جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « تعامل » در نشریات گروه « علوم سیاسی »

Problem Statement:

 The Chinese authorities’ understanding of the post-Cold War international conditions led to the adoption of a behavioral pattern in order to reduce the power gap, while avoiding international sensitivities about China. Therefore, China has pursued two agendas in the domestic and global spheres to respond to the emerging requirements. This has led scholars to debate the consequences of this balancing model for the decision-making circles of the world states, especially for the US and the international order.

The present article intended to analyze the prospect of change in the contemporary international order (structural order) by examining whether new poles are emerging in the current international order or not.

The Main Question:

 What are the consequences and challenges of China’s behavioral pattern for the United States and the structural international order?

Research Hypothesis:

 This research is based on the hypothesis that China’s behavioral pattern presents complex challenges to the US general policy towards China. This points to the uncertainties in predicting the consequences of China’s rise, in which policymakers face challenges in choosing between containment or engagement policy. China’s behavioral pattern is also seen as a reason for changing the structure of the international system and shaping the China–US bipolar order. In this respect, the following two points were suggested and discussed. First, the power gap between China and the United States will become almost equal, resulting in a dual superpower scenario where the United States will lose its superiority over China. Second, the strategic competition between China and the US will be very different from the confrontation between the US and the Soviet Union. China and the US will continue to cooperate in various fields (e.g., economy), while they may have conflicts in political and military domains.

 The present research used the historical research method with a descriptive–analytical and explanatory approach.

Theoretical Framework:

 This study used defensive structural realism as its theoretical framework in order to analyze the systemic characteristics of the international order, including the distribution and increase of power, and explain their effects on the behavioral priorities of countries. The structure of the international system is considered as the most important variable in the paradigm of structural realism.Kenneth Waltz’s theory of international politics offers a clear example of defensive structural realism. The present article contends that Waltz’s perspective should be taken seriously not only because it is the most accurate or realistic theory, but because it provides useful categories for comprehending reality. For instance, his concept of polarity determination helps to shape the behavioral priorities of countries and structural order of power distribution among units, which can be measured and typically changes in response to shifts in power among major states. Additionally, his focus on some kind of cooperation in the discussion on balance of power is also a valuable analytical category.

Article Text:

 Due to the post-Cold War international conditions, China has adopted a macro model of balancing, at domestic and global levels, in its strategic relationships with the US. Domestically, China has focused on building up its internal capabilities, while on the global stage it has pursued soft balancing. China’s balancing strategy in the unipolar world order is a reasonable and pragmatic response to its interests, capabilities, and strategic environment. Like any other government, China seeks to maximize its benefits and minimize losses in the field of foreign relations. Showing a keen awareness of the evolving international system, China has adeptly seized opportunities and confronted challenges. However, this behavioral pattern has important consequences and challenges for the international order, particularly for the US as the dominant pole.The balancing strategy pursued by China has generated complex conditions for decision-makers across the international system, particularly in the US as the superpower. Its most significant impact has been on the mentality of elites and their interpretation of the new realities, which has prompted a need to reassess American foreign policy.China’s behavioral pattern has enabled it to capitalize on broad opportunities and emerge as a decisive player in international politics, with its ongoing quest for power likely to have significant implications for the future of international politics. However, this development is closely tied to America’s position as the dominant pole of the international order, making the strategic relations between the two countries increasingly intertwined. As a result, managing these relations has become the most pressing issue in international politics, with stability and crisis in the global order at stake. As such, analyzing the pattern underlying China’s behavior and its relations with the US is critical for understanding the changing international order and its future trajectory.

China is neither an ally nor a partner of the US and does not feel obligated to align its policies with those of America. However, unlike the Soviet Union, China does not adopt an explicitly adversarial stance towards the US. This has created challenges and consequences for the overall US policy towards China, and introduced uncertainties that pose significant challenges for policymakers in choosing between a policy of containment or engagement. An examination of the challenges posed by China’s behavioral pattern suggests that a combination of containment and engagement policies is more effective in serving American interests when dealing with China. While addressing the concerns of proponents of containment, the hybrid policy also attempts to avoid the pitfalls of mutual hostility, which is a major concern of supporters of engagement. This policy reflects the uncertainty in Washington about China’s future goals and capabilities. However, if China were to pursue regional hegemony or launch an attack on Taiwan, the hybrid policy could shift towards containment. Conversely, if China were to democratize and cooperate, this containment-plus-engagement policy could be replaced by a more cooperative relationship between the two countries.

Various theories have been proposed to analyze behaviors in the international arena. Some theories, such as mainstream theories, are influenced by the linear approach of classical science, considering the international system as mechanical, closed, and far from interaction. Others, such as complex systems theory, considered the concept of nonlinear relationships and interaction used in the analysis of biological systems to explain the behavior of the international system and tried to explain human behavior as a biological system. Interaction is the main concept in explaining the behavior of natural and living systems that causes chaotic behaviors. Because the concept of interaction in human systems, as the highest example of biological systems due to the power of thinking, is a different concept. The purpose of this article is to introduce the interaction in the international system with features; Flow-creation and interpretation of information, purposefulness, sensitivity to the initial condition and impact and effectiveness. Studies show that due to the differences between human interaction and the interaction of other living organisms, Chaotic behaviors in the international system have characteristics; Simplicity in complexity, certainty in uncertainty, and order in disorder.

The present article has been compiled with the aim of identifying effective Intelligence and Security factors as one of the dimensions of government organizations' interaction in security crisis management and tries to identify Intelligence and Security components and indicators in this type of interaction using the theories of experts and scientists. This research is applied in terms of purpose and mixed in terms of method. The statistical population of this research is academic experts, experts, commanders and managers in the field of security, Police who have scientific and practical backgrounds. In the qualitative section, data were collected and analyzed through thematic analysis through interviews with 38 people. In the quantitative section, 46 people with a researcher-made questionnaire whose CVI, CVR and combined reliability were confirmed. Data were collected and analyzed in a three-level factor validation model in Smart PLS software. After thematic analysis of the transcripts of the interviews, 4 indicators were calculated for each of the components of the Supreme National Security Council, national security, security of the province and the city. In the analysis of quantitative data showed that the most important indicators in the components are: Use facilities to deal with threats, dealing with threats, anomalies and problems, Members' interaction with council decisions and Consult the council with elites and scientists. So Intelligence and Security components with counted indicators are effective on Security Crisis Management Interaction.

The Mongol invasion and its subsequences on Iranians” lives, property and lifes, is not a one-dimensional issue that can be explained only baced on the Mongols” primitive and non-civilian character. It can be said that this invasion and inhabitate in Iran by the Mongols and their descendants, the Ilkhanate, were the result of various factors, maybe they identified themselves to Iranians. In addition, the conflicts between the Iran”s mystic Shiites and the government are among the important factors that brought out them closer to the Mongols and provoked the invasion. The Ilkhanate, like their ancestors, found some similarities between themselves and defeated Iranians, and even in some parts of their political life were fascinated by some internal currents of Iran, including Sofia; it coused they as a diciple obeyed from spiritual guides who were from defeated Iranians; It was a kind of charismacy that led the Ilkhanate to fully support the Sufi spatial identity, the monastery; although the numerical expansion of monasteries in the Ilkhanate era, indicates the widespread support of the government for them; the study of the architecture of the monasteries shows the appearence and illustration of the concepts of Sufism, including the dominance of the Qur'anic meanings, the purification of the soul and the strengthening of the soul in the architecture of monasteries in this era.

The subject of the current research is to investigate the factors affecting the policy of the Russian government towards Islamic trends in Russia as a group of important minorities in this country between 1991 and 2011. One of the basic issues in multi-ethnic and multicultural societies such as Russia is the method of government policy and its management in dealing with ethnic groups and the culture of minorities. Political management in multicultural countries requires its own abilities, often each country uses its own unique policies and it may be challenging to write a single version for all countries. On the other hand, various political, social, historical, economic, etc. causes lead them to the political methods that govern them. The multicultural social structure among Western liberal democracies has somehow led to policies that increase the government's capacity to deal effectively and efficiently with ethnic and cultural pluralism within its sovereign borders. However, it is essential to note that policy-making in non-democratic systems such as Russia, which have a multicultural social structure and authoritarian political structure, has been different from the policies of democratic societies. 

Why has the Russian government's policy towards the Islamic currents in this country fluctuated between control, confrontation, and interaction?Research Hypothesis: It is hypothesized that the central government of Russia's policy toward Islamic currents due to some internal factors such as the nature of the hybrid authoritarian political system as well as some external factors such as the developments in the Islamic world and the emergence of groups including Taliban, al-Qaeda and ISIS and its security effects on countries such as Russia, which have significant Muslim populations, have fluctuated mainly in the form of control, confrontation, and interaction.

The method of this research is qualitative with a descriptive-analytical approach, and as test theory research, the description in this research is done using models and theories. The analysis uses the model called "Instrumental multiculturalism in hybrid authoritarian regimes." In this model, multiculturalism in a state that possesses both authoritarian and democratic elements is often instrumental and does not necessarily inherent in the acceptance of this concept and is used as a tool in the hands of the government to maintain cohesion and survival. In hybrid authoritarian regimes that are multicultural, they use multiculturalism as a tool to achieve their various goals. This means that, on the one hand, accepting the multicultural nature of society recognizes the rights of minorities and allows them to operate in the political and social spheres.On the other hand, relying on its authoritarian nature, it demands the complete loyalty of these groups. In this model, governments do not always adhere to the main features of multiculturalism, such as equality, social justice, self-government and minority rights and other liberal aspects of this theory. They remain within the core components of the concept of multiculturalism only as long as the interests, security, and survival of states are not threatened. Suppose that minorities deviate from the circuit of loyalty to the state. In that case, the authoritarian nature of the state is manifested and some policies of confrontation, exclusion and marginalization or strict control and supervision of the granted democracy emerge. In explaining this model, it should be said that the concept of multiculturalism with ethnic and cultural diversity in a single political society has been accepted as a reality both in terms of positive effects and despite some security threats.The process of this research was such that the theories of multiculturalism and authoritarianism were studied with a comparative approach, and their main and most prominent features were identified. Then, the components and assumptions of multiculturalism and authoritarianism in Russia were examined and the data obtained from this study led to the formation of the model "instrumental multiculturalism in hybrid authoritarian regimes". Based on this, the article was analyzed about the fluctuations of the government's policy towards Islamic movements.

Russia's hybrid authoritarian political system is a context that intentionally or unintentionally creates an atmosphere of control or instrumentalism of authoritarian or democratic elements in domestic and foreign politics. In other words, the government does not follow a single policy toward different Islamic currents. Instead, various policies based on interaction and tolerance are proposed in line with the interactive policies of the government and what is referred to as the right of self-government and the policies of control or confrontation. In addition, by adopting three parallel policies, the Russian government has pursued the policy of recognizing Islamic currents as the dominant intellectual current of a significant group of Muslims in this country.

The findings of the research show that firstly, the government's policies towards Islamic currents have both internal and external dimensions. Secondly, the government does not follow a single policy towards the Tatar and North Caucasus Islamic currents. Based on what the model of "instrumental multiculturalism in hybrid authoritarian regimes" showed, the government's policy towards the Tatar movement is based on interaction and tolerance, and in this regard, it follows the model of recognizing cultural differences. On the other hand, although the North Caucasus movement was able to gain independent power in the administration of internal and especially military affairs compared to the Tatar movement, it is witnessing more controlling or confrontational policies of the central government. By conducting a study based on the mentioned model, it was concluded that the first policy of the Russian government is interaction and tolerance with Islamic currents. Parallel to that, the policy of confrontation and strong control over radical and independence-seeking currents and the third policy is political participation and instrumental use of Islamic currents.

What and how the relationship between science and religion is one of the most important challenges in the field of science and knowledge in the Islamic world and especially in our country. According to the famous classification that is agreed upon by many thinkers in this field, this relationship can be divided into four categories: conflict, differentiation, interaction and unity. This research seeks to answer the question by using the library study method and by adopting a descriptive-analytical approach, what are the criticisms of some Muslim thinkers under the four relations between science and religion? Based on this, under the relationship of the conflict between Ahmad Kasravi and Mehdi Bazargan, under the relationship between the differences between the views of Abdul Karim Soroush and Mustafa Melikan, under the title of the interaction between the opinions of Hossein Al-Attas and Ali Paya, and finally under the relationship of the unity of Hossein Nasr's opinions, a brief review is carried out. has taken. The results obtained from this research indicate that under the relations of conflict, differentiation, interaction and unity, the views of some critics can be seriously criticized, and as a result, there is a logical and maximum connection between science and religion and the production of religious science. Only possible is desirable.

Relations between Iran and Saudi Arabia have always been fraught with conflict due to differences in economic, ideological, military and security dimensions, but these conflicts have been accompanied by ups and downs in their 90-year regional relationship. So that at every stage of the relationship, after a period of tension and disconnection, and even limited wars and conflicts under the influence of charm and a major turning point in the relationship between the two countries, they are moving closer together and peaceful relations and interactions in one They have had a temporary period. The purpose of this article is to answer the question whether the geopolitical analysis and relations between Iran and Saudi Arabia at different times lead to conflict or interaction due to developments in the area of relations between Iran and Saudi Arabia? The results of this study show that the relations between Iran and Saudi Arabia, due to their fundamental and structural differences, influenced by internal and external factors, cannot easily eliminate this conflict and tensions between the two countries. Taking into account the historical relations between the two countries at different times and the complexity of events over the last year and a half shows that both countries are reducing tensions and moving towards engagement in the relationship.

So far, many researches have been conducted on the topic of interaction and inter-organizational communication and various solutions have been presented. The police command is also recognized as one of the important organizations in charge of security in the country due to its diverse missions and the description of assigned duties, and accordingly, the statistical categories in the mentioned researches are also aimed at the police; Therefore, the main goal in this research is to identify and calculate the variables and indicators in the interaction and inter-organizational communication between the police and the responsible agencies in past researches.

The current research has evaluated the previous articles in different dimensions by using the meta-analysis method and emphasizing on inter-organizational interactions and communications. The statistical community includes all the researches conducted from 2011 to the end of 2021 in the field of the subject under study. Through targeted sampling, the number of 15 researches (research articles, promotional articles, and dissertations) related to the subject were selected through the scientific database and examined based on different criteria.

the highest ranking of research results and findings with a quantity of 18.8% related to cooperation, interaction and inter-organizational communication and its effect on providing public security and crime prevention; The second rank with a quantity of 14.2% is assigned to culture building and organizational culture and its effect on inter-organizational interactions, and the third rank with a quantity of 14.2% is assigned to the role of managers and management style in inter-organizational interactions. Also, "Strategies and policies in inter-organizational interactions", "Laws and regulations in inter-organizational interactions" and "Effect of structural factors on inter-organizational interactions" are in the next ranks with the quantity of 11.9% respectively.

In any migration, factors such as acclimatization and environment should be considered so that the person or persons who want to start a new life in a new and unpredictable environment do not get confused. The purpose of this study was supportive and interactive factors affecting the cultural adaptation of Iranian students abroad.

The method of this research is development-applied, exploratory mix and cross-sectional and applied survey nature. The statistical population in the qualitative stage were experts in the field of cultural adaptation of students who were selected as a sample by purposive sampling method. .

The results of the research in the qualitative section showed that the cultural adaptation of Iranian students included 3 indicators of interactive factors and 4 indicators of supportive factors. The results obtained in the structural model also showed that interactive factors (r = 0.096) and supportive factors (r = 0.109) had a positive and significant effect on the cultural adaptation of Iranian students studying in Russian universities.

Cultural adaptation is one of the most important components and as a result of the realization of cultural development at the university level and educational and cultural institutions such as universities always play a role in cultural adaptation.

The relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia have become a complex and challenging issue due to the current developments, especially after 2011. On the one hand, internal security has become the most important concern of the two parties, especially Saudi Arabia, and on the other hand, regional developments have provided the ground for competition to increase the sphere of influence between the two countries, and more importantly, Saudi Arabia has a greater degree of adherence to international developments than the Islamic Republic of Iran, especially the United States. In general, the relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia can be defined in a historical fluctuation, a fluid state between "interaction", "tolerance", "confrontation" and "conflict". Accordingly, it has been very rare for relations between the two countries to be in a state of prolonged interaction or conflict; the two countries of the Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia, despite many similarities, have not been able to reach an agreement on common and even close definitions, thus leading to a threatening understanding of each other so that the two countries see a bright horizon in their relations hesitantly; Therefore, the research question is the lack of knowledge of solutions and obstacles in the management of the conflict between the Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia, it is what are the important components in the management of the conflict between the Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia? .The research method of this research is analytical and descriptive. This is a qualitative research in which the researcher collects data through various sources and uses interviews with experts and analyzes the issue and then creates a conceptual framework based on the five dimensions of Buzan security and points to patterns of friendship and enmity; Based on this conceptual framework, the differences between Iran and Saudi Arabia can be seen in all these aspects of classical security, economic, social, political and even environmental. Accordingly, Buzan's approach also points out that security has taken on different dimensions since the 1990s, and it can be said that the five dimensions of Buzan's security and Buzan's definition of security can indicate that the major differences between Iran and Saudi Arabia fall into these five dimensions. The researcher further examines the obstacles in the relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia, such as obstacles in the field of politics and security, obstacles in the field of geoeconomics, obstacles in the field of ideology, the position of trans-regional actors in the conflict between Iran and Saudi Arabia. Iran and Saudi Arabia, such as moving from an absolutist to a relativistic point of view, thematic prioritization of interests, avoidance of entering the red line, mutual understanding of the two actors of implicit division of regional sphere of influence and ensuring not to enter the sphere of influence of a rival actor in a realistic sense, it refers to high politics and the use of formal principles and channels instead of informal principles. In a general summary, the researcher points out that currently "perceptions" and "misconceptions" by the political elites of the two countries are the most important variables in the stability of tensions between the two countries, and this is not something that can be discussed. Political and the promise of mutual trust can be resolved; Therefore, accurate identification of the red lines of each party and its observance or, at a minimum, the ability to bargain over it can help a lot to resolve reciprocal problems. Finally, it should be said that the establishment of diplomatic relations is the most important and only official channel that can convey the common intentions of the two countries without misunderstanding and mediation.

The purpose of this study is to identify the reasons for the adoption of two conflicting approaches of the Iraqi people (interaction-confrontation) in the face of ISIS through an objective and field study.

  In this qualitative study, the researcher, using the method of Grounded theory, and by attending places in Iraq where ISIS was active, while communicating and interviewing people, sought to answer this question: What are the causes of interactions and conflicts between Iraqi Sunni Arabs and ISIS?

According to the findings of this study, Sunni Arabs' attachment to power and past privileges and unwillingness to adopt new government conditions and maintain national cohesion based on parliamentary elections, as well as improper Shiite rule over the failed government during the occupation of Iraq, are among the factors of disintegration and growing hatred in Iraq. These factors led to interaction with ISIS. In practice, the ISIL government increased the pressure and restrictions on the people of the occupied territories, and the invasion of family privacy and the threat and injustice against the people provided the ground for confrontation with ISIL. In addition, the intervention of regional and supra-regional countries was influential in the intensity and weakness of this conflicting action.

The existence of the conflicting archetype of "Shiites against Sunnis" is involved in intensifying the internal crises of Islamic and Arab countries. Iraq is no exception. In the critical situation in Iraq, the existence of this conflicting archetype turned the central factors of interaction with ISIS in Iraq into a stimulus for causal factors such as hopelessness for the future, hatred of Shiism among some Sunni Arabs, loss of past rule, and so on. The conditions for the intervention of regional and supra-regional powers to gain benefits by influencing the events in Iraq and ethnic, religious and racial rivalries have also potentially delayed the process of nation-building and political stability in Iraq.

Today, the interaction of universities, industry and government is essential for the comprehensive development of the country. Especially with the advent of online platforms on the Internet, the scientific and research collaborations of the world's top universities have accelerated at an unprecedented rate. Recently, the Supreme Leader referred to the issue of interaction and cooperation between the universities of the Armed Forces. In this regard, the purpose of this study is to provide a model for academic interactions Armed Forces. The research method is qualitative and based on data. Therefore, after interviewing 12 elites of one of the AJA universities, a model of university interaction systems was presented. Based on the coding of the interviews, 21 concepts about the interaction of the Armed Forces universities were extracted. Finally, these concepts were divided into four categories: Areas of Interaction of the Armed Forces Universities, Interaction Barriers, Interaction Benefits, and Mechanism. Interaction tasks were categorized. At the end of the article, suggestions based on the research findings are presented, focusing on strengthening the interaction and cooperation between the universities of the Armed Forces.

One of the basic pillars of maintaining stability and internal security of the Islamic Republic of Iran is the police force. Obviously, this important and valuable group, especially law enforcement personnel, is always exposed to enemy threats; Therefore, the role of participation and cooperation of NAJA commanders and managers with information protection is to protect employees and their security authority.

This research is an applied goal in terms of the type of descriptive-analytical method and in order to investigate the factors affecting the interaction of commanders with information protection in the protection of Fateb employees in 2016. The statistical population of this research is Fateb managers and commanders. The sample size in this study is 110 people and to collect information, a 43-item design questionnaire whose validity and reliability was confirmed was distributed and after collection using SPSS software to clarify the differences and priorities of the items in the questionnaire from Regression factor analysis and Friedman rank tests were used.

In order to develop the interaction of commanders with information protection in the protection of employees, it is necessary to pay more attention to strengthening (organizational interaction, empowerment, motivation system, good communication, attention to self-preservation culture, development of collective participation culture). The results show that structural, behavioral and contextual factors in the interaction of commanders with information protection have been very effective in protecting employees and there is a significant relationship between these factors and the interaction so that the attention to behavioral factors is more than structural factors. And it is grounded.

The interaction of the party system and the electoral system can be one of the strategic requirements in the realization of democracy. Despite the 100-year-old formation of parties in Iran, it still faces challenges and divergences in the face of the electoral system. (History) The investigation revealed that there was no research in this regard. (Background) Therefore, obtaining a strategic model of interaction between the party system and the electoral system needs to be examined. (Problem) Nevertheless, the main question is what is the strategic pattern of interaction between the party system and the electoral system in the Islamic Republic of Iran? (Question) This research is exploratory and there is no hypothesis in this regard. (Hypothesis) So the goal; Drawing a pattern of interaction between the party system and the electoral system in the Islamic Republic of Iran. (Objective) This research uses the data-driven method; and develops a strategic model for the interaction of parties and the electoral system in the Islamic Republic of Iran. (Method) After extracting the views of the interviewees and summarizing their opinions, an open code was extracted; and from their combination, the central code, and finally from the combination of the central codes, the selected codes were counted in a way that all the central codes are classified into 6 categories: causal, axial, contextual, interventional, strategic and consequential; and the relationships between the dimensions of the components and indicators of the strategic model of interaction between the party system and the electoral system in the Islamic Republic of Iran have been developed. (Finding).

Diplomacy, sanctions, and threats of force have been United States policy, in contrast to Iran's and North Korea's nuclear programs since the early 1990s. This study using a documentary based and comparative approach to examine these dimensions of US policy. Despite the differences between the two countries in pursuing a nuclear program, Iran is under greater pressure than North Korea. Based on the theory of neoclassical realism, selected options for Iran and North Korea are influenced by systemic factors and internal factors. In addition to the interests of world powers (China and Russia), the interests of US regional allies in Northeast and Southwest Asia are important factors influencing Washington's policy on Iran and North Korea's nuclear program. Domestic factors also play an important role in explaining US policy; North Korea is capable of targeting US soil, but US officials believe North Korea will attack in response to the US and allied offensive. Americans see the ideology of the Islamic Republic as an enemy, and they think nuclear development, Increases the likelihood of an Iranian nuclear bomb, That would threaten US interests in the region and even in the world. Another point is that the Arab and Israeli lobbies are working to influence Congress to oppose any engagement with Iran. As a consequence of systemic and internal factors, the pressure on Iran is increasing and it is being reduced against North Korea.