جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « منازعه » در نشریات گروه « علوم سیاسی »

West Asia as a region has always witnesed conflict and crisis due to various ideological, geopolitical, economic and political reasons. Various causes have been mentioned in connection with the formation of behavioral patterns of different local to global actors in the West Asian region. This article tries to answer three basic questions in this field: First, what are the key drivers of conflict in the West Asian region? Second, what are the possible scenarios of conflict in the West Asian region? And third, what are the optimal strategies to settle the conflict in this region? The present research is applied in terms of type and is futures studies and analytic in terms of nature and method. At first step, this article tries to identify the drivers of the conflict by referring to experts in this field and analyzing the findings using MicMac software. After identifying the key drivers, strong scenarios are determined by Scenario Wizard software. The research findings show that out of a total of 876 situations on the scenario portfolio, 592 are critical situations (67.5%), 284 are static situations (32.4%), and 12 are favorable situations (0.1%). Therefore, critical situations occupied a major part of the scenario portfolio. Finally, by considering the most possible scenarios and emphasizing the key drivers of conflict, some strategies are presented to settle the causes of conflict in West Asia.

August1947 marked the date of Pakistan's independence. But this nation's relations with Afghanistan have been incredibly up and down from the time of its formation till now. This tense relationship could have been influenced by a lot of factors. However, it is evident that the blackness of these interactions has been negatively impacted by the Durand boundary line issue. Despite, numerous platforms of convergence, this boundary has led to tensions and a path of divergence for both bordering countries. The focus of this research is to evaluate the Durand border dispute on the turbid relations between Afghanistan and Pakistan. In this respect, a query regarding the impact that Afghanistan's border assertion based on the Durand Treaty had on Afghanistan-Pakistan affiliations can be posed, and what regional consequences it has brought? It seems that the prolonged border claims of the Afghan government related to the Durand border line has led to an increase in their hostility of relations with Pakistan. In this regard, the growth of extremism, the spread of insecurity, and the increase in migration are among the regional consequences of this conflict. And in this regard, the growth of extremism, the spread of insecurity and the increase in migration are among the regional effects of this conflict. The descriptive-analytical qualitative method has been used in this work. The findings of the research show that the Durand border strain between Afghanistan and Pakistan has had a significant negative impact on the relations of both countries in the political, security, economic and cultural aspects, and has caused heavy costs to furthermore, the growth of extremism has led to the spread of insecurity and increased migration as multiple regional upshots.

The age of concept of peace and attention to it can be estimated as long as the formation of wars in human society. Throughout the history of mankind, there have been struggle, conflict and violence in human societies and humans have tried to deal with this situation and to end the war and establish peace. Although peace is usually defined as the absence of war, gradually, especially in the new era, a broader meaning called positive peace has been proposed which has emphasized the need for indicators beyond the existence of conflict. So in this article, emphasizing the concept of positive peace based on the thought of "Johan Galtung" and at the same time using the eight indicators of positive peace provided by the Institute of Economics and Peace (IEP), in addition to the negative aspect of peace, the positive aspects and in other words the needs of peace in societies have been discussed. The findings of the research show that positive peace is not only as a problem along with other issues of human societies, but also it has an irreplaceable important role as a necessary and inevitable basis for the realization of many macro goals of societies, such as interaction, solidarity, and development.

The purpose of this article is to investigate the contribution of forms of conflict, competition and cooperation in the relationship between the government and ethnic groups during the Islamic Republic and the evolution of the relationship between the government and ethnic groups between 1979 and 2018. The main question of the research is related to the understanding of the developments in the relations between the government and the ethnic groups in the Islamic Republic of Iran in the years 1979 to 2018. It seems that in the first decade of the Islamic Republic, there was a mixture of forms of conflict, competition and cooperation in the relationship between the government and the ethnic groups. But gradually, in the following decades and until 2018, under the influence of the political opportunity structure in the political system, the pattern of competition and cooperation was strengthened. In traditional Iran, under the construction of the scattered and non-ideological power of Mulūk Al-Ṭawā'ifi, the relationship between the state and ethnicities was more based on cooperation, and in the Pahlavi period, under the construction of centralized and ideological power of the modern absolute state, the relationship between the state and ethnicities was more based on conflict. But in the period of the Islamic Republic, with the transition from the unstable power of the early years to the construction of power based on the constitution and the establishment of security stability and development approaches and the discussion of justice and public participation, the relationship between the government and ethnic groups has evolved into a spectrum of conflict, competition and cooperation. In this article, using the theory of political opportunity structure and the analysis of identity politics resulting from the construction of government power, more diverse aspects of the relationship between the government and ethnic groups in Iran between 1979 and 2018 have been discussed. The research method is qualitative and explanatory, historical.

Arab countries have tried to deal with the formation of the Zionist regime through four wars, and in this regard, several resolutions and peace plans have been issued by the United Nations and some governments to end this conflict, but In the end, the failure of the Arabs in front of Israel to the extent that even a part of the land of the Arab countries was occupied by the Zionist regime caused the Arab countries to give up their confrontational position with Israel and one after the other try to normalize their relations with Israel. Based on this, the main question of the current research has been raised as follows: What effect have the new developments in Arab-Israeli relations had on the security of the Islamic Republic of Iran from an ontological point of view? This hypothesis has been proposed that the new developments in Arab-Israeli relations by reducing the conditions of uncertainty, due to the reproduction of the previous self-understanding and the deepening of the constant and continuous understanding of the Islamic Republic of Iran's identity, priorities, goals and interests, will lead to the improvement of security. It has been systematized. The findings show that after the Islamic Revolution, the Islamic Republic of Iran saw the relations between Arabs and Israel in conflict with its identity and has always tried to create divergence in the relations between Arabs and Israel.

Iran and Saudi Arabia are among the most influential and important countries in the Middle East and in the larger geographical and ideological sphere of the Islamic world, which, following the victory of the Islamic Revolution, developed hostile and confrontational relations with each other. Different approaches of the two countries in regional and global issues, the efforts of the two countries to become the first power in the region, the two countries becoming a symbol of Shiite and Sunni religious poles, the positions of the two sides on regional crises It led to a less than positive relationship between the two countries and in some cases led to tensions and conflicts. In this regard, the authors seek to answer the fundamental question of why, despite the religious homogeneity and regional interests of Iran and Saudi Arabia, they continue to insist on their enmity? In response to the research question, based on the theoretical framework of ontological security, it is hypothesized that the commitment of Iran and Saudi Arabia to their enmity with each other has become commonplace, which provides their interests in a more favorable way for them. Both countries do not want to disrupt this normal process by changing their view of the other, so their conflict has an identity (structural) and ontological dimension. The research method in this research is interpretive and the method of data collection is library and articles, sites, etc.

The 20-year period of US presence in Afghanistan after 2001 was one of the periods in which conflict and insecurity continued to prevail in Afghanistan. Various factors can be mentioned for this insecurity, one of which has been the competition of foreign actors in Afghanistan.The present study seeks to answer the question of what consequences the US-Iranian rivalry and conflict have had for Afghanistan's national security?The research hypothesis is that the US-Iran conflict in Afghanistan has weakened Afghanistan's national security by increasing the armed conflict, weakening the Afghan government , and reducing the growth of trade relations between Iran and Afghanistan.To test the hypothesis, the theoretical framework of national security and explanatory method have been used. In this regard, on the one hand, some regional and international issues in dispute between the two countries and on the other hand, some differences between them regarding Afghanistan, have provided the ground for competition and conflict between them in Afghanistan.Therefore, the policy of the two countries towards Afghanistan has a completely security basis and the pursuit of the parties to ensure their national interests has led them to act against each other's interests in Afghanistan.The findings show that these measures have implications for Afghanistan's national security in military, political and economic dimensions.

Relations between Iran and Saudi Arabia have always been fraught with conflict due to differences in economic, ideological, military and security dimensions, but these conflicts have been accompanied by ups and downs in their 90-year regional relationship. So that at every stage of the relationship, after a period of tension and disconnection, and even limited wars and conflicts under the influence of charm and a major turning point in the relationship between the two countries, they are moving closer together and peaceful relations and interactions in one They have had a temporary period. The purpose of this article is to answer the question whether the geopolitical analysis and relations between Iran and Saudi Arabia at different times lead to conflict or interaction due to developments in the area of relations between Iran and Saudi Arabia? The results of this study show that the relations between Iran and Saudi Arabia, due to their fundamental and structural differences, influenced by internal and external factors, cannot easily eliminate this conflict and tensions between the two countries. Taking into account the historical relations between the two countries at different times and the complexity of events over the last year and a half shows that both countries are reducing tensions and moving towards engagement in the relationship.

The enduring war and conflict in Afghanistan and its endless years have raised many questions over the past 40 years and various answers have been given to the researcher. The most inefficient are the existence of inefficient government, the weakness of the security forces, the ability of extremist groups, the existence of safe havens, illegal trade, and such. In the meantime, the weakness of the government has been the basis of most research and the study of the effects of the war on the Afghan people has been neglected. Research shows that continuous exposure to naked violence will increase the level of violence in the individual. Achieving peace and stability will be difficult and unlikely, however, if one observes and uses violence in a 'normal' society and transforms identity norms. Thus, the paper argues that the solution to the ongoing conflict in Afghanistan is to strengthen the government, establish order, and also focus on the level of internalized violence in the various social layers in the country. This is what is referred to as "trauma" and "trauma states"

Multiplicity and diversity of challenges, crises, and conflicts among non-state and state actors have given rise to different shapes of diplomacy due to the nature of relationships among the parties. While the efficiency of formal diplomacy is under question particularly for those parties who face a lack of communications and formal relations, a two-track diplomacy will be a suitable alternative. Such technique requires the approval and sufficient support of all parties involved in order to overcome its challenges and unavoidable limitations and achieve the desirable results. The current research intends to answer the following question: what is the correlation between the use of two-track diplomacy and decrease in conflicts? The reason for selecting this issue is to analyze the role of two-track diplomacy in the context of the U.S.-Iran conflict seeing as there has been a scarcity of focus on this issue in past scholarships.The current research intends to articulate the hypothesis that two-track diplomacy has played a key role in decreasing conflicts within its capacity. This form of diplomacy has proven successful, on occasions, namely in bringing about the Iran nuclear deal and contributed to the change in atmosphere of bilateral conflicts.

Polarity refers to the distribution of power in the international community and thus describes the nature of the international system. The most important debate of polarity is the relevance between polarity and stability of the international system and regional system. So the polarity of the structure of international system and its relevance to the peace and stability of the international system are important issues of research. Because polarity is the most comprehensive and common concept in the realist paradigm, so the author of the research attempts to apply the theory of Kenneth Waltz's structural realism and one of his main arguments, the distribution of power, for analyzing the instability and conflict in the west of Asia, after the bipolar structure of the Cold War period. According to Kenneth Waltz's views on the distribution of power and polarity, the bipolar structure of the Cold War period brought about a stable and peaceful system. But with the end of the Cold War and the bipolar structure, west of Asia entered a wave of various conflicts, including inter-state conflicts, inter-identity conflicts, and conflicts between states and non-state groups. The main question, then, is what effect has the structure of the international system had on the escalation of conflict in the West Asian region?Community Verified iconThe results of the research indicate that, ambiguity in polarity of the structure of international system has led to instability and conflict in the region of west of Asia. In this article research method is descriptive- analytic and data collection tool is qualitative.

Iran in the second half of the nineteenth century and early twentieth century was under the influence of global discourses and regions such as; Genetics and medicine, Darwinism, communism, nationalism and Islamism. All these discourses were going on in Iran in some way. In addition, in the heart of these discourses and Iran's confrontation with the West, sexuality and biopolitics in the new era also dominated this field. The period had created challenges and contexts of conflict between the representatives of thought, government and the public sphere, which can also be referred to as the period of conflict. Meanwhile, the rule of law and constitutionalism, sexuality, and the understanding of civilization from the West had led to long and endless conflicts. The main purpose of this text is to look at these three conflicts and to explain a model of the current situation of that period, which has continued later in the contemporary history of Iran. Achieving a categorization or theoretical and historical models of the situation in Iran, especially in this period, can help to understand and perspective the future, so that academic researchers, as is customary in the West, can extract new interpretations and models of these historical periods in Iran. The purpose of this text is in this direction. The results of studies show that while many challenges and related texts exist in a chaotic manner in nineteenth- and twentieth-century Iran, they can be achieved in a variety of practical patterns.

Climate change is one of the most important and serious challenges facing the international community and the whole planet, especially the scarcity of water resources which results in drought. In recent decades, this phenomenon has led to a security issue in international relations and the escalation of tensions between some states in water-scarce areas and also has risen disputes over how to manage shared water resources. Therefore, today water is among the factors that disrupt, threaten and harm global security and, therefore, is of great importance in strategic studies. This article attempts to examine the impact of climate change and its effects on international commitments and how transboundary water resources are used. The findings of the article show that climate change and water scarcity in some areas have created a significant security challenge in the international system, especially in the discussion of shared water resources management, which turning it into an opportunity requires strengthening cooperation between governments based on the logic of a win-win game.

The Islamic Republic of Iran, Hezbollah in Lebanon, resistance groups in Palestine, Ansarullah in Yemen, the people of Iraq, Syria and Bahrain are among the most well-known members of the Islamic Resistance in the region. In order to conduct this research, which has been written in a descriptive-analytical manner and is called the impact of the axis of resistance on the regional policies of the United States in West Asia, the question has been asked: how the axis of resistance is US interests in the West Affects Asia? To answer this question, two hypotheses were put forward: 1. The axis of resistance has hindered the realization of American interests and goals in West Asia, and its function as a regional and supraregional power has strengthened the concept of resistance. The findings of the study indicate that: The US goal in the Middle East is not just the fight against terrorism. By supporting extremist groups in Syria, the United States wants to overthrow the government of Bashar al-Assad and put pressure on the Islamic Republic of Iran, as well as the collapse of the resistance.

The history of human life has always been one of strife, war and bloodshed from the very beginning. This has caused a lot of financial, psychological and human losses. Establishing peace and resolving conflicts has always been the concern of humanity. This has led many scientists to come up with a number of theories. Some heads of state, government and thinkers speak of peace, a peace in which war, bloodshed and looting are sometimes allowed. But the Prophetic tradition provides important and vital guidelines for resolving wars and conflicts in human societies, which can be followed by managing world societies in the light of peace. In the history of the rule of the Holy Prophet (PBUH), the principle has been based on peaceful relations. Of course, jihad cannot be ignored. Imam Jihad was the only tool at that time to protect Muslims from oppression, defend religion, public order, prevent aggression and injustice. Jihad is a kind of defensive war that has become obligatory on Muslims in certain circumstances. By observing and researching the history of the wars and conflicts of the Holy Prophet (PBUH), we see that all these conflicts have been defensive, such as the battle of Hadd and the battle of Badr. Of course, in Islam, precise rules have been set for war, which in its time was unparalleled in terms of human and humanitarian aspects. Such as prisoners' rights, treatment of the injured and killed, treatment of women, children and the elderly. The rules of war in Islam are based on forgiveness, mercy and compassion. There are various theories in this regard, whether the principle in Islam is war or peace? The Holy Prophet (PBUH) used the method of invitation to resolve political disputes at the beginning of Islam. Which was later achieved through negotiation. And these clashes either led to their conversion to Islam or led to agreements and the signing of contracts. Islam is inevitably in favor of war at times; That is, since the other party is not willing to coexist honorably and seeks to trample on human dignity through oppression and aggression - in such circumstances - surrender is not permissible. The political views of Islam in such cases are: peace if the other side is ready and agrees to peace, and war if the other side wants to fight. And we see both scenes in the history of the political life of the Prophet (peace and blessings of Allaah be upon him). It is also narrated from Imam Ali (as) that he said: “The Prophet sent me to Yemen and said: O Ali! "Do not fight anyone unless you have invited him to Islam." Another method used by the Holy Prophet (pbuh) to resolve disputes was to use common ground. The Prophet (pbuh) used to motivate the opposition to negotiate and agree in principle. They used common ground for peaceful negotiations. The basis of Islam in foreign relations is based on peace. The Prophet (peace and blessings of Allaah be upon him) also used peace-seeking as an important strategy in foreign and international relations. From the sixth year of AH, they also pursued a peace strategy, the most obvious of which was the peace of Hudaybiyyah. One of the methods of resolving the dispute is mentioned in the Holy Quran in verses 59 to 65 of Surah An-Nisa ', which clearly emphasizes the necessity of referring to the ruler of the divine law during the dispute. To refer to God means to refer to the book and the divine ambassadors means the messenger and the first things. Considering the history in Islam and the time of the rule of the Prophet (peace and blessings of Allaah be upon him), it can be said that Islam has established peace and peaceful relations between the Islamic State and other states as a necessary principle and war is only an exceptional case. Is counted. Considering the Prophetic tradition, it became clear that in Islamic law, there are at least some solutions such as: invitation, compromise, negotiation, jizyah, which have been given much attention in order to prevent strife and war between Muslims and non-Muslims.

The contradictory policy of the European Union and European countries towards the crisis in Yemen has raised many questions regarding the principle guide of the EU's foreign policy as well as the European approach to conflict resolution. The rhetoric of the Union (and European governments) on playing a mediating role on the one hand and the pursuit of pragmatic trade and economic interests on the other hand, has made the recognition of this principle more complex. In this regard, the present article examines the policy of the Union (and the governments) by using the theoretical literature presented in EU global strategy and by emphasizing the two concepts of "resilience" and "principled pragmatism" in this document. Accordingly, an examination of the documents and policies implemented, as well as a reference to the available statistics, shows the weak role of European norms and values in the EU policy towards Yemen and the dominance of the pragmatic element in this policy. Given Iran's role and importance in resolving the Yemeni crisis, Europe has sought to use Iranian leverage to influence the Houthis. Thus, although Europe's approach to the Yemeni crisis is fragmented, secondary, and in many cases at odds with Iran's regional policies, but there are several opportunities for Iran to resolve the Yemeni crisis in cooperation with Europe, which are addressed in this article

The main question is why, at the same time as the outbreak of Covid-19 in the Middle East, military conflicts have become more persistent and intense? The research hypothesis is that the outbreak of Covid-19, and the involvement of regional governments in the Corona virus and efforts to contain and combat it, have led to disruptions and a security vacuum, so that the groups involved decided to take this opportunity to take advantage of this security vacuum. The study concludes that governments' perceptions of security threats and the type of threats in the Middle East are still based on military threats, and the spread of the Corona virus has not changed that perception. Hence, the perception of a common threat from Covid-19, which requires the cooperation and joint efforts of governments and stakeholders to contain and counter it; which does not exist in the Middle East. The method of collecting materials and data in this research is based on the library and documentary method and also the research method is based on descriptive-analytical research method.

This article seeks to answer the question of what effect does the water crisis have on the process of regional conflicts and future prospects in West Asia? The results obtained from this research show that due to the extent of the geopolitical position of water in regional and international water strategies, it will be the basis of conflicts in areas that are facing water shortages. Most of West Asia, due to its location in the desert belt and having a dry and semi-arid climate and little rainfall, has always faced water crisis, which sometimes occurs as a political factor in various forms in regional affairs and is the foundation It is the conflict between the countries of the region and it will be the main cause of conflicts and conflicts in the future. which requires the formulation of national, regional and even global policies in this regard. This research was done with descriptive-analytical method and using library studies and internet and documentary sources.