried out based on the Max Kyuda 10 software of Lisrel software. The findings of the quantitative part confirmed all the qualitative parts based on the model of the structural equation model. Strategies have a factor of 221/0 on the influence of ISIS on the regional relations of the Islamic Republic.

The field of human rights studies is shaped by various ideas based on conceptual and theoretical developments. The issue of human rights has been of utmost significance for both Iran and Saudi Arabia in recent decades. Iran and Saudi Arabia, as Islamic nations, have different perspectives on human rights within the international context and the framework of human rights driven by Islamic principles. Such that this can be considered a major factor influencing their relations with each other and with entities such as the United Nations, the Human Rights Council, and national/international powers. Research question: In view of constructivism, what are the effects of human rights policies on governance in Iran and Saudi Arabia? Research hypothesis: The human rights policies and their monitoring mechanisms in Iran and Saudi Arabia have significantly influenced their behavior in adhering to and accepting human rights norms. Therefore, their similarities and differences in this regard can be identified by comparing the state of human rights in these two countries. Findings Research findings indicate that Iran demonstrates a more flexible stance on human rights issues compared to Saudi Arabia, which can be attributed to differences in their government type and civil society structure.

Before the victory of the Islamic revolution, the army played an important role in ensuring the country's national security due to its structural characteristics (discipline, hierarchy and loyalty to the first person of the government) and its sovereign affiliations with other security institutions. With the occurrence of the Islamic revolution, due to the same sovereign and loyal ties to the former regime and the distrust of the forces of the revolution - which were influenced by the Marxist leftist movements in sync with the former Soviet Union (Tudeh party, Chezikhas of the People's Fedayees and the People's Mojahedin Khalq) - towards it, In the beginning, it was marginalized to ensure national security. After the revolutionary purges and purges and the declaration of support for Imam Khomeini, the great founder of the Islamic Revolution, and becoming a school-based and revolutionary army, it gradually entered the security equations of the Islamic Republic. The issue of this research is "What role did the army of the Islamic Republic of Iran play in ensuring the national security of the country during the first decade of the Islamic revolution and within the framework of various security strategies?"

This article has been compiled with a descriptive-analytical method and its data has been collected in a library form. Discuss The army in the era of expansion-oriented security strategy: dissolution or continuation In the Pahlavi patrimonial system, the imperial army of Iran considered it their duty to blindly obey their superiors without question. For this reason, the army was hierarchically connected to the king and was under his command. Based on the principle of loyalty, the orders and plans of the army were taken from the king and he acted accordingly. Such a system of loyalty was created as a result of the regime's extensive propaganda (reading collective prayers in the morning for the king's health and survival, or the slogan "God, King, Motherland") and, of course, the payment of rewards to the military. The army was completely dependent on the king. The king's autocratic and autocratic culture and relations had made the army so obedient and follower that in the absence of the king, independent and coherent decision and action on its part was completely ruled out. The king was like a country for the army. This degree of loyalty and dedication made the army chiefs not to surrender to the revolution as much as possible, and only declared neutrality when they felt that the revolution was on an irreversible path. Before the victory of the revolution, the leader of the revolution always tried to create a separation between the army and the king. In his messages, he asked the people not to insult the army and not to attack them, and in return he asked the army. Abandon the spirit of dependence on Shah and America and stop killing people. The Imam advised the people to welcome the free and independent soldiers, "The people of Iran are obliged to respect the honorable officers and officials. They should note that a few traitorous army people cannot infect the majority of the army." This peaceful approach of the leader of the revolution played an important role in dissociating the discipline and obedience of the army body to the orders of the superiors and ultimately declaring its neutrality.The position of the army in providing security in the period of defense strategy (war period) Considering the issues caused by the war for the country's security considerations, the government of the Islamic Republic should focus all its efforts on dealing with itssecurityconsequences. For this reason, the preservation and protection of the country's territorial integrity and the preservation of the newly established political system against the objective threats caused by the war had occupied the attention of the system. The national security of the country prevailed. For this reason, an effort was made to establish a reconciliation between "values" and "realities" and between "beings" and "musts". It is for this reason that some talk about the "cycle of idealism and realism" in the analysis of different stages of the war. The army and providing national security: defensive operations (September 1959 to May 1960) During this period, it was decided that instead of a general mutual confrontation with the Iraqi army, the army would limit itself to "local, temporary, local and small attacks". The ultimate goal of these defensive operations was to stop the enemy's war machine from advancing further. All the efforts of the army headquarters in the first six months of the war prevented the fall of the cities of Abadan and then Ahvaz. Especially after the fall of Khorramshahr, the protection of Abadan was paid attention to. The army forces succeeded in doing this with the help of the people's forces, and with a few limited operations, they forced the aggressor forces to stop and take a defensive position, which was an important achievement in the way of securing security. and maintaining the territorial integrity of the country was considered.

 The army, which could not play a significant role in the country's national security equations at the beginning of the victory of the Islamic Revolution, after the purges and the efforts made to make it academic and revolutionary with the all-round support of Imam Khomeini. Reh), the great founder of the revolution, since its existence, has played an irreplaceable and effective role in ensuring the country's national security, maintaining the system and territorial integrity of the country. In addition, the three forces of the army in cooperation and coordination with the forces of the Revolutionary Guards and with the blessing of the revolutionary spirit existing among the young officers, the spirit of self-reliance, self-reliance and confronting the comprehensive sanctions of the enemy during the first decade of the revolution to the general society. And even some of the officials spread it and it was the source of many huge works in different economic sectors that prevented the country's economic breakdown at that time. With their sacrifices on the battlefield and the liberation of the occupied areas of the country, the army forces contributed significantly to the defense diplomacy of the country, as after the liberation of Khorramshahr, the diplomatic exchanges to stop the war and Iran's superior position in this field are clearly visible. Is. In this way, the army of the Islamic Republic of Iran despite all the bottlenecks and shortages

The present research was conducted with the aim of investigating the process of public policy in the field of urban economy in Iran based on the naming of years by the Supreme Leader.

The current research is practical in terms of purpose and was conducted with the help of multifaceted foundation data theory qualitative method and through semi-structured interviews with 13 experts who were selected by theoretical sampling.

In the findings section, attention was paid to 5 main sections: 1- the most important economic components emphasized in naming the years, 2- the perception of the interviewees about the category of naming the years, 3- examining the impact of the name Placing years on the policy-making process of the three forces, 4- Economic factors and obstacles affecting the non-implementation of policies based on naming years and 5- Economy and urban economy: the focus of naming years in the last decade by the leader of the revolution

Based on the text of the interviews, the urban economy categories mentioned by the interviewees can be classified into 3 categories, i.e. resistance economy, support for domestic production, employment creation. The interviewees' perception of the category of naming the years includes ideal-oriented, judgment-oriented, policy-oriented, stereotype-oriented, expediency-oriented, jurist-oriented. The results showed that among the legislature, executive and judiciary, from the point of view of individuals, the government and then the judiciary played the most important role. Most of the interviewees stated that the government had this possibility and was able to establish or facilitate economic policies such as resistance economy policy, job creation, support for national production in the country, but in some cases it was not carried out in the desired way. It has not been successful.

The holy Quran describes God's will as the genesis and wellspring of any and all power in the universe. Therefore, it is necessary to interpret the concept of power ontologically and to analyse its essence, function, and constituent elements, as well as its substantial or abstract features. In this regard, the research addresses the following question: "What are the Quran's and international relations' viewpoints on the notion of power?" The descriptive-analytical method has been used to answer this question, and a desk research strategy to collect data from the library and the Internet. The fundamental result is that theories of international relations separate power components into substantial and abstract structures, such as militaristic, economic, and ideological, and see it negatively when it becomes operational. Unlike international relations theories of power, however, the holy Quran gives the abstract components of power priority over its substantial components and praises them. International relations theories see power as a means of achieving domination over others and self-satisfaction. Furthermore, such views promote war and see peace as a peripheral and temporary phenomenon. According to the holy Quran, people who receive power from God (whether individuals or society members) and employ this God-given power to please the almighty God will never dominate others in any period or location.

Ibn Taymiyyah is one of the most influential Sunni scholars whose scope of influence of his thoughts is quite evident in the world today. He has written extensively and has expressed opinions contrary to the consensus of Islamic religions in his writings. For this reason, he was tried many times by Sunni scholars and sent to prison. And the great people of Hadith return. In examining the works and in analyzing the jurisprudential principles of Ibn Taymiyyah, it is clear that he deviated from the basic principles of Islam. It should be noted that the intellectual conflicts resulting from these deviations laid the necessary ground for contradictions and differences with other Islamic religions. . Ibn Taymiyyah's deviant thoughts also had a great impact on creating divisions among Muslims and paving the way for the formation of Wahhabism. He was met with a clear majority of scholars of other Islamic religions, and some scholars even ordered him to be excommunicated and expelled from the religion, to the point that he was imprisoned for some time because of his thoughts by the government of the time. He supported his student Ibn al-Qayyim, who after his death also made great efforts to compile the writings of his teacher.

Political legitimacy is the process by which power becomes authoritarian and political power acquires a rational character; As a result, there is a fundamental relationship between legitimate domination and political legitimacy. The importance of the issue of "legitimacy" lies in the fact that the stability and survival of the political system depends on the realization of its legitimacy, and therefore every government tries to strengthen the foundations of its "legitimacy". The depiction of a legitimate government, as the policy of Islamic governments, was the goal pursued by Islamic thinkers and thinkers. In this direction, people like Ibn Taymiyyah, who sought to create a jurisprudential-political current through their specific jurisprudential and political views, and of course their extremism, also sought to create a new understanding of political legitimacy in Islamic society. In explaining and applying the concept of legitimacy in Ibn Taymiyyah's views, it should be noted that legitimacy in Ibn Taymiyyah's opinions is devoid of any specific coherence and policy. . In other words, what should be criticized in Ibn Taymiyyah's views is not his views on legitimacy; Rather, the vacuum of legitimacy is the most important objection that can be made to Ibn Taymiyyah's views. In this discourse, we seek to examine the fact that Ibn Taymiyyah's views are associated with a serious crisis called the vacuum of legitimacy, because he did not have a proper understanding of the concept of legitimacy in a politico-religious structure.

The relations of countries can provide the ground for their cooperation or conflict based on the influence of norms, perceptions and perceptions between them. Relations between Turks and Russians have long been hostile. Among the Russians, the traditional image of Turkey has been a disturbing one. For this reason, there is a pessimistic view of relations with Turkey, especially among nationalists, in Russia, and they still see Turkey in the Western and American camps. Turkey-Russia relations have been based on the introduction of Turkey as a model for other countries, as well as Turkey's maximum benefit from economic interests, especially after the AKP came to power. Relationships that have undergone many changes, especially in the period 2016 to 2019. In this research, an attempt has been made to discover the commonalities and differences between the realities and processes of Turkish foreign policy in relation to the Tsarist government of Russia in the period 2016-2019 using the method of comparative analysis. The results showed that Turkey's foreign policy towards Russia has always been based on the national interests of Turkey. Although Turkey is considered a strategic and strategic partner for Russia due to the passage of Russian energy transmission lines through its territory, but wherever Turkey's national and economic interests have required, by turning to and falling into the arms of Tsarist Russia. Or the United States has tried to make the most of these benefits.

Certainly, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights is one of the resources forhuman rights. Assessing the universality of the declaration is crucially important in this regard. It is concerned with investigating topics such as the universality of human rights in regard to studying the viewpoints of Iran and Saudi Arabia aboutthe universality of human rights, as well as the effects of culture, religion, and traditions in the Muslim countries in respect to accepting or not accepting the universality of human rights. The question that this study is seeking to answer is what is the position of human rights from the viewpoints of two centers of the world of Islam, i.e., Saudi Arabia and Iran? This is a descriptive-analytical study. The data were collected through the documentary method and library research. This article is concerned with the relationship between civil society and human rights organizations. A cause-and-effect relationship was considered in which civil society is the factor causing the efficiency of human rights organizations. In addition, the absence of civil society is the cause leading to the absence of human rights, and a lack of respect for this phenomenon, and prevents it from being executed and transformed into an effective institution in a country. As a factor and a platform for the development of human rights and the mechanisms related to it, this issue was investigated in the Middle East, i.e., in Iran and Saudi Arabia, each of which follows a different mechanism but of the same nature. The problem of human rights violations and failure to develop civil society is overlooked in all countries in the Middle East. However, Saudi Arabia lacks law governance in its legal system's structure. Due to this characteristic, Saudi Arabia is a case phenomenon and notorious in the new world. On the other hand, Iran has posed numerous challenges in this regard on account of its different interpretation of the foundation of human rights from the Universal Declaration.

The current research aims to investigate the impact of Pabarja programming on information technology, aerospace technology and biotechnology in the Islamic Republic of Iran. In this research, the policy making tool of Pabarja programming has been used as post-programming methods. The fields of information technology, aerospace technology, and biological technology have been the studied examples. Developmental policy documents in these three areas have been analyzed. Based on the results, the policies were divided into four categories: very strong, strong, partially strong, and non-strong. Instrumental policies in the country's technological development documents were compared in three studied fields. Based on the results of the information technology document, it is more durable than the other two documents, and the bio-technology document has the lowest degree of durability. In the bio-technological document, not only the level of persistence is low, but they also do not have correlation with each other, and the things that were important in the document have less persistence. The comparison between dependence on technological fields and dependence on scenarios shows that policies are more dependent on scenarios than on technological fields.

The relationship between the United States and the European Union has a long history. In the present study, which is forward-looking in terms of research design, and since the purpose of the research is to find the answer to the problem and the main challenge, this research is classified as a result-oriented research, so after performing the necessary analysis on The positions of European and American officials and politicians and content analysis, in Section 2, are presented as 5 scenarios on the convergence and divergence of the two great powers, namely the United States and the European Union, towards Iran by 2030 The two general scenarios are: Iran: Sanctions, Critical and Constructive Talks (Two Scenarios), Iran Nuclear Program: Borjam Agreement (Three Scenarios) The results of this study show that in relation to alignment or The heterogeneity of the EU-US relationship There are two central perspectives. Culture-oriented perspective and policy-oriented perspective. The results also show that the indicators of convergence and divergence in the relationship between the EU and the US government depend on their area of ​​interest. In areas with shared and parallel interests, we see more convergence and cooperation, and in areas with conflicting interests, we see more divergence and competition. The results of this study showed that possible scenarios in different dual sectors tend to the scenario of competition and continuation of the current situation as a two-pronged approach to Iran until 2030.Keywords: USA, Convergence, Divergence, European Union, Iran

The general purpose of this study is to investigate the impact of security and its specific purpose is to investigate the impact of security on public policy in the post-Islamic Revolution and the internal turmoil in Iran. Due to the importance and necessity of security policy, many thinkers and writers have tried to present different models, methods, and methods using different sciences. However, one of the common points of these models is the emphasis on recognizing the issue as the starting point of the policy process. Establishing a stable environment is one of the concerns of any government. In this study, we seek to answer the question: what effect does security have on evaluating the public policy process? Securitization makes the problem part of the policy-making process, and public policy-making makes operational and executive design a priority by prioritizing the security problem or security issue.

In recent years, the water crisis in Iran has become public with manifestations such as drying of lakes, rivers and wetlands, groundwater depletion, land subsidence, water quality degradation, soil erosion, desertification and dust storms and has consequences in various ways. ; However, the main consequences have been the occurrence and intensification of security problems such as the weakening of the legitimacy of the system and national power, insurgency and turmoil, local and regional tensions. Using a descriptive method and using library resources, this study first seeks to describe the water crisis as a security problem in Iran and then to explain the institutionalist model with the aim of policy making. The center of gravity of institutionalist analysis is the emphasis on the role of institutions as an independent variable in shaping the processes and outcomes of individual and collective actions through the enactment and implementation of law. Among these, laws such as the Law on Preservation and Protection of Groundwater Resources, the Law on Water and its Nationalization, and the Law on Fair Distribution of Water are among the laws related to the water basin; But overall, they have not been able to reduce or eliminate the water crisis. Overall, it seems that policy-making based on the institutional model will lead to a better understanding of the inefficiency of past laws and redefine the relationship between institutions involved in water management through new legislation, improved governance and political water economy, and thus reduced security consequences of the water crisis

the present study examines the components and elements of the soft power of the islamic republic of iran in the 21 st century . in this study , in addition to explaining the components and elements , it has been tried to explain the importance and way of application of this power to advance the aims of the foreign policy of the islamic republic of iran . the most important argument here is that the islamic republic of iran can achieve its strong power in critical condition by increasing its soft power in normal conditions , as it penetrates the thoughts and hearts of others . iran can take advantage of its soft power and to achieve its national power to develop its strategy , strategy as well as its desired values in a way that makes use of the two national and national dimensions of its power production components . The importance of strengthening and implementing soft power is made by the governments of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the age of globalization and the spread of relations between communities . The question now is what is the most important components and elements of Iran 's soft power in the fields of culture and politics and diplomacy . the other question is , how can these components and elements be used to advance the goals of the foreign policy of the islamic republic of iran ? in this study , we have tried to answer these questions scientifically.

The globalization is a social, political and economic process and is the result of the integration of time and space in such a way that it has weakened the communication discourse and diminished the differences and leading to the sovereignty and security of the nations. These changes have diminished or changed the govetnment's ability and capacity against regional and international pressures. The raise or reduction in the government's power, a change in their capacity , ability or disability and in the regional and international conflicts and struggles, the negotiations in the national security which is a combination of modern-traditional discourse and post-modernism and its political legitimacy have influenced political security and integration. These changes have led to the classification of the country into four groups of 1) big powers, 2) the presence of countries in the stable regions, 3) the countries in crisis regions, and 4) weak and defeated countries..

The existence of water crisis in our country is a fact and various domestic and foreign sources and authorities, while proving the problem, are trying to provide solutions to get out of this problem. Drying of lakes, rivers and wetlands, declining groundwater levels, land subsidence, water quality degradation, soil erosion, desertification and dust storms are objective manifestations of the water crisis in Iran. In the meantime, the attitude of the legislators to solve the water crisis has led to the adoption of laws such as the Law on Conservation and Protection of Groundwater Resources, the Law on Water and its Nationalization, the Law on Fair Distribution of Water; However, in general, they have not been able to reduce or eliminate the water crisis, and the situation is as in the past, but even more intense. In the meantime, the present study uses a descriptive method and library resources with a view to the perspective of political economy, with a simple approach to issues such as policy-making, institutionalism as a model for discovering the inefficiencies of laws. The past and the redefinition of the relationship between the institutions involved in water management through the enactment of a new law and the presentation of proposals in line with national interests will reduce the water crisis in Iran.

The issue of Election monitoring and execution is a powerful tool in promoting democracy, political rights and principled goverance. Examining the pathology of this issue, challenges and dangers involved in the process of applying the tactics behind the institutions in charge of these matters is one of the main concerns of the rulers and political elites. In this way, using the election experiences of countries that have a suitable political, cultural and social atmosphere appropriate to the political climate of Iran, could be a useful option. Iran and its western neighbor Turkey have passed through similar processes in establishing their modern nation-states. Historical similarities, the independence-seeking policies of the two countries against imperialism, ethnic, religious, and in some cases even linguistic commonalities prove that the similarities between the two countries are not a new phenomenon. In this article, with a comparative approach, we compare the monitoring and executive institutions of Iran and Turkey and discuss the performance of these institutions.

China has taken foreign policy initiatives to expand its sphere of influence and influence in other regions, one of which is the revitalization of the New Silk Road. The new Silk Road project was officially announced in 2013 by Chinese President Xi Jinping. China's foreign policy will increase in the region. Take the initiative for Iran and evaluate its consequences and try to answer the question: What are the consequences of the Belt-China initiative for Iran's interests in the Middle East? China Belt is provided by developing the infrastructure of trade and cultural interactions in the region, attracting foreign investment, helping to expand regional security, and Iran's economic and strategic interests, both domestically and regionally.Keywords: Belt-Road Initiative, China Foreign Policy, Middle East, Islamic Republic of Iran Interests, Security.China Belt is provided by developing the infrastructure of trade and cultural interactions in the region, attracting foreign investment, helping to expand regional security, and Iran's economic and strategic interests, both domestically and regionally.Keywords: Belt-Road Initiative, China Foreign Policy, Middle East, Islamic Republic of Iran Interests, Security

The purpose of the present study is to evaluate the effect of the foundation hypothesis planning on the field of information technology, aerospace technology and biotechnology in the Islamic Republic of Iran. Since in this study, the questions of the PAMFA project have been used. Therefore, the researcher, relying only on the method described in that project, has considered the method of identifying experts based on the participatory introduction method suitable for the study, although the main focus of this study is Credible futures for up to 1404 include a long-term futureThe purpose of the present study is to evaluate the effect of the foundation hypothesis planning on the field of information technology,. The foundation hypothesis planning represents a kind of analysis for different policies and situations (uncertainties), which are: Ineffective situations Transition: Dual situations ((open space or information exchange control)) do not lead to the success or failure of any particular policy; and policies are designed regardless of whether or not those scenarios are met.

The study of the assumptions of theories of international relations in relation to the component of power and the challenges posed to the facts of international relations have theoretically continued to be of interest to international relations thinkers. No effective research has been done from the perspective of the Holy Qur'an in this regard. What about power? Hypothesis: Our hypothesis is that theories of international relations focus more on the material factors of power, and its constituents and assumptions on the material and immaterial factors of power with the precedence of intangible factors over material factors. The method of the present research is explanatory-analytical and documentary and the method of collecting it is based on the library method, taking notes from first-hand sources and texts, specialized articles and quarterly journals related to the research topic. In terms of ontology and epistemology, the Holy Quran has the ability to fill the existing epistemological gap. Therefore, the Qur'anic assumptions of international relations, contrary to the theories of international relations, which believe in objective assumptions and some subjective, tangible and intangible assumptions, the Qur'anic assumptions are each, however, with priority and precedence of spiritual, intellectual and voluntary assumptions over material assumptions. Gives tangible meaning.

In today's world, there is no escape from interaction and diplomacy is one of the most important tools to achieve interaction. The purpose of this article is to explain the role of diplomacy in strengthening international security, explain the distinctive features and indicators of Borjam (nuclear) diplomacy with other diplomacies, the consequences and achievements of Borjam diplomacy in the development and establishment of international security, review of indicators and criteria Diplomacy is Barjam (nuclear). In this article, we seek to answer the question of what effect and role does diplomacy play in strengthening international security? Borjam diplomacy eliminated the risk of a major armed conflict in the region and thus strengthened stability, regional and international security. During the long negotiations, the view prevailed that the most appropriate way out of this situation is to cooperate with Iran. Burjam is of great military and political importance because it eliminates the risk of a conflict that could take on an international dimension. In this regard, using a descriptive-analytical method, we came to the conclusion that the Islamic Republic of Iran was able, with the acceptance of Borjam, to gain the trust of the great powers and the International Atomic Energy Agency to confirm the peaceful nature of Iran's nuclear program. Regional and international security led to the fight against ISIS and terrorism.