malek zolghadr

In recent decades, efforts have been made by the international community as well as at the regional and national levels to manage climate change. In terms of managing this phenomenon, the European Union follows a comprehensive program (European Green Deal) in its list of priorities. The final goal and innovation of this descriptive-analytical article is to present a local model based on the above agreement in Iran. With this main question, is Peyman Sabz able to be localized in our country, considering the climatic conditions and other special conditions of Iran? And the assumption that although the Green Pact is capable of extraterritorial implementation and the legal frameworks of our country support such a model to deal with climate change, but due to the different conditions governing the European Union and Iran, it is simply not possible to model it in our country. As a result, despite the comprehensiveness of this design, it cannot be used as an Iranian version. Climatic differences, the level of technology, the resources of Europe and Iran and finally the huge costs of implementing this plan in our country, especially due to the financial and technical limitations caused by sanctions, make its implementation face serious challenges. Nevertheless, it seems that this plan can be considered as an ideal horizon that can be modified in the native conditions of Iran.

Environmental preservation is a significant global challenge, particularly evident in countries like the Islamic Republic of Iran, where it intersects with economic development and industrialization. This study investigates the "Role Of Macroeconomic Policymaking Of The Governments Of The Islamic Republic Of Iran In Environmental Preservation With A Focus On Economic Development Programs From 1981 To 2021." It explores the policymaking framework, economic measures' impacts, environmental performance, and their interrelations across the first to sixth development plans. The research scrutinizes governmental actions and issues highlighted during various presidential terms. The hypothesis posits that "The environmental policies of the governments of the Islamic Republic of Iran over the past 40 years have been inadequate in infrastructure, standards, security, human rights, and legal environmental usage during the transition to economic development." This study employs a descriptive-analytical approach, utilizing qualitative methods and drawing from library documentation and scientific articles in the process model design phase. Findings are analyzed descriptively, focusing on key economic development indicators such as industrialization, industrial machinery abundance, gross income, unsustainable consumption patterns, population growth, and urbanization's impact on environmental quality and natural resource utilization. This research indicates a direct correlation between economic growth and environmental degradation due to high extraction rates, resource depletion, environmental damage, and governmental neglect of laws and programs, highlighting inadequate government performance in environmental preservation efforts.

During the contemporary political history of Iran, we see the role of many political men. Each of these nobles have adopted different strategies and policies to run the affairs of the country. Among these men, Qavam and Mossadegh, as two prominent and powerful figures, played a decisive role in the political fate of Iran during their prime ministership. The purpose of this research is to investigate the political and social situation of Iran in the governments of Mossadegh and Qavam. The question is whether the policies of the Mossadegh government and the Qawam al-Sultaneh government were different from each other. The research method is library and we reviewed the available information by extracting the vouchers. The findings show that the differences between Mossadegh and Qawam cannot be denied, but their similarities in basic political goals and beliefs, such as constitutionalism and non-institutional perception of politics and politics, are not lacking.

The purpose of the current research is to investigate the factors influencing the closeness of the policies of Qavam and Mossadegh. The method of research was library research and we analyzed them by extracting the available information. It was about maintaining the existing political order along with political reforms and conditioning the institution of the monarchy. In the field of foreign policy, they had the same goals but different methods. Both of them were trained in the Iranian balance school and attached to the balance between the two powers with the goal of independence and national authority. If for the consistency of the balancing presence of the two powers, it could justify the compromise and sometimes deal with the embassies, but Mossadegh had a more ambitious reception. The country's independence and clearing its lap from foreign influence had a value and quasi-religious aspect for him, his passionate and uncompromising nationalism was not the same as Qawam's pragmatic balancing act.

In this research, an attempt has been made to first systematically review previous studies in the field of cyber space policy (studies published from 2010 to 2019). Studies related to the topic of cyber space policy in Persian language were searched in reliable databases in Persian language and after review and writing, they were categorized according to the topic. In the second stage, it was implemented using a qualitative approach and its data was collected through semi-structured interviews with 14 experts in the field of cyber space laws and regulations who had at least five years of experience in this field. Research findings It has been shown that by using the method of analyzing the content of the interviews, the harms of the policy making process in cyberspace were identified and placed in five general categories. The findings showed that the identified harms, which were categorized into five categories, are: causal conditions (spirituality of virtual space, network society and self-motivated collective communication of the development of virtual social networks), background factors (lack of trust, technical aspect and lack of rationality, hindrance to civilization), intervening conditions (easy access of people to communication tools, weak supervision, lack of necessary platforms), strategies (creating a national information network, specifying policy requirements and requirements, promoting policy knowledge, coordination and cooperation devices and the use of experts) and consequences (ability to move, specialization, competition with other social media, native-based services) were discussed.

Branches of international law closely concern international and non-international armed conflicts. So, these principles are tried to be operationalized in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. From the point of view of international law, the disputed region is recognized as a part of the territory of Azerbaijan, and no country has recognized the self-proclaimed Republic of Armenia there. Nagorno-Karabakh region belongs to Azerbaijan from the perspective of international law and based on the resolutions of the Security Council. This study is conducted to examine the legal aspects of the Nagorno-Karabakh crisis, seeking an answer to its legal implications. According to the results, Azerbaijan's rights to maintain its territorial integrity are undeniable and legitimate. However, the actions of the Republic of Azerbaijan, even in the context of defending its territorial integrity, should not pose a threat to the Armenian people of Karabakh. Referring to the acceptance of the principle of territorial integrity regarding the right of nations to self-determination in international law, any action against this principle is not legitimate, and the right to self-determination is accepted as long as the said principle is not violated.

This article examines the role of institutions and political parties in nuclear enrichment during Ahmadinejad's presidency, utilizing an analysis based on David Easton's systems theory. Iran's nuclear programs during Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's presidency were influenced by the complex interactions of various institutions and diverse processes. According to systems theory, these programs encountered inputs such as the support of political parties, the enactment of legislation in the Islamic Consultative Assembly (Parliament), and the formulation of security policies by the Supreme National Security Council and the Ministry of Defense. These institutions played a pivotal role in advancing nuclear technologies by providing financial and security resources. Key processes included the research and development of nuclear technologies by the Atomic Energy Organization and the protection of nuclear facilities by the Ministry of Defense, which led to an increase in uranium enrichment capacity and the fulfillment of domestic energy needs. The outputs of these programs contributed to strengthening national security and reducing dependency on foreign resources. Domestic and international feedback, through continuous performance evaluation and responses to global pressures, resulted in policy improvements and the adaptation of processes to new conditions. This feedback not only identified the strengths and weaknesses of the system but also contributed to the continuous improvement of nuclear programs and the enhancement of international interactions. Overall, the analysis of these processes and feedback highlights the importance of continuous interaction and adaptation in the success of nuclear programs.

The movement of “ethnicism” (in the sense of right - seeking and central demand against The “ethnocentrism “of the dominant ethnic group in Iran) in the form of “Turkish nationalism” is an important par t of political Life in Azerbaijan. This article seeks to trace the roots and causes of the events of the politicization of cultural, racial, linguistic and regional differences in Azerbaijan in the contemporary peried; and especially after the Islamic Revolution to look at both the “primordial” and “modern” approaches to ethnicity. Explaining the ethnic-national political currents of Azerbaijan requires more coplex approaches to the issue of nationality and nation in “general” and nationalism in “particular”. The refore, one of the the ories of Michael Hechter’s scientific model (as a desirable model) with a structural explanation (ie, the effect of the uneven development & regional inequalities) for the analysis of ethnicism in Azerbaijan, forms the skeleton and direction of the article. The present article considers ethnic, cultural and identity diversity in Iran as a great blessing. Because the survival, continuity and width of the Iranian body in different scenes depends on its diversity. However, in the last century, the multi faceted tree of existence, the diverse Iranig culture and identity, has been plagued by wounds of “internal” and “external” origin. The results obtained in this article clearly show the direct effect of indicators and variables derived from the theory of the in the occurrence, emergence and continuation of nationalist and ethnocentr developments in Azerbaijan in the last century.

 Iran's foreign policy strategy towards Iraq after the fall of Saddam has been influenced by various factors, including geography, religion, economy and axis of resistance. Given the US occupation of Iraq, the decline of established government and the army, the particular attitude of the regional countries gradually led to an increase in Iran's regional and global influence in the new Iraq. After the fall of Saddam, Iran's foreign policy in Iraq, on the one hand, shaped security in Iraq, because after Saddam and the fall of the Ba'athist army, the security crisis spread in Iraq. Iran has played a key role in shaping Iraq's new security, including hardware and software security. But on the other hand, the involvement of other regional countries, such as Saudi Arabia, has led to new security crises in Iraq. In fact, Iran's policy in Iraq has had paradoxical effects on national security. As the economic dimension and economic growth and the decline of extremist groups such as ISIS has had positive and capacity-building effects, but in other dimensions such as the support of Iran's regional rivals for the insurgency in Iraq, the survival of extremist groups, authority of the central government have been challenged. 

National resources and incomes have always been one of the most important and vital tools for the formation of a modern government and the advancement of the policy-making process in any society. In this study, with a comparative approach to the study of two important and sensitive events in two periods of contemporary Iranian history, namely the nationalization of Iran's oil industry and access to nuclear energy and the problems created by the political and social structure of Iran, is on the agenda. The emphasis of this research on systems theory has been David Easton by descriptive and analytical methods and data collection has been in the form of library and documentary studies. The results show that the grounds for the nationalization of the oil industry and the implementation of nuclear enrichment in Iran at two different times (1320s and 1380s) Rami must be influenced by the authoritarian and so-called modernist actions of Reza Shah in the personal light and inheritance of power on the one hand He considered the consequences of foreign influence and domination, including the United Kingdom, in the internal affairs of Iran within the framework of the oil industry, and on the other hand, the sanctions and interference of international organizations and economic restrictions of foreign countries in the framework of nuclear energy enrichment. This has led to an increase in demand, which has paved the way for the movement to nationalize oil and enrich nuclear energy.

The United States is an immigration-based country. In fact, unlike countries that have a historical background, this country is based on the migration of Europeans who migrated to this land from their homeland for various political, cultural, social, and economic reasons, and as a result, President Obama's executive action may document millions of immigrants. Not help in the long run to avoid deportation and create permanent life in the United States. Unfortunately, the cost of achieving this correction is very high. DACA was perhaps the most important executive action. A large group of legal experts led by Hiroshi Motomura has played a key role in demonstrating to the government how the legal authority of a program like DACA is to the government. In addition, Senator Marco Rubio unwittingly contributed to the entire effort by signaling to Latin voters that they do not have to bet anything on Obama. Maybe DACA won the election for Obama and created a new interest in the GOP value for Latino voters. The method of this research is descriptive-analytical. The study seeks to provide an appropriate answer to the question, "How do Obama's immigration policies affect US national security?" 9/11 seems to have had a significant impact on US domestic and foreign policy. The study examines the impact of Obama's immigration policies on US national security.

The ethnocentric movement (meaning centralism and right-seeking against the ethnocentrism of the dominant ethnic group in Iran) in the form of Turkish nationalism forms an important part of political life in Azerbaijan. In this article, we try to find out the reasons, causes and roots of politicization of cultural, racial, linguistic and regional differences in present-day Azerbaijan; Especially since the Islamic Revolution - in the "modern approach" to ethnicity and nationalism. the ethnic-national political currents or the analysis of ethnicity in Azerbaijan, one of the theories of Michael Hechter's scientific model is: The effect of arithmetic and rational selection (with non-structural explanation) is used. The results of this article show the direct effect of the indicators and variables derived from the theory of "rational choice" or "principle of balance of benefit" of Hechter's model on the emergence and continuation of "ethnicism" and "nationalism in Azerbaijan" in the last century. The ethnocentric movement (meaning centralism and right-seeking against the ethnocentrism of the dominant ethnic group in Iran) in the form of Turkish nationalism forms an important part of political life in Azerbaijan. In this article, we try to find out the reasons, causes and roots of politicization of cultural, racial, linguistic and regional differences in present-day Azerbaijan; Especially since the Islamic Revolution - in the "modern approach" to ethnicity and nationalism. the ethnic-national political currents or the analysis of ethnicity in Azerbaijan, one of the theories of Michael Hechter's scientific model is,

 In this research, to explain the influential factors on decision-making in the foreign policy area of the 2nd Pahlavi reign, we study the official decision-makers during the era. This research, based on the James Rosenau model, separates and examines the five elements considered in this model, that is the Individual, Participatory, Governmental, Social and International elements. In doing so, the actors of the foreign policy arena in this period are recognized and their power, and amount of influencibility of each other are explored in the form of the Rosenau’s five variables. Tyranny in decision-making in this period reduced the role of other elements such as the bureaucratic decision-makers of the country’s foreign policy (the Judiciary, court, and the Parliament) and the activities of these institutes were merely summarized in approving the Shah’s orders. The decision-makers saw themselves responsible against the individual (Shah) according to the principles, policy line and organizational rules, and the criteria for promoting persons were not based on qualification, but based on loyalty to the Shah. To the author, in these decisions , the foreign policy sphere was influenced by cognitive elements and were mostly adopted by the Shah, and among the five variables involved , the variable of person and after that the international system had the most influence in adopting decisions of foreign policy.

The political stalemate between Iran and America, with the Islamic revolution and the continuation of the conflict filled with the separation of relations between the two countries, after the passage of four decades, raises this question for the wisdom of the questioner, that according to the historical development of Iran and America. and the multiplication of regional interests, along with taking into account the opportunities that have arisen to restore and improve the relations between the two countries and its impact on the Middle East, why, entering the fifth decade of the revolution, the diplomatic channels of the two countries are still blocked. What variables affect this issue, in this article it has been investigated that there is a link between the conflict between Iran and America on the one hand and the Palestinian conflict or in other words the Middle East peace process, a link is intertwined that the resolution of the conflict between Iran and America is tied to the Middle East peace process, on the other hand, it is very difficult, if not impossible, to end the conflict between Israel and the Palestinians without the agreement of the Islamic Republic of Iran, so it is focused on these complications in the era of Obama and Trump. An explanatory method has been used to analyze the relationship between variables, and the method of data collection is library and documentation.

In this article, the author compares the policies of Ghavam and Mossadegh governments towards critical or opposition groups based on the group model, and presents the political analysis and differences of Ghavam and Mossadegh, which seeks to answer the question of whether the government Did Ghavam and Mossadegh pursue the same policies towards the opposition groups based on the group model, or were their policies different from each other? Mossadegh and Qawam's favorable conception of the constitution was the result of maintaining the existing political order alongside political reforms and conditionalizing the monarchy. In the field of foreign policy, Mossadegh and Ghavam had the same goals but different methods. Both were trained in the Iranian school of balance and attached to a balance between the two powers with the aim of independence and national authority. The differences between Mossadegh and Qawam can not be denied, but their similarities, especially in basic political goals and beliefs such as constitutionalism and the national government, and the non-institutional conception of politics and politics. In order to prove the inefficiency of Western political science, this article describes and explains these aspects and gives examples of shortcomings in Western theories as an example of this inefficiency.In order to prove the inefficiency of Western political science, this article describes and explains these three directions and gives examples of shortcomings in Western theories as an example of this inefficiency in these three directions.

Norway has implemented resources using three separate government bodies: the government to administer policy, a regulatory body to establish oversight, and technical and industrial expertise. Norway's success in hydrocarbon management prompted the development of institutions to consider whether Norway's example of separate government practices should be recommended for other oil-producing countries. Examining the country that has widely used different methods in this area, we concluded that the separation is not a prerequisite for the development of oil fields. Countries that have implemented segregation of functions are characterized by strong political competition and greater institutional capacity. Leaders who are not challenged, are capable of delivering political and commercial regulatory action using the same institution. Until such capacity is developed, countries with active political competition but limited institutional capacity have greater challenges in‌ improving the oil sector. Domain control that is not possible but segregation of functions is often difficult to implement.

The most important goals of the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran are stated in the 20-year vision document (Horizon 1404) of the country so that the foreign policy apparatus is obliged to act in accordance with these goals and policies. Given the proximity of the horizon in this policy and the need to evaluate the performance of the last 8 years of Hassan Rouhani's government, this study was conducted to evaluate the foreign policy of the eleventh and twelfth governments in accordance with the vision document of the Islamic Republic of Iran 1404. By adopting a descriptive-analytical method, this research seeks to present an evaluation model, while explaining the foreign policy goals of the 20-year vision document of Iran, the performance of the country's foreign policy apparatus during the years 1392-1400 in relation to the nuclear case and the rise of ISIL. Corona pandemic to examine and evaluate relations with the West and the East and the countries of the region, etc. The results and findings of the study indicate that in the discussion of compliance of the performance of the eleventh and twelfth governments with the 20-year vision document 1404, it can not be conclusively claimed compliance or non-compliance. However, cases of compliance compliance can include: "Relations with the East", "Relations and Confrontation with the United States", "Measures related to the rise of ISIS and international terrorism" and cases of non-compliance include: "Nuclear issue and BRICS",

In Iran, oil as a source of energy, life, and economy of the people has influenced the country and it has been recognized as the agent of the national credit and engine of economic growth and the country's largest source of revenue. Oil resources have been an important part of the state revenues. The significant role of oil can be detected clearly by a simple comparison between the revenues from oil export and revenues from non-oil export. It is also highly dependent on oil revenues. This research recognizes the negative effects of oil on the economy and finally shows an appropriate strategy to resolve the current situation. The results of the study suggest the best way to avoid negative impacts of oil on Iran's economy. Considering Norway's experiences in this area, the establishment of the National Wealth Fund is an appropriate way.

In order to explain the factors affecting foreign policy decision-making of Iran during the Pahlavi II period, the author examines the reasons for the adoption of some decisions in this period. According to James Rosena’s Model, the present research investigates five factors, namely, individual, role, government, social and international during the Pahlavi II period. In this regard, the four important and influential decisions of this period, namely de-escalation of tensions with the Soviet Union, the crisis in Bahrain and its transfer, Iran's behavior in the oil crisis of 1967 and 1973 and Iran's military action in Oman as indicators, selected, reviewed and the impact of each of the five variables discussed above are examined. According to the author, in this period, foreign policy decisions were influenced by cognitive elements and were generally made by the Shah himself. The cognitive system has been mainly influenced by the personality and temperaments of the Shah and in order to achieve the specific intellectual design of the person, among the variables involved, the individual variable and then the international system variable had the greatest impact on foreign policy decisions.

After the election of Ahmadinejad as president, foreign policy changed, and this change became evident not only in domestic politics but also in foreign policy. Especially in nuclear policy, it pursued a policy of inflexibility and incompatibility. The purpose of writing this article is to answer the question of what factors c a u sed the incompatibility and disregard for Security Council resolutions by the ninth and tenth governments in nuclear policy, according to the decision-making model of the James N.Rosenau Accession Plan, and our aim is to prove this. It is hypothesized that according to James N. Rosenau's decision-making model, the factor (international environment-political system) has been more e ff ective than other factors (individual-role-society) in incompatibility and in adopting Ahmadinejad's policy of resistance in nuclear policy.

The internationalization of higher education has been identified as a priority and necessity for universities in the country. The purpose of this study was to investigate the role of faculty members in internationalization of medical universities in Iran.

In this qualitative study using grounded theory through literature review and semi-structured interviews with 20 experts, the role of faculty members was identified and a questionnaire by 124 experts with qualitative theory was used. Structural equation modeling analysis method was determined.

Four factors were identified as individual competencies, teaching and research activities, empowerment and teacher mobility along with 28 indicators. Based on the first and second order factor analysis. The indexes of fitness measurement of final model showed that Chi-square ratio to the degree of freedom (CMIN/DF) equals 2.092. Furthermore, the value of the index of square root of reminder squares mean (RMSE(, equals 0.54. The value of goodness of fit index (GFI), adjusted goodness of fit index (AGFI), correlation of fit index (CFI), normalized fit index of Bentler Bonette (NNFI), fit index of Toker – Loise (TLI), increased fit index (IFI), and relative fit index (RFI) in the presented model is higher than 90%, so the data of this study fit the factor structure of this scale.

Faculty members play a key role in the internationalization of medical universities in Iran, and university management should facilitate the process of internationalization through organizational support, participatory management, and investment through professors.

 Iran's foreign policy strategy towards Iraq after the fall of Saddam has been influenced by various factors, including geography, religion, economy and axis of resistance. Given the US occupation of Iraq, the decline of established government and the army, the particular attitude of the regional countries gradually led to an increase in Iran's regional and global influence in the new Iraq. After the fall of Saddam, Iran's foreign policy in Iraq, on the one hand, shaped security in Iraq, because after Saddam and the fall of the Ba'athist army, the security crisis spread in Iraq. Iran has played a key role in shaping Iraq's new security, including hardware and software security. But on the other hand, the involvement of other regional countries, such as Saudi Arabia, has led to new security crises in Iraq. In fact, Iran's policy in Iraq has had paradoxical effects on national security. As the economic dimension and economic growth and the decline of extremist groups such as ISIS has had positive and capacity-building effects, but in other dimensions such as the support of Iran's regional rivals for the insurgency in Iraq, the survival of extremist groups, authority of the central government have been challenged

In previous presidential elections, the TV debate had an important role in the election process. The TV debates reflected the power of candid-ates’ rhetoric that had a deep influence on the mentality of the citizens. The phenomenon emerged in the 2013 elections. The success of Rohani was because of the conveyance of good message, loud voice and populist rhetoric. He won in 2013 election due to its success in TV debates. The success in TV debate depends on the presence of mind and power of expression. Therefore, the main question of the article is: to what extent did a power of expression contribute to success of preside-ntial candidates in the 2013 presidential election? The hypothesis of the article would be: the word of President Rohani due to its kind of speech, the motivation of citizens, political vitality and hope of solving problems led to his victory.