akbar ashrafi

The religious authority in Shiite school is the continuation of imamate in the Occultation Period; and the authoritative jurist takes over, as far as possible, the duties of the Infallible Imam. Thus, studying the status of religious authority in Shi‘ism with merely sociological approach cannot cover all the main foundations of it. In his book entitled Guardians of Shi‘ism: Sacred Authority and Transnational Family Networks, Elvire Corboz adopts a sociological approach and seeks to explain the cross-border leadership of the Shiite clergy and analytically find out the main foundations and various dimensions of religious authority by asking this major question: “How do the Shiite scholars create and preserve their authority in the religious, economic, political and social levels beyond borders?” To achieve an understanding of the concept of ‘top-down authority’, the author introduces three broad fields for understanding this sensitive base: networks, charities, participating in politics. He has attempted to introduce the theory of Wilāyat Faqīh as lacking scientific support in the Shiite sphere and has challenged Imam Khomeini’s authority in the 1340s and 1350s to consider his political theory as lacking scientific authority and delineate it as a rare theory opposing the theories of the well-known authoritative jurists. This article, while presenting a brief description of the content of that book, investigates and reviews its various dimensions.

The discourse of the Islamic revolution in Iran was developed and emerged with the approach of returning to pure Islam and the rule of the people, using the principles and foundations of jurisprudence, according to the requirements of time and place, under the leadership of Imam Khomeini, and for 10 years, he began to build a system under the management of the Imam himself. This article has examined the foundations of the discourse of the Islamic Revolution from the perspective of Imam Khomeini.The method of conducting this research is based on discourse analysis. This article, by raising the question of what principles and components was the discourse of the Islamic Revolution from Imam Khomeini's point of view, proposed the hypothesis that the central signifier of the discourse of the Islamic Revolution is political Islam. And Imam Khomeini, based on this central sign, while denying the sovereignty of the Taghout monarchy and emphasizing the centrality of Islamic standards in the administration of the country, was able to establish the Islamic Republic system by leading the Islamic Revolution and winning the trust of the Iranian people.The superior and sublime sign of the Islamic revolution, which defines its mission in guiding people, is the sublime standards of Islam, which brought forth its superior elements as floating signs such as freedom, justice, independence, deprivation, anti-authoritarianism, and legalism in the discourse of the revolution. .

This research was conducted to investigate the relationship between tradition and modernity in Ali Shariati's thought. Ali Shariati was one of the thinkers who was aware of both the system of tradition and the potential of modernity. He lived in a time when the Iranian society was involved in many issues and problems. Therefore, Shariati tried to pathologize it on the one hand by understanding tradition, and on the other hand, by understanding modernity, extract its conceptual and theoretical capacities. It seems that Shariati was not looking for polarization between tradition and modernity, but he was trying to understand their capacities before anything else. Ali Shariati, as a member of the Islamic thought stream, sought to reconstruct religion in a modern state. Her call to recognize the identity, return to oneself and revolutionary self-improvement, was an approach resulting from the conscious recognition that she had towards the internal problems of the Iranian society and especially its young generation. At the height of the tyranny of the Shah's regime and the dominance of Marxism theory, Shariati believed that the school of Islam is the only liberating element for Muslims and that Islam and the Qur'an should be cleansed of historical superstitions and distortions by reinterpreting them and relying on the religious conscience of the people in order to face the dictatorship. His narration of the modern and traditional pillars of civil society and his cultural critique of these pillars are placed in the realm of religious intellectuals. Shariati's view does not require the negation of tradition and religion and the replacement of modern ideas or vice versa; Rather, he was a critic of both, through the use of symbolic sources of tradition and liberating elements of modernity.

The methodology of this research was based on an interpretive approach. This interpretive approach has tried to go beyond the dualization of tradition and modernity in terms of the theoretical framework and re-examine this relationship according to the considerations of sociologists of Reflexive modernization.

Shariati gave answers to the questions of his time. These answers were the solutions for the revival of Islam in the modern world, criticizing the West and making critical use of it, as well as creating a fundamental transformation in the history of Islamic nations to overcome backwardness and colonialism.  According to Shariati, one of the factors of alienation in our era is cultural colonialism. An opinion that is reminiscent of the culture industry of the Frankfurt School. Colonialism appears in political, economic and cultural forms. Shariati was well aware that the contemporary history was not without movements and revolutions, and merely inciting the movement is not enough, so there should be a pathology of the past movements as well. Therefore, with his summary of the contemporary history of Iran and the history of the world, he came to the conclusion that one of the reasons for the failure of movements and revolutions in Iran, from the constitutional revolution onwards, is the lack of a liberating ideology that fits the history, culture and religion of this society. So, he tried to recreate such an ideology. This liberating ideology, like the critical theory of the Frankfurt School, should have criticized the totality of the existing social structure.
The final

Shariati, like most intellectuals after the constitutional revolution, stood in the gap between tradition and modernity. He knew very well that according to the used historical interpretations, the reserves of tradition, although they have good capacities, but like any everyday phenomenon, they have lost their revolutionary power, so they need to be defamiliarized so that they can be mobilized for the contemporary situation. On the other hand, Shariati was not a passive modern thinker who unquestioningly accepted the totality of imported and borrowed modernity. Rather, he had a critical and re-thinking reflection on modernity and accepted a re-thought form of it. While looking deeply into his historical features, Shariati is aware of both the weight of tradition and the effects of modernity. Therefore, he never wants tradition to prevail over modernity, or modernity to throw tradition aside. He tries to open a third way by criticizing both modernity and tradition. His method, with a rethinking approach, was refining and extracting cultural resources.

Each of the actions and behavior of people and officials in an Islamic system must be based on the teachings of Islam. One of the issues that a Muslim country is facing is the enmity of its enemies, which leads to problems and damages. Revenge is one of the measures against these blows from the enemies. Therefore, in this research, an attempt is made to explain the most important principles and principles that exist in the verses and traditions for revenge. Of course, against an enemy who does not stop enmity, "hard revenge" is proposed, so there will be these bases for hard revenge as well. Among the results obtained in this research is that harsh revenge is certain and accepted in Islam, some of its foundations are: the existence and oneness and justice of God, the resurrection, the dignity of man and the sanctity of his life and his responsibility. Also, some of the most important principles of revenge are the principle of taking revenge, anti-cruelty, justice in revenge, reciprocation and preserving human dignity and life.

The impact of modernity on non-western societies has forced them to redefine their traditions and related institutions. Islamic societies have not been immune to the influence of modernity, and Muslim intellectuals have been deeply involved in the concepts of modernity; Concepts such as: rationality, science, progress and secularism, individual freedom, social equality and democracy. Ali Shariati was also in such a field of thought. The main question of the article is what is the relationship between tradition and modernism in Shariati's thought. The hypothesis of the research is that Shariati, like most Islamic intellectuals, was in the confrontation between tradition and modernity. Due to facing the social issues arising from this encounter, he has definitely proposed some ideas regarding these two.The background of research in this topic is very rich, the most important of which have been reviewed. The article "Analysis of the position of religion in interaction with modernity in the thought of religious intellectuals of the second Pahlavi period" tried to examine the relationship between religion and modernity (case study: Shariati and Bazargan). The article "Shariati, Political Modernity and the Islamic Revolution" tried to "evaluate some modern concepts in Shariati's thought in relation to political modernity and examine its impact on the Islamic Revolution". Also, the article "A reflection on Shariati's political thought; Unsuccessful attempt to combine tradition and modernity" has been searching for an answer to this question: "What is the most important Sharia reason for creating a dialogue between tradition and modernity and what was the result of this attempt?" The article "Meaning of the West and Modernity in Shariati's Thought" tried to explain Shariati's view of the West and modernity. These researches are important works, but they only deal with the political aspect. The innovation of this research is the attention to epistemological dimensions.

The methodology of this article is an interpretive approach. This interpretive approach has been textual. But this interpretive approach has been based on a theoretical framework. This theoretical framework has been a critical reading of the relationship between tradition and modernity. This critical reading, by distancing itself from the common theory of the antagonistic conflict between tradition and modernity, has sought to understand the connection between the two. Therefore, the emphasis on the critical reading of Ali Shariati's original texts has been based on that theoretical framework.

While Ali Shariati had a deep look at the historical features of the tradition system and was aware of the weight of the heritage of the tradition, at the same time, he also paid attention to the effects of modernity and knew that neither of these two could be ignored. Therefore, he never wanted neither tradition to overcome modernity nor modernity to marginalize tradition. He tried to open a third way by criticizing both modernity and tradition. His third way is a critical reconstruction or in other words a kind of renaissance or religious renaissance. A renaissance that enabled the system of tradition (at the heart of which was the collection of religious teachings) to face modernity and accept it critically. To open such a way, Shariati considers a vital role for intellectuals. Shariati emphatically condemned the fanatical and irrational nature of traditional concepts and expressed his dissatisfaction with modernity based on blind imitation of the West, the spirit of capitalism and modern scientism. With such presuppositions, Shariati criticized the modernity, and by distinguishing between good and bad, he chose what he needed. Then he started the same interaction with the tradition system. Then he puts his selected components together to present a new architecture. Modern building with traditional materials.Finally, it can be said that Shariati's approach to tradition and modernity was a type of "selective modernity". Shariati saw modernity not as a whole and a unified nature, but as a multifaceted collection that, instead of accepting such a collection at once, should be carefully selected in its parts. It means that Shariati approached the tradition with a critical ruler from the point of view of modernity and its requirements and "selected" the necessary components, and had a "selective" approach to modernity itself. In the end, he passed both of these through the sieve of his critical view, so that instead of "rejecting modernity" (hostility to modernity) or "praising modernity" (immersing in modernity), he chose "selective modernity". In this view, there is neither blind hostility nor unconditional surrender; But a critical and conscious choice!

Social networks, for various reasons, greatly affect the internal dimension of national security.This research seeks to know the impact of one of these networks, that is, Amadyaoz, on national security, which analyzes the data obtained from field research (interviews) in the field of AmadyaozTelegramnetwork with a qualitative method.raising the question that social networks, here In a specific way,what effects has the Amadanews telegram channel had on the internal dimension of the national security of the Islamic Republic during its activity?The findings show that, in the national dimension, Amadyaoz by"directing and deviating public opinion"and"creating duality" and at the"individual level"in two dimensions by encouraging"civil disobedience"and individual departure against the system under the influence of this network's inductions.At the level of the government structure, mechanisms such as "destroying the internal and regional power of the system","creating erosion and costing the system"separation of the people, the system and the revolution" and "inducing corruption in all the elements of the system"are widely used to hit the It uses the existence of the Islamic Republic and inthis way, it challenges the national authority and by intensifying the differences and insecurity, it clearly has a negative and destructive effect on the national security in the internal dimension.

The Islamic Republic system has faced numerous crises and incidents since the inception of the leadership of the Supreme Leader. Thanks to his management, foresight, and the support of the people, these crises have been either contained or prevented from occurring. Various studies and research have been conducted on the crises that have arisen in the Islamic Republic, published in reputable domestic journals. Most of these studies have focused on interpretative, narrative, historical, and analytical approaches. Some of these research works have also delved into the role of the Supreme Leader in managing and containing the crises during his leadership, using thematic analysis to identify the managerial components employed by him. However, the present article seeks to evaluate previous studies and research on the management of the Supreme Leader during crises, and the policies and leadership management components emphasized by this research to contain the crises. The research method employed in this article is a qualitative meta-analysis with a meta-combination approach. By examining around 42 published research papers in reputable domestic journals on crises, the findings indicate that researchers have identified 54 influential components of the Supreme Leader's management of crises through the thematic analysis of his statements and positions. Among these components, the "rule-oriented approach," "foresight and enlightenment," and "people-centeredness" have been introduced as the most influential policies of the Supreme Leader in crisis containment, being the most prevalent and prioritized.

​The Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia, as two main and effective regional players, have played and will continue to play an influential role in the relations and geopolitical developments of the Persian Gulf. In the last decade and due to many political developments, the relations between these two actors faced serious challenges and the tensions between them have played a destructive role in the region.The foreign policy discourse of the Islamic Republic of Iran, despite elements such as: culture of resistance, rejection of dominance, religious democracy and the spirit of martyrdom in its discourse, succeeded in bringing Saudi Arabia to the negotiating table and after nearly seven years of breaking relations and The pervasive and escalating tension will re-establish relations between the two regional powers.Using the method of discourse analysis and extraction of existing elements, in the foreign policy discourse of the Islamic Republic of Iran, the role of the aforementioned discourse in re-establishing the relationship between the two countries is investigated.

Border and foreign crises such as the crisis of the risk of re-starting the war after the departure of Imam Khomeini and the hope of the enemies for the end of the revolution, the first and second Persian Gulf wars, the withdrawal of the United States from Afghanistan, and the rule of the Taliban in the country of Afghanistan, and the military movements of Azerbaijan in the border strip of Iran, if it was not prevented by the tact of the leadership and commander-in-chief to strengthening defense preparations and declaring neutrality and non-military intervention in some cases, irreparable damage could be inflicted on the country by arrogance. This article seeks to answer that: How did the Supreme Leader prevent border crises and war during his leadership period (1989-2022)? The research method is a descriptive and thematic analysis and qualitative research. In the process of the article, after examining the concepts and characteristics of crisis and crisis management, the studied crises were reread, then the content analysis of nine speeches, positions, and statements of the Supreme Leader and Commander-in-Chief in this regard was discussed. The findings indicate that, among the 78 extracted concepts and themes, 38 basic themes, 34 organizing themes, and 6 overarching themes were identified, and based on the data analysis, it can be said that the Commander-in-Chief, relying on his management components such as: enemy recognition, awareness raising, people-centricity, anti-arrogance, spiritualism executive and military elements, were able to prevent border crises and war during his leadership period.

Considering the strategy of the Islamic Republic in foreign policy with the slogan of neither East nor West and confronting global arrogance, hostile governments, including the United States, do not hesitate to strike any kind of balance. The assassination of General Qassem Soleimani is one of these issues, and the issue of "severe revenge" was raised in front of this issue. Since the concept of harsh revenge was proposed for the first time by Ayatollah Khamenei, the main purpose of the research is to explain the principles of harsh revenge, based on the defense thought of Ayatollah Khamenei. The question is: in the thought of Hazrat Ayatollah Khamenei, what principles are there regarding harsh revenge? (Method) By examining his thoughts regarding harsh revenge, the opposite results have been obtained: considering the assumed foundations for harsh revenge, such as monotheism, God's justice, the resurrection and the purpose of creation, the supremacy of Islam, and the negation of the mustache, principles are deduced from it. These principles are actually the general dos and don'ts, which are extracted from the principles that some of the most important principles of harsh revenge are: the principle of taking revenge, anti-cruelty, repelling sedition, legalism, balance of threats, and justice in revenge, not using lethal weapons. Collectively, the principle of reciprocity, preservation of human dignity and life, is people's loyalty. (Results)

The Abraham Accords was formed with the aim of preventing Iran's regional power and behavior in the region. Consolidation of this pact is rooted in the efforts of the right-wing parties of the Zionist regime, especially (Likud Party) led by Benjamin Netanyahu, (Yamina Party) led by Naftali Bennett and (Where is the Future) party led by Yair Lapid.The main question: How did the role of the right-wing officials of the Zionist regime lead to the formation of the Abraham Accords?Hypothesis: The establishment of a new order through the influence of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the region has provided the ground for the formation of the Abraham Accords by the right-wing authorities of the Zionist regime. The type of research is based on practical purpose. The method of collecting data and information is library study. The current research has used the theoretical model of threat balance.

The Abraham Accords, also known as the joint statement of Washington, Tel Aviv, Emirates, and Bahrain, was an initiative by Donald Trump, the former US president, which was made on August 13, 2020. Etiologically speaking, the Abraham Accords resulted from the Iran-Israel conflicts, which led to the rapprochement between Israel and the Persian Gulf countries. As for its security ramifications, the Abraham Accords will be most effective on the regional security of Western Asia. In this research, we identify the grounds of the formation of the Abrahams Accords, diagnose the factors that contributed to its formation, the phenomenon of Trumpism, and the future of the Abrahams Accords and its impact on the regional security of Western Asia. The main question of this research is: What reasons and causes led to the formation of the Abraham Accords and how would it affect the regional security of Western Asia? The present research is an applied study with respect to its objective. Data collection was carried out through observation, reading, and indexing. Moreover, in its nature, the research is descriptive and analytic, using the theoretical model of the balance of threat. The findings show that the Abraham Accords resulted from Trump’s deal of the century and normalization of relations between some Arabic countries, such as United Arabs Emirates and Bahrain, and Tel Aviv. As for its security implications, the Accords leads to a redefinition of the regional order and a new blocking of power in Hebrew-Arabic countries and the coalition against the Islamic Republic of Iran.

One of the effective factors in the formation and continuation of political currents in a country is the existence of a necessary intellectual framework based on which different dimensions of social life are defined and drawn by that current. In other words, issues such as how to better manage human society, important priorities of social life that should be considered in planning, the characteristics of senior managers of society, the basis of decisions and general orientations of the political system and individuals in such a group, put a person in a special current. This phrase means that there is a close connection between the current of thought and political currents.Every political current is based on an idea and ideology that is presented by its activists and leaders, and the followers of these currents also obey it and provide the necessary ground for its expansion. In a way, sometimes the combination of these three things - ideology, leaders and followers - leads to the formation of a social movement. The basis of any movement depends on the beliefs of its followers and leaders, and ideology acts as the basis for the cohesion of movements and defines their goals.In the history of Iran from the Constitutional Revolution to the Islamic Revolution, various political currents have emerged, which this article refers to the intellectual framework of each of these currents using a descriptive-analytical method.

The valayat-e faqih theory holds significant political weight as a cornerstone of Imam Khomeini's ideology concerning the governance of Islamic society during Imam Masoom's (AS) absence. Furthermore, he stands as the sole jurist who successfully established an Islamic government grounded in this theory, furnishing it with an impartial appearance, thus providing the initial instance of jurist dominion over society. The primary inquiry of this article pertains to whether Imam Khomeini's political ideology underwent any transformation over the extensive period spanning from the 1950s to the Islamic Revolution and his tenure as the leader of the Islamic Republic. To answer this question, the content of Imam Khomeini's two books “Keshf Asrar” and “Valayat–e Faqih” has been scrutinized and analyzed using the descriptive-analytical method. The research hypothesis posits that in both of the aforementioned books, Imam Khomeini formulated the theory of velayat-e faqih. Furthermore, in both texts, he affirms imprtial Mujtahid as the complete successor of Imam Masoom during the era of occultation. Hence, despite the fact that Imam Khomeini articulated distinct facets of his political philosophy at various junctures in accordance with the circumstances of the time and location—two fundamental components of ijtihad, in his estimation—the structure of his political philosophy has remained unchanged since the 1950s until his demise. The conceptual underpinning that drives Imam Khomeini's ideas in both volumes is the Shi'ite perspective on the proper conduct of adherents in the presence of an oppressive monarch. The foundational tenet of this school is the rejection of collaboration with an oppressive sovereign, barring specific circumstances that authorize such cooperation. This foundation can elucidate the political ideology and conduct of Imam Khomeini during his various political eras, including the intensity and feebleness of his opposition to the Pahlavi regime.

Waqf [a system of land-based charitable endowment], as rooted in historical and religious traditions in Iran and the Islamic world, has always been a topic of interest for believers, philanthropists, statesmen, and of course those who have benefited from it in different social groups and classes. For a long time, the mechanisms of waqf as a non-governmental and traditional institution have been very influential on various social, political, economic, and cultural structures. Today, with the introduction of the idea of small government and big civil society, these institutions have the potential for attracting renewed attention to revise their internal and external mechanisms and to revitalize their functionality. The main question of this study is as follow: from the standpoint of New Institutionalism, how does waqf as a Sharia-based, society-centered, andnon-governmental institution affect political participation? Our hypothesis is that the practice of waqf facilitates higher degrees of political participation sinceas a non-governmental institution, it takes up some of the responsibilities of the state for social justice, and with a philanthropy that is based in piety and humanism, it contributes to the distribution of wealth and resources. Indeed we can account for different aspects of this mechanism by re-reading the concept of waqf andits historical background from the perspective of New Institutionalism. This research tries to help represent this neglected field by using a qualitative-conceptual method. Findings of this study portrayWaqf in three ways; "Social participation" through focusing on health care, "economic participation" through donations and welfare services, and "political participation" through cultural-educational functions, especially for the needy and disadvantaged groups Governance helps and has the talent to serve as a model of efficient and community-based governance.

The Abraham Accords was concluded the aim of normalizing relations between the Arab states and Israel at the initiative of Donald Trump in order to curb Iran's strategies. Iran's geographical proximity to Arab countries and Israel in West Asia and Iran's military power are considered to be the factors behind the signing of the Ibrahim Pact. The necessity of strengthening and consolidating the Ibrahim Pact provided the ground for the foreign ministers of Egypt, the UAE, Bahrain and the Maghreb to meet in the Negev in the south of occupied Palestine. This meeting has been arranged for the purpose of consolidating this agreement, resolving differences between the members, and also reaching an understanding to reach a joint statement on how Iran's regional behavior will be and prevent Iran's influence. In this research, an attempt is made to evaluate the theoretical approach in the threat balance model, the contexts, goals and strategic effects of the Negev meeting on the Ibrahim Treaty. Therefore, the main question is: What impact has the Negev meeting had on the Ibrahim Pact from a strategic point of view? The results of the research show that the Negev meeting, from a strategic point of view, seeks to consolidate and consolidate the Abraham Pact and redefine the new order of the Arab and Israeli governments in confronting Iran in the turbulent region of West Asia. This research has used the analytical descriptive research method and has chosen the theoretical model of threat balance as its theoretical framework.

The decision-making process about security issues in the Islamic Republic of Iran is centralized in nature. Iran is considered among the countries that have a centralized political and security structure. Therefore, such a country has various formations of devices, institutions and processes that organize and implement security policy. Processes are intertwined in nature. Decision-making processes with a bureaucratic approach are given less attention. In this regard, each country, in accordance with its values, ideals, goals and national interests, takes steps to determine the necessary and appropriate processes for security policymaking, but the issue of security It is not simply possible, but this requires paying attention to the basics and analytical elements of security in each system. For example, the security issue of each assumed unit is related to its values, ideals, security reference and threats. The type of applied-developmental research and its method is descriptive-analytical.The purpose of this article is to explain the security policy in the political thought of Ayatollah Seyyed Ali Khamenei with emphasis on the existing opportunities and challenges. In order to achieve this purpose, the statements, letters, rulings and orders of the leadership, which are the intellectual reference of this issue, have been used. In this regard, His Holiness's statements in the field of the research topic were studied with the full number method and interviews were conducted with 20 elites and experts on the subject. Also, 110 questionnaires were distributed among the statistical sample population.

With the martyrdom of the commander of Quds Force by America, the concept of harsh revenge by Ayatollah Khamenei as a plan and also a deterrent demand at various levels such as software overcoming the absurd and arrogant hegemony, the expulsion of America from the West Asian region, bloodlust and revenge against The murderers of Amin were brought up to kill Martyr Soleimani and his companions. This research with a descriptive-analytical method aims to answer this question: in the thought of Ayatollah Khamenei, what are the ways to realize hard revenge? Based on the investigation and study of his intellectual system and defense thought, the opposite results have been obtained: some of the results obtained are: the realization of harsh revenge based on the military dimension, including: strategic depth, comprehensive deterrence, the principle of balance of threat and harsh response, and the realization of harsh revenge In the scientific and technological dimension (software dominance), it includes: the principle of institutionalization, futurism and scientific sociology, scientific innovation, production of science and technology, and breaking scientific boundaries and breaking the monopoly of each of the advanced technologies are important. Also, another way to realize hard revenge is knowledge-based defense, a defense that is composed of soft and hard power tools.

During the leadership of Ayatollah Khamenei, the Islamic Republic of Iran has faced many crises and incidents, among which the November 2019 crisis was one of the most challenging and controversial crises, which was caused by internal opponents with the support and support of global arrogance and complicity and had many consequences for the Islamic Republic. However, with the support of the Iranian nation and the management of the supreme leader of the revolution, overcame this crisis. Reviewing the crisis, examining and explaining the management of the Supreme Leader in containing the mentioned crisis is an inevitable necessity, and the results can be useful for persisting the path and avoiding possible mistakes, as well as providing a model of crisis management based on the leadership of the Islamic society. The method of conducting the research is descriptive and analysis of content and theme in qualitative manner. In the current research, we are looking for an answer to this main question, and that is, how did the Supreme Leader of the Islamic Revolution manage the social and security crisis of November 2019? In response to this question, in this article, the theme and content of the leadership's statements and positions in the said crisis were analyzed by examining the components of crisis and crisis management in theoretical discussions. The results indicate that the leadership relied on the strategies of: "persuasion of public opinion," "mobilization of popular masses," and "use of legal tools" to managed and controlled the 2008 crisis.

The research aims to study the rise and fall reasons of the Qajar dynasty, with historical study and the descriptive-analytical method. Its emphasis is on the causes and factors of the decline and fall of this government based on Ibn Khaldoun's theory. Ibn Khaldun's theory has been chosen as a theoretical framework; By mentioning this point that in explaining the rise and fall of contemporary governments, including Qajar, it is necessary to revise this theory and consider new factors in this regard. For this purpose, in addition to evaluating and updating Ibn Khaldun's theoretical indicators such as nervousness, patronage, and types of corruption, attention has been paid to the new factors that are effective in the stability and especially in the fall of governments in the contemporary era, including foreign intervention and new technologies. The findings of the research compiled based on authentic historical documents show that the origin and continuation of Qajar with Ibn Khaldun's theory and its decline and fall with Neo-Khaldun's theory can be studied and explained more accurately, and they are more compatible with the existing facts and historical evidence.

Investigating and finding the cause of the emergence of states and their decline and fall has been one of the most important issues for thinkers. One of these thinkers is Ibn Khaldun, a Muslim thinker of the eighth century who, after extensive historical studies, presented his theory under the title of new construction science. This theory can explain the rise and fall of past states. But can this theory also explain the rise and fall of contemporary states? In response, it can be said that despite the fact that the indicators (factors) set by Ibn Khaldun about the rise and fall of states, which were formulated with a realistic view, were trans−temporal and are still used today, However, considering the change of zealotry and the emergence of new zealotry, as well as the role of international organizations and foreign states, as well as new technologies, especially the media, in the emergence, stability and fall of states, this theory should be revised to apply this theory. And more realistically provide the rise and fall of contemporary states based on this theory.

Imamate is a desirable Islamic political thought from the perspective of Shiism. The content of the Imamate idea is "Vilayah". The concept of Vilayah, both in the time of the presence and in the time of the absence of the Infallible Imam, defines the relationship between the Imam and the People. If this relationship is implemented, the "Vilayah system" will be formed. The school of Hajj Qasim is the school of the Vilayah and the school of the Qur'an, and most of the sentences and speeches of this martyr of Islam are in fact a translation of the verses of the Qur'an and the basic principles proposed in the thought of Imam Khomeini. Hajj Qasim was first and foremost a sincere servant of God and for this reason he was able to achieve true mysticism. He considered himself mortal in this position and did not consider himself an independent being and a self-founded will, but he was a sincere servant who sought to discover the command of his master and to implement the will of his master, and in this way he did not give up. This feature was the main essence of Hajj Qasim's character and all other aspects of his personality were ruled by this dimension and for this reason he considered himself a soldier of God. Haj Qasim's vilayah stems from this pure source that in anthropology he has considered himself a slave and a soldier. For this reason, Hajj Qasim devotes all his efforts to defending the path of the Vilayah, and although he does not consider military service to be in line with his morale in terms of personal taste; But in order to carry out his duties of servitude and military service, he chooses jihad in the way of his master, as his main job. In order to study the position of the Vilayah in Haj Qasem Soleimani's school, this article has analyzed the text of Martyr Soleimani's will as the most complete, most valid and the last surviving document of that martyr, using content analysis method. The results of this study show that Vilayah is the most frequent concept in the school of Martyr Soleimani. If we draw the school of Hajj Qasim as a triangle, one of its sides is Vilayah and the other two sides are God-centered and jihad in the way of God to save God's creatures. Thus, although Vilayah is one of the sides of the Hajj Qasim triangular school, the other two sides can be realized with the help of this side and under its leadership. Therefore, the central signifier of Haj Qasim's school is the Vilayah, which has ruled over all his thoughts and behavior from the time of his struggles with the dictatorial regime until the day of his martyrdom on January 3, 2020.

This article studies the discourse of religious democracy in the political thought of Ayatollah Khamenei. Monotheism, human dignity, purposefulness of the world, the origin of the law, and the battle between right and wrong are among the foundations of Ayatollah Khamenei's political thought.People have a decisive place in Ayatollah Khamenei's political thought, which he refers to as Islamic democracy. According to this theory, the role of the people in the Islamic democracy is derived from Islam, and religious democracy is not just a customary contract, but a religious duty in which the people elect the Islamic ruler and decide the fate of the country by their chosen ones. The basis of the people's right to this choice is Islam itself. At the same time, according to the Supreme Leader of the Islamic Revolution, the system of the Islamic democracy is fundamentally different from the liberal democratic system, and that difference is that the Islamic democracy is based on the constitution of Islam, and both the selected conditions and the laws governing the country are derived from Islam. At the same time, the choice of the principle of the Islamic democracy and its ruler is with the vote and will of the nation.Ayatollah Khamenei's theory of Islamic democracy, based on the five pillars of monotheism, human dignity, the purpose of the world, the origin of the law, and the battle between right and wrong, has the potential to become a model of political thought in the Islamic world.

Interaction of political Theory and Action in Shiite political thought and its role in the transformation of the first half of the second Pahlavi (1320-1332) Looking at the historical transformation of Islam, we can distinguish three tendencies about thought and action. The tendency that prioritizes action, the tendency that prioritizes theory over action, and the third tendency to believe in the interaction of theory and political action. Among these, Shiites belong to the third tendency. Throughout history, the Shiites have chosen various approaches, including taqiya, reform, and revolution, in interaction with the political environment. With the approach of the contemporary Shiite period, it has distanced itself from the approaches of taqiyyah and reform, and especially with the emergence of the Pahlavi period in the contemporary history of Iran, it approaches the revolutionary approach and the attempt to form an Islamic government. Here, the main question of the research is what effect did the objective context and transformation of the first Pahlavi period of the second Pahlavi period have on the Shiite political thought in that period and how did this thought affect the political action of the active Shiite scholars in this era? The hypothesis of this article is that the objective context and transformation from 1320 to 1332, which after Reza Khan's efforts to secularize and secularize to marginalize religion and its most important supporter, the clergy, caused changes in Shiite political thought and type of action. It has been done in such a way that these changes, while influencing the political action at that time, provided the grounds for the formation of the Islamic Republic Revolution in 1357

The general process of security policy-making is one of the issues that is associated with governance in all countries and is of special importance, and many countries in the world, well understand the importance of determining this process and by providing appropriate conditions, a special place. Provided for security policies. In this regard, each country in accordance with its national values, ideals, goals and interests, tries to determine the necessary and appropriate processes for security policy, but raising the issue of security is not easily possible, but it requires attention to the basics. And analytical pillars of security in any system. Therefore, considering the need for problem-solving in security policy-making, the present study was written with the aim of presenting a local theory of problem-solving in security policy-making based on the thought system of the Supreme Leader of the Islamic Revolution. The security policies that are the intellectual reference of this issue were used. In this regard, His Holiness's statements in the field of research were studied by numerical method and 20 elites and experts were interviewed. The available written texts and the interviews conducted after the analysis have been put together by inductive method.