جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « اهل سنت » در نشریات گروه « علوم سیاسی »

One of the distinctive features of contemporary political jurisprudence is the detection of new concepts in the jurisprudence heritage and their re-evaluation according to current requirements. Allegiance is one of the basic concepts and the most important element in the contemporary Sunni political jurisprudence system, which according to them, has a special place due to its harmony with modern ideas, as well as evidence in Islamic texts, as well as public and elite acceptance. . By explaining the concept of allegiance to the democratic ruler, they referred it to the contract between the ruler and the people and presented two interpretations of representation and representation of the Ummah. The current research, using the method of content analysis with the approach of developmental research, while ignoring the historical background of the fulfillment of allegiance, aims to answer the question of how the conceptual capacity and potential of allegiance in enduring the democratic tendency can be evaluated and explained. ? The finding of the research is that in terms of analyzing the degree of resilience of this concept in relation to the democratic trend, some challenges and bottlenecks such as the validity of the pledge of allegiance, the incompatibility of this analysis with the Quranic application and also the ambiguity among the people of marriage and marriage, the number And there are conditions that come close to the attitude of elitism and elite domination.

In the last century, following the collapse of the Ottoman Empire and the theoretical, conceptual and field developments in the Islamic world, a suitable opportunity was created to play the role of various types of Sunni Islamism, including the Ikhwan al muslimeen, Hamas, Islamic Jihad, Salafism, Wahhabi and Salafism Jihadi (such as Al-Qaeda and ISIS) etc. at national and international levels.Of course, most of these movements failed to achieve their goals, but this did not remove them from the scene of regional and international activism. Rather, in cases like the Taliban, we have witnessed their return to power. Or the Ikhwan al muslimeen is always fluctuating in the dynamic between social action and political action and the anti-occupation movements have also strengthened the resistance front. The main question of this article is what is the current situation of the Sunni Islamists and where is their position in the Arab world. Which was examined through future study and extracting the drivers, uncertainties, drivers and understanding the side and direction and discursive space of Sunni Islamism, and based on this, the upcoming scenarios have been drawn.

Knowing the future and creating an image of it in the present is one of the duties of managers and policy makers of countries; Creating the desired knowledge should be done with the help of appropriate forecasting and analysis methods. Certainly, the more reliable the above methods are, the more important the analysis and prediction results will be. Analysis and forecasting methods are different. Meanwhile, scenario creation is one of the methods of future study and security analysis, which is the result of many researchers' studies in the analysis of security incidents. Based on scenario building, these researchers tried to understand security events and later they used this method in civilian and economic issues as well. Nowadays, scenario building is one of the important methods in formulating national security strategies. Therefore, considering the importance and necessity of the coordination and coherence of the country's strategic management in the fields of interaction with the Sunnis and its role in the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran, under the title of future scenarios of the influence of religious minorities in the national security of J.A., it tries to use a scientific approach while The drawing of the mentioned scenarios will provide a relatively comprehensive view to the decision-makers and decision-makers in the Sunni area
In order to create the necessary preparations for the start of the scenario writing process, first, the scenario writing team consisting of experts in various fields, stakeholders and future researchers, as well as the bank of experts, was formed, and then the issue of scenario writing was explained.At first, the issues and influencing factors in the formation of the future of the Sunnis and its effect on the promotion of the national security of the Islamic Republic are mentioned. These factors have been obtained during the study and review of previous researches and backgrounds, theoretical literature, as well as interviews with experts and a number of key players in different Sunni fields. In the following, these factors have been presented in the form of a questionnaire to experts and specialists in various fields to comment on their influence on the future of Sunnis. By summarizing the opinions and holding a panel of experts, 19 main factors were identified among these factors, which were provided to them separately in the second round of asking for opinions from experts to determine the importance and uncertainty of each. For the second round, it has been tried to get the participation of first-level experts who have a holistic and comprehensive approach to the issue of social messengers in the theoretical field and who are key actors in this field. The results of surveying experts' opinions determined the importance and uncertainty of each of the factors and their ranking, and in another panel, by analyzing the content of these factors, we found two main factors and key uncertainty that form the main framework and structure of the scenarios. By considering two modes for each of these key uncertainties and their intersection, four scenarios are formed, which after forming and evaluating them, have been introduced and written as the main scenarios for the future of Ahl al-Sunni and its effect on improving the national security of the Islamic Republic. According to the results of the conducted research, it seems that the conducted research can be considered as the beginning and the first scientific and practical step to manage the atmosphere of uncertainty in the future of the Sunnis of Iran and its effect on the promotion of national security, which is within the limits of the possibilities and difficulties caused by the limitations. access and has been able to visualize the future of Iran's Sunnis and its effect on improving national security with four scenarios, the summary of the drawn scenarios is as follows:The first scenario, which is the ideal scenario of the thesis, will be implemented when the regional power increases and the concerns and threats to Iran's territorial security in the borders decrease, and the elites and symbols of ethnic, scientific, artistic, sports, etc., Sunni citizens are in favor of national convergence. Currently, the nations and some governments of the neighboring countries emphasize the pivotal role of the Islamic Republic of Iran and declare their sense of security and survival in the win-win game and companionship with the Islamic Revolution of Iran.
The second scenario happens when the extreme and deviant movements of Shia have infiltrated the governing and non-governing structures, including various government institutions and bodies, and the ground has been prepared for the increase in the activity of sects and extremist Shia movements.
The third scenario occurs when the tension between Iran and some reactionary countries, including the United States, on the Persian Gulf has increased. Terrorist groups in the western and eastern borders of the country have put approximate scholars and regime affiliates on their agenda.
The fourth scenario happens when the pressures and cruel sanctions against the Iranian nation have increased, and Shia and Sunni extremist groups have succeeded in creating propaganda and terrorist cells inside the society and have threatened the national security of the Islamic Republic. In this scenario, on the one hand, due to the lack of presence of the elites and close people in the government body, they have established a non-confrontational mechanism between Shiites and Sunnis.
Although the Islamic Republic of Iran is a national society in general, it is a composite society in which there is a lot of diversity, multiplicity and multiplicity. This wide spectrum includes the set of elements that form the ethnic, racial, cultural, linguistic, religious and religious composition of the country. From a religious point of view, Iranian society is a plural society; In the sense that the population structure in Iran is faced with the phenomenon of ethnic and cultural pluralism as well as religious and religious pluralism. In this sense, although the official religion of the country is Islam and the official religion is Shiism, alongside the majority of Shiite Muslims, there are many religious and religious minorities who form a considerable number both in terms of quantity and in terms of the intensity of religious affiliations and tendencies. They have a loyal and helpful following. This issue by itself can be considered as a platform for reducing the acculturation factor and social cohesion of the society; Therefore, it is necessary to maintain solidarity and national unity, vigilance and long-term policies based on the first scenario to properly manage this issue.

The rule of obligation is one of the indisputable rules of jurisprudence and the sure thing of this rule is that there is a difference between two people in religion, one of whom is an imam of the religion and the other is a public or follower of other religions or sects. According to other narrations and evidences that express the provisions of the rule of obligation, they say: If a transaction or contract according to the Sunni religion or other sects takes place correctly and with conditions, even if it is void according to the Shiite religion of the Imams according to the requirements Provisions of the rule of obligation, a Shiite person can arrange the effects of correctness on that action and compel a non-Imam person to accept the necessity of his action. Although this rule has little application in private law, it is not without legal benefit as the scope of the rule in various schools of jurisprudence, in addition to Islamic and divine religions, also includes non-divine and non-religious religions - such as polytheists and idolaters. شد .Islam has always treated other religions with dignity and justice, and has commanded adherence to contracts and covenants between Muslims and non-Muslims, and has long emphasized the need to respect the rights of their personal status.

The purpose of this study is to critique the principles and arguments of the theory of Khalafullah, the Egyptian modernist and one of the successors of Al-Manar intellectual circle. Relying on the ijtihad principles of the Arab reformers and based on the use of Quranic words and related religious rules, while depriving the Prophet (PBUH) of the position of sovereignty, he believes that after the end of prophethood, by handing over worldly affairs such as governing society to human reason, Rulings are a general interest that is recognized by experts (the people of the settlement: the first order). This theory has inspired some contemporary Arab and Iranian thinkers on the idea of "removing religion from government." The findings of this research, which was done in a descriptive-analytical method based on Quranic verses and using Sunni sources, show that this theory is based on artificial rules and unscientific analyzes and is based on strong evidence from the book and tradition. is not. Interpretive interpretations of Khalafullah are also interpretations of opinions; The conclusion is that Khalafullah and his associates, despite their modern thinking on the formation of the state in the Islamic society, were still indebted to the classical Sunni thought in the authority of the word of the people of the Qur'an and their difference is only in the new and systematic reading of this thought based on incorrect interpretation of the Qur'an and rules. Which does not have a solid Quranic basis.

Sunnis in the Islamic Republic are one of the cultural groups which have influences in social relations. Cultural groups have many different capabilities, if we have good interactions whit them, we can benefit these capabilities, but if the interactions with them was not based on principles, it results in divergence. So, if we want to design appropriate strategies the first step is Understanding the general policies of the Islamic Republic in related with them.
In the present study, we seek to discover and explain the general policies of the Islamic Republic from the perspective of Ayatollah Khamenei as the Supreme Leader of the Islamic Republic in interaction with Sunnis. This study has been done with the grounded theory method and the data has been collected from his lectures, messages, commands and his political behaviors a bout Sunnis.
In general, it can be said that the main axis of his thought is unity, which includes various dimensions.

The great powers, such as the US, seek to advance their policies in the region, especially in key countries such as Iraq, by influencing the components of power. This is while the political situation after the formation of the new Iraq (2003-2020) has developed in such a way that the currents of identity have enjoyed a growing role and Challenges arising from identity rivalries have acted in a variety of forms such as state-building or even disrupting political stability. However, recognizing the role and position of identity currents and how to identify them in a situation where there is virtually no clear vision for a US presence in the region has become doubly important.The present article examines the role of identity currents in Iraq in a descriptive-analytical manner and in the framework of Rosena Chaos Theory and it answers the question, what strategy has the United States prioritized over the nation-state in Iraq, given the intermediate variables of identity currents? Hypothesis: The United States, understanding the growing role of identity movements, has sought to undermine existing structures in Iraq by shaping a set of identity challenges and creating socio-political irregularities. Paved the way for the realization of the model of a failed state and provided the conditions for the continuation of its interventions in Iraq. Findings Utilizing soft power such as media and virtual tools to create political, economic, and social destabilization (such as riots and street protests) is part of the strategy of a failed state in Iraq.

New Salafism in Sunni thought and revival in Shia thought and their different interpretations are among the most important issues of Islamic world’s philosophers. Among the thinkers that have analyzable thoughts, are Yusuf al-Qaradawi and martyr Morteza Motahari. This study uses the descriptive-analytical method and comparative approach to answer the main question: what are the similarities and differences between Sunni New Salafism thoughts and Shia revival thoughts? Comparing the thoughts of these two scholars shows their interpretative similarities and differences of Islam. The comparison shows that these two thoughts both believe in the universality of Islam. The belief in necessity of establishing an Islamic government is also seen in both of these thoughts, although their viewpoints differ in the form of government. Martyr Motahari and Qaradawi believe that the separation of religion and politics is alien to Islam. Accepting democracy and freedom is among the similarities of their viewpoints, although a difference in the nature of Islamic democracy and western democracy is interpreted. Accepting women’s laws is one of their similarities. They also emphasize on invalidity of nationalism in Islam.

Heresy in narrations is often opposed to Shari'a and Sunnah, and its purpose is to do something that is contrary to Islamic Shari'a and the Prophetic Sunnah. It was later popularized by Ibn Taymiyyah and his disciple Ibn Qayyim and continued in the last century by Muhammad ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab as a special religion and practice in society. Salafis - from Ibn Taymiyyah to Wahhabism, al-Qaeda and ISIS - claiming the existence of polytheistic worship, polytheism and polytheism, polytheistic intercession and pilgrimage of Muslims consider Muslims immersed in polytheistic heresies and finally the majority of Muslim heresies as heretics And they know the denominator of the nation and the cause of jurisprudential infidelity.The perpetrators of Shara are considered polytheists and, as a result, their blood and property are considered lawful. Therefore, the heretics create doubts in the beliefs of the people and create false sects and currents, causing inefficiency and avoidance of religion, and what harm is greater than changing the identity of religious communities and losing all their assets, while protecting and transferring It's a huge cost to the future. The present article examines the critical analysis of Salafist views on the criteria of heresy and the research method in this study is library.

The purpose of this study was to investigate and explain the changes and developments in the process of theorizing Velayat-e-Faqih in the second period of the Islamic Republic. Using a "trend analysis model" and a descriptive-analytical method, this study showed that after the changes in the constitution, the process of ideation about Velayat-e-Faqih due to factors such as: legitimacy of Velayat-e-Faqih, openness of public sphere, strengthening religious institutions and emerging issues, It has found a new direction, and Issues such as: the nature of the legitimacy of Velayat-e-Faqih, the relationship of Velayat-e-Faqih with the constitution, the consequences of absolute Velayat-e-Faqih, Velayat-e-Faqih or representation of citizenship, Velayat-e-Faqih or supervision of Faqih and reinterpretation of Absolute Velayat-e-Faqih have been discussed in public. Restrictive factors such as the continuation of stabilization of the Islamic Republic period and formal and informal opposition in this period are also considered as obstacles to ideation in the field of Velayat-e-Faqih.

Discourse analysis of the Supreme leader about SunnisIslamic Republic of Iran is one of the countries with religious diversity . There are different approaches to religious diversity in Iran . Some scholars have identified this diversity as a threat to the country and some researchers have an opportunity to approach this phenomenon . According to foundations of the Islamic Republic of Iran , religious diversity is an opportunity to interact with the Islamic world , but this diversity may serve as a platform for exerting pressure on foreigners . Accordingly, protection the Sunnis as opportunity requires clever policy making . Policy making has many stages and understanding policy discourse is one of the key stages in policy design . Extraction of the Supreme Leader's Discourse as One of the basis of policy making in the Islamic Republic of Iran is necessary for entering to policy making . On this basis , this article attempts to elaborate on the discourse of the supreme leader about Sunnis . To achieve this goal , Practical Discourse Analysis Method (PDAM) has been used . In this paper , by using this model , three stages of description, interpretation and explanation are performed based on 5 dimensions analysis of the statistical population sample layers (from level to depth) . Discourse analysis of the Supreme Leader of the Revolution shows that the nodal point for the discourse of the supreme leader of the revolution is the umma of Islamic unit and the confrontation with the system of domination and other components , such as the rejection of discriminatory religious views , the preservation of unity , and the opportunity to recognize the Sunnis as other essential point of discourse are recognizable .

One example of Islamic Government is religious democracy, based on the key elements of Islam and the people. Religious democracy is able to accommodate different shapes by coming in the form of Shiites and Sunnis Ideas. In Iran after the victory of the Islamic Revolution, one of its forms has been designed and realized and could inspire the Muslim Ummah to integrate to form the "unity of the Islamic Ummah." If we consider the main factors for the realization of religious democracy in such categories as sovereignty, people, the relation of religion and politics, reason, leadership and justice we can by recognizing the Sunni thinkers' thinking and Identify the main elements of the Islamic government and examine whether Sunni political thought is capable of realizing the formation of an Islamic state based on the model of the people. The question in this article is: "Is it possible to derive different patterns of religious democracy based on Sunni political thought?" The hypothesis is: "Sunni political scientists have the initial capacity to formulate a religious democracy model. This research is a qualitative research with descriptive-analytical method. The type of analysis of this paper is based on a text based on examples of contemporary Sunnis. The method of data collection is library study.

What are the views and opinions of religious scholars and scholars regarding the nature of the Islamic system, based on what basis they have recognized the legitimacy of the government, what are the characteristics and conditions for the ruling ruler of Islam, and what conditions and conditions should be fulfilled in accordance with the arguments of the Islamic ruler. Qualifications are different . One of the most widespread of these views is to emphasize jurisprudent and mujtahid as one of the characteristics of the ruling and ruling ruler of Islam, which is referred to as "Velayat-e faqih"From the study of the jurisprudential opinions of the Sunni elders and jurisprudents such as Ibn Khaldun Maliki, Mawardi Shafei, Judge Abu Ali Haibali, Mir Seyyed Sharif Jorjani Shafei, Azd al-Din Eid Shafei, Ibn Quddah Hanbali, Abdol Malik Javeni Shafei, Ghazali Ash'ari Shafei, Ibn Hazam and Ibn Taymiyyah Hanbali and ... we find The theory of velayat-e faqih (meaning the necessity of the jurisprudent and the mujtahid of the ruler and governor of the Islamic state) is accepted and even consensus (Sunni scholars). The point is worth considering

Each revolution has more or less regional and international influences and offers a message to create its own strategic depth. The more the message of the revolution is, the more humankind will come to accept and model it. The Iranian revolution presents the message to the world that the most mobilizable ideologies are Islam, and based on this message, the victory of the Iranian revolution has been the basis for the widespread transformation among Muslims in the world, and many political systems, factions and parties in the neighboring countries And far away, they have been influenced by it. Indeed, the Iranian revolution is considered to be one of the important events of the 20th century by restoring the thought of Islam and political Islam. The purpose of this article is to explain the limited reflection of the Islamic Revolution of Iran in Indonesia based on the theory of broadcasting and using the descriptive-analytical method and librarian method for information gathering. Therefore, this paper attempts to answer this question using the theory of broadcasting "why the reflection of the Islamic Revolution of Iran in Indonesia has been limited" and the hypothesis of "the existence of problems such as the existence of different perspectives on the flow of the issuance of revolution and The power of the military at the source and destination of the game, namely, Iran and Indonesia, has prevented the spread of thoughts and ideas of the revolution ". The findings of this study were that, given the problems that existed in the two Islamic countries at the beginning of the Islamic Revolution, the Islamic Republic gradually abandoned the policy of exporting the revolution to Indonesia and began to expand its economic relations with the country

Ibadayeh is one of the verbal currents of the Khawarij, which is attributed to Abdullah bin Ibad and Jaber ibn Zayed al-Azdi, which appeared in the Islamic world until the present time and is considered an independent school by theological and jurisprudence. In the contemporary era, the condition of this intellectual process has been covered in many aspects by many people, and most of the knowledge of this subject is based on ancient verbal books, except in some cases, there is little value in this regard. The present article seeks to illustrate the perspectives of ideological, social, cultural, political, and geographic situations, and also their relationship with other religions by exploring new and contemporary sources of Abbasid, including written and virtual media about Abbasid. As a moderate version of Khawarij, Ibadayeh has taken a more rational and different approach to the first Khawarij, in a number of political and ideological matters. Those who nowadays are more in Oman, and in North and East Africa too, in addition to using new media such as the Internet and having a system promoting the idea of "al-Azbah" in North Africa, have significant social, promotional, and political activities, especially in the Omani kingdom, and in the present time they have a good interaction with other Muslims, such as Shi'a and Sunnis. Verbal flow of Ibadayeh can also be divided into two streams of Oman and Algeria, which latter second group has Salafi tendencies.  

Assumed that the Velayat-e faqih’s theory of Shiite political thought has led to the construction of a political system for administration of the Islamic society, the question arises whether Sunni jurisprudence has also presented a particular theory of the political system or not. To state the matter differently, based on the theory of Velayat-e faqih and the accumulation and proportionality of Sunni perspectives in the field of governance and political system, is it possible to design and supply a political system in accordance with the requirements of the Sunni communities? This research, which has been prepared analytically, based on elements of consistency and similarity in Shiite and Sunni political jurisprudence, such as the necessity of the existence of a government, the requirement of executing sentences, council, allegiance, obedience to Ruler, ruling conditions, etc., which have been considered in Shiite and Sunni jurisprudence, it is possible to deduce a kind of convergence and conjunction in the theory of Velayat-e faqih, at least according to the viewpoints of some Sunni scholars and compare it with the views of the Shia jurisprudents.

Chaos is a legal act which is done with the enthusiasm and it will dissolve the marriage. Imamieh jurisprudents Hanbali and Shafiyeh absolutely they know that they will end it. Jurisprudents Hanafi make an appointment relative to interlocutors, terminate but in relation to third parties, they consider the new selling. The vision of jurisprudents Maliki It is a new plea; but civil law he knows that he is over. It seems because of being overwhelmed which is pinnacle and the essence of the marriage, it is an excuse a marriage and an indeterminate contract. Contrary to the jurisprudence of Maliki and Hanafiyah from the point of view of the Imamieh jurisprudents, Shafiyeh and Hanbali, chaos does not create the right to spit. For some jurisprudents, on the basis of a new contract, there is no forbearance in the condition of increasing or decreasing the price in the chain based on the loyal nature of the story, make a deal it is not worthwhile. Based on the newness of the story, Im sorry or one of those two it is a stumbling block. Maliki jurisprudents and Hanafiyah they know right chaos and forging cucumbers in it; However, the Imam's jurisprudents Shafiyeh and Hanbali they believe upside down this post.

Due to the history of the civilization of the two countries of Iran and Turkey in the history of Islam, examining of the ideas of the elites of the Islamic Revolution of Iran and the Islamist elites of Turkey is very vital. Turkey is significant because of the six hundred-year-old caliphate of the Ottoman Empire and Iran because of the significant role of its scholars in expanding Islamic ideals in the world. Therefore, in this research, we tried to study the influence of the Islamic Revolution's elites on the Islamist elites of Turkey. This research uses a descriptive-analytical method and utilizes an adaptive approach to answer the main question of how the elites of the Islamic Revolution of Iran have had an impact on the Islamist elites of Turkey. Comparing the thinking of these scholars reflects the great influence of the Islamic revolutionary thinkers on the Islamist elites of the Turks, so that they got strongly influenced on the issues of the comprehensiveness of Islam and of universal political Islam, the efforts of convergence in the Islamic world, attention to the component of jihad. Also, the precision in the fields of acceptance of democracy and freedom in Islam is one of the other views of the elite of the Islamic Revolution of Iran which has influenced on the Islamist elites of Turkey.

Following the fall of Ba`th regime in April of 2003, Iraq arrived at new period and experienced vast changes. The changes, in addition to national ones, was accompanied with many reginal effects also. In national field, various political parties and groups from different Iraqi races played their part in the political field. The Shiites, Sunnis and Kords were three ethno-religious main groups with different tendencies that play their parts in the field of the quarrel between power and politics. In the new period, Iraqi Shiites arrived at new stage of their political and organizational life with a very considerable position in comparison to others. The paper has studied the position.

From a historical perspective, Sunnis in Iraq have continued to enjoy a favored position in political and social arenas until the fall of Saddam that is also addressed as the “Golden Age” of Sunnis. Therefore, although they pursued a short-term interaction with the “newly established political order” upon the fall of Saddam, but in the long run they adopted an intensified antagonist point of view and followed an opposition approach.
Accordingly, by intriguing the Sunni communities, the internal and external pro-Sunnis actors succeed to employ political elites and Sunnis’ social framework to bring waves of opposition to the central government. This include approaching Baathists and Al Qaeda and aligning with ISIS. However, some agreed on relative-balance to take advantage of situation and win their demands.
In general, it could be said that since the downfall of Saddam until the current situation, the Sunnis communities have demonstrated a combined model of relative political involvement, sanctions and confrontation with the central government. However, observing the realities of the current situation and malicious deeds of some “external players and pro-Sunnis elites “in post-ISIS era, it is expected that this confrontation approach will eventually turn toward interaction approach with the “newly established political order”. This paper by underlining the reasons for the emergence of this perception, attempts to investigate the status of Iraqi Sunnis in post-ISIS era.