احسان شاکری خویی

Media, as the most important channel of political communication, can play a decisive and sensitive role in the level of political participation. Media can influence people's attitudes, awareness, and ultimately their willingness to participate in the political arena, particularly in elections. This influence is often indirect or sometimes direct, providing extensive information and awareness to its audience. Given the significant role that traditional media (such as television) and modern media (social media) play in shaping citizens' voting behaviors and attitudes in the political sphere, the question arises: how can media be utilized to further enhance the level of political participation, especially in the electoral aspect, in the country? The research method is descriptive-analytical, and the results show that due to the monopoly of state television and its univocal nature, citizens in recent years have turned to social media as tools that provide them with greater freedom, using it as a key platform for political action and participation. Conversely, the national broadcaster has clearly lagged in using virtual spaces and the capabilities of social media to encourage political participation and attract public opinion. The virtual space, as a competitor to national media, has found a more prominent role in education, awareness-raising, information dissemination, and public persuasion; a role that does not necessarily align with the objectives of the political system. This issue is clearly observable with the extensive filtering of social media and efforts to implement the national internet project. Additionally, in many cases, traditional media have not adhered to the legal obligations and, using various special media tricks, have violated these rules and principles by favoring specific electoral candidates, an issue that has become much more complex with the expanding role of digital media, especially on the internet and virtual space. These media indirectly, consciously or under the pressure of individuals or specific groups, engage in deliberate bias; a matter that contradicts the mission and goals of the media's involvement in the election process, ultimately leading to an unfair change in voter tendencies and the final election result.

Sanctions are one of the tools and mechanisms used by governments for protecting national interests and confining the power of other governments. After establishment of the Islamic Republic of Iran, this country has always faced a broad range of sanctions from the great world powers. This research tries to evaluate and analyze the role of desired governance in dealing with sanctions and campaign of economic war against the Islamic Republic of Iran. The main question of this research is that "How is the role of desired governance in confronting with sanctions and economic war against the Islamic Republic of Iran analyzed and evaluated?" The answer to this question is that according to the transformational approach in favorable governance, the role of favorable governance in confronting with sanctions and economic war against the Islamic Republic of Iran can be evaluated and analyzed. The findings showed that considering the weak results of the Iran development strategy in the past years, application of a transformational approach in governance in order to confine the economic power of political institutions, improve transparency and accountability and create context for the formation of a powerful civil society are essential. This research investigates the role of desired governance in confronting with sanctions and economic war with descriptive and analytical method using of library, documentary resources and books and articles.

The two neighboring countries of Iran and Turkey have witnessed significant developments historically and politically over a nearly identical period of time. Reza Shah and Ataturk, after coming to power and considering their country's internal and external conditions, sought to reform their westernization and secularization. The similarities and differences between the two countries' societies and the way in which different forces and social classes interact and oppose them have made a different fate. Both political leaders sought to push people toward modernization in a grammatical and orderly process. A comparative study of the modernization efforts of Reza Shah and Ataturk reveals many similarities, but given these similar aspects from a theoretical point of view, we see a different conclusion and conclusion. The present article seeks to compare the modernization process in Iran and Turkey from the point of view of empirical modernization or modernization from above. Therefore, this article seeks to answer the question: Why, despite the many similarities, did the fate of modernization in Reza Shah's Pahlavi era differ from that of Mustafa Kemal Ataturk? The findings of this article indicate that the difference between the function of the institution of religion and its relationship with the government along with other factors has led to the failure of modernization in the reign of Pahlavi during the reign of Mustafa Kamal Ataturk. In this article we use the " comparative-historical" method.

Reforms and modernization in Iran and Turkey had a history before Reza Shah and Atatürk came to power, and it can be said that modernization before these two political leaders in these two societies with acceptance and various oppositions with their own intensity and weaknesses. Especially from the clergy and religious groups and the common people in these two countries. Reza Shah Pahlavi and Mustafa Kemal Atatürk both in the same period of time after coming to power for the mental background and later with a serious confrontation with the concept of modernity and innovative progress of the West in order to take fast and pragmatic actions with behaviors They became more radical in order to reach their ultimate goal, which was to bring their country to progress. According to the historical evidence and documents, it can be stated that Atatürk was more serious and stricter in dealing with the tradition and institution of religion than Reza Shah, and of course, the different function of the institution of religion in both countries led to a different result in the emergence of religion. Real modernization in two countries in that period of history. Changing men's clothing, discovering women's hijab, creating a customary and modern legal and educational system, rewriting history, road building and industrialism, weakening traditional classes and creating and strengthening modern classes should be listed as the most important aspects of Reza Shah's and Ataturk's modernization.

The theoretical framework of this article will be basically based on the theory of authoritarian modernization or modernization and modernization from above. Therefore, we will seek help from Barrington Moore's theory in this field. In the book "Social Roots of Dictatorship and Democracy", Moore examines the modernization methods of England, France, America, China, Japan and India with his sociological and comparative explanation and points to three types of modernization. Kond: The democratic modernization method that took place in America, England and France. The communist and totalitarian modernization method that happened in China and Russia. and the method of modernization from above that was implemented in Japan and Germany. The method that Reza Shah Pahlavi and Mustafa Kemal Atatürk took was mainly in the form of authoritarianism and statism. Atatism or statism is one of the known types of authoritarian modernization from above. In this method, the movement towards modernization is done from above and guided by the ruling classes. In such a way, intellectuals are always present who are in sync with the policies of the Board of Trustees and take steps to encourage, strengthen and help the realization of these policies.

The method adopted by Moore is a comparative historical method and not a comparative method. Deductive method includes determining a theory to explain a certain phenomenon and then deducing appropriate hypotheses that are basically falsifiable and testing these hypotheses in order to determine the validity of the initial theory. In contrast to the comparative historical method, it is an inductive method in which a chain of historical cases related to the desired study is examined in detail and through comparison, the distinction between cause-and-effect mechanisms is determined and explanations are deduced based on this.

In this paper, an attempt was made to discuss and study the process of modernization during the era of Reza Shah Pahlavi and Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, taking into account the social and cultural conditions and using the theoretical framework of modernization or modernization from above. In the modernization method from the top of Barrington Moore, the occurrence of a popular and violent revolution to remove the obstacles to development is meaningless. And the political results resulting from the destruction of the past social system, through the revolution from above, are different from the results of the revolution from below.

During their conservative modernization, semi-parliamentary regimes try to preserve their old social structures as much as possible and, as much as possible, place major parts of that system within the new social structure. give While in the process of modernization, Reza Shah and Ataturk sought to erase their old social structures because they considered them to be the cause of backwardness. And since the development of Iran and Turkey was exogenous, not much attention was paid to the internal conditions of the society, but to achieve economic development, what had happened in the western countries should be modeled in order for them to progress. would be and by imposing modernization programs from top to bottom and relying on foreign or domestic capital, such as increasing tariffs and collecting huge taxes from farmers in Iran and Turkey, or selling oil in Iran, They provided changes that led to heterogeneous economic growth, especially in Iran. The concept of modernization implies the complete transformation of the traditional society into a modern society, with various types of technology and social organization related to it, which is a developed and stable economic-political feature. How the process of modernization in Iran was accompanied by the systematic oppositions and resistances of the guided society, which became one of the main reasons for the failure of Reza Shah in the modernization measures. Of course, another main reason for the lack of success of Reza Shah compared to Ataturk was the difference in the relationship between religion and government in the two countries

The present research was conducted with the aim of investigating the process of public policy in the field of urban economy in Iran based on the naming of years by the Supreme Leader.

The current research is practical in terms of purpose and was conducted with the help of multifaceted foundation data theory qualitative method and through semi-structured interviews with 13 experts who were selected by theoretical sampling.

In the findings section, attention was paid to 5 main sections: 1- the most important economic components emphasized in naming the years, 2- the perception of the interviewees about the category of naming the years, 3- examining the impact of the name Placing years on the policy-making process of the three forces, 4- Economic factors and obstacles affecting the non-implementation of policies based on naming years and 5- Economy and urban economy: the focus of naming years in the last decade by the leader of the revolution

Based on the text of the interviews, the urban economy categories mentioned by the interviewees can be classified into 3 categories, i.e. resistance economy, support for domestic production, employment creation. The interviewees' perception of the category of naming the years includes ideal-oriented, judgment-oriented, policy-oriented, stereotype-oriented, expediency-oriented, jurist-oriented. The results showed that among the legislature, executive and judiciary, from the point of view of individuals, the government and then the judiciary played the most important role. Most of the interviewees stated that the government had this possibility and was able to establish or facilitate economic policies such as resistance economy policy, job creation, support for national production in the country, but in some cases it was not carried out in the desired way. It has not been successful.

Developments during the constitutional period and the formation of opposition and pro-government groups in Iran led to a change in political jurisprudence and Shia ideas about the state. During this period, Shia jurists, in the two schools of Iran and Najaf, expressed their political and jurisprudential positions, which resulted in two important views of constitutional and legitimate monarchy. The view of constitutional monarchy was created by jurists such as Mohammad Hossein Naeini and derived from the new concepts of constitutionalism. In contrast, the view of a legitimate monarchy was founded by scholars such as Sheikh Fazlollah Nuri. The author’s question in this article is what are the views of these two schools on theories of government and which concepts have had the most impact on them? The author has used the hermeneutic methodological model of Quentin Skinner to examine the views of Mohammad Hossein Naeini and Sheikh Fazlollah Nouri. The results show that linguistic and intellectual contexts on the one hand and practical and environmental contexts on the other hand have led to their different views of constitutionalism.

Today, the approach of threats is changing from hard to soft and relying on psychological operations in societies. By persuading and changing their behavior, crises and colorful revolutions arise in them; therefore, to cope passive defense functions are effective; and the role of institutions and policymakers in opening such spaces should not be neglected. Social capital is one of the most important indicators of the growth of societies. This concept, which has entered politics from social sciences, has a wide impact on the relationship between government and society. The main question of the research is, what effect has the functioning of the country's eight passive defense policies had on social capital in Iran? The case study method is contextual; in the quantitative analysis section, the "multiple linear regression" method of "eight independent variables" is used on "dependent variable". The statistical population is 17 people in the qualitative part and 140 people in the quantitative part of experts in interdisciplinary sciences. The results indicate that the function of the eight passive defense policies on the components of social capital is significant and their impact on the components of social capital is different and significant.

This research seeks to identify and analyze the key motivations of realizing the possibility of a civil society in Iran by emphasizing on cyberspace. The research uses the structural analysis (mic mac) methodology. The process applied in this research starts by studying the empirical research literature and theoretical studies, and deducts the key motivations of the cyberspace which are influential on the possibility of realization of a civil society in Iran. In the next step the Micmac software was used to create and analyze the matrix of the intersecting motivations. In order to do so the ideas of 12 academic experts and intellectuals who are professionally working on cyberspace, political studies, media and communication and sociology have been sought to proofread all the motivations. The research results show that after the motivations impact, public awareness in the first grade, the free flow of information in the second grade, the pluralism and strengthening the social institutions and parties_ both at the same time_ are ranked in the third grade of influence on the realization of the civil society. Finally, the three motivations of free flow of information, creating various discourses and strengthening the social institutions and parties were identified as regulatory and balancing variations which means these motivations can have positive impacts on realizing the civil society. We can realize the civil society by planning on and creating policies for managing these motivations.

Ibn Taymiyyah is one of the most influential Sunni scholars whose scope of influence of his thoughts is quite evident in the world today. He has written extensively and has expressed opinions contrary to the consensus of Islamic religions in his writings. For this reason, he was tried many times by Sunni scholars and sent to prison. And the great people of Hadith return. In examining the works and in analyzing the jurisprudential principles of Ibn Taymiyyah, it is clear that he deviated from the basic principles of Islam. It should be noted that the intellectual conflicts resulting from these deviations laid the necessary ground for contradictions and differences with other Islamic religions. . Ibn Taymiyyah's deviant thoughts also had a great impact on creating divisions among Muslims and paving the way for the formation of Wahhabism. He was met with a clear majority of scholars of other Islamic religions, and some scholars even ordered him to be excommunicated and expelled from the religion, to the point that he was imprisoned for some time because of his thoughts by the government of the time. He supported his student Ibn al-Qayyim, who after his death also made great efforts to compile the writings of his teacher.

Political legitimacy is the process by which power becomes authoritarian and political power acquires a rational character; As a result, there is a fundamental relationship between legitimate domination and political legitimacy. The importance of the issue of "legitimacy" lies in the fact that the stability and survival of the political system depends on the realization of its legitimacy, and therefore every government tries to strengthen the foundations of its "legitimacy". The depiction of a legitimate government, as the policy of Islamic governments, was the goal pursued by Islamic thinkers and thinkers. In this direction, people like Ibn Taymiyyah, who sought to create a jurisprudential-political current through their specific jurisprudential and political views, and of course their extremism, also sought to create a new understanding of political legitimacy in Islamic society. In explaining and applying the concept of legitimacy in Ibn Taymiyyah's views, it should be noted that legitimacy in Ibn Taymiyyah's opinions is devoid of any specific coherence and policy. . In other words, what should be criticized in Ibn Taymiyyah's views is not his views on legitimacy; Rather, the vacuum of legitimacy is the most important objection that can be made to Ibn Taymiyyah's views. In this discourse, we seek to examine the fact that Ibn Taymiyyah's views are associated with a serious crisis called the vacuum of legitimacy, because he did not have a proper understanding of the concept of legitimacy in a politico-religious structure.

The relations of countries can provide the ground for their cooperation or conflict based on the influence of norms, perceptions and perceptions between them. Relations between Turks and Russians have long been hostile. Among the Russians, the traditional image of Turkey has been a disturbing one. For this reason, there is a pessimistic view of relations with Turkey, especially among nationalists, in Russia, and they still see Turkey in the Western and American camps. Turkey-Russia relations have been based on the introduction of Turkey as a model for other countries, as well as Turkey's maximum benefit from economic interests, especially after the AKP came to power. Relationships that have undergone many changes, especially in the period 2016 to 2019. In this research, an attempt has been made to discover the commonalities and differences between the realities and processes of Turkish foreign policy in relation to the Tsarist government of Russia in the period 2016-2019 using the method of comparative analysis. The results showed that Turkey's foreign policy towards Russia has always been based on the national interests of Turkey. Although Turkey is considered a strategic and strategic partner for Russia due to the passage of Russian energy transmission lines through its territory, but wherever Turkey's national and economic interests have required, by turning to and falling into the arms of Tsarist Russia. Or the United States has tried to make the most of these benefits.

The school of segregation is one of the schools of thought that has become important in Shiite thought and seminaries. This school is basically an epistemological and methodological theoretical expression in terms of how to understand religious texts, which emphasizes the distinction between the three methods in a particular type of religious knowledge, namely, narration, philosophy and mysticism. This article uses a descriptive-analytical method with the aim of discovering the study of justice and installments in the wise political views and behavior towards politics and governance, including the revolution in the formation of the Egyptian revolution, seeks to answer the question of how the 2011 Egyptian revolution can be Analyzed the angle of the school of justice? The hypothesis presented in this regard is that in the formation of the Egyptian revolution, this view of the school of segregation that has influenced the fundamental changes in politics and political functions, especially by emphasizing the issue of installment and justice in the eyes of Hakimi. In the end, it can be concluded that in the process of revolutionary struggles in Egypt, the political behavior of the Muslim Brotherhood movement, the people and the government in practice, included participation in political struggles and in the theoretical field included participation in politics.

The school of segregation is one of the schools of thought that has been important in Shiite thought and seminaries since 1992. This school is basically an epistemological and methodological theoretical expression in terms of how to understand religious texts, which emphasizes the distinction between the three methods of religious knowledge, namely, narration, philosophy and mysticism. In the school of segregation, theory focuses on doctrinal issues, with social and political issues on the sidelines. Therefore, there is no direct and clear content about the political views of the school of segregation.In this article, using a descriptive-analytical method and with the aim of discovering the study of justice and installment in the opinions of separatists and the political approach and behavior of separatists towards politics and governance, including the revolution, seeks to answer the question that the implications What is the political school of segregation? The hypothesis presented in this regard, using Skinner's methodology, is that the school of segregation's view of politics is based on fundamental epistemological changes and, consequently, political functions, especially with emphasis on installments and justice, especially for Hakimi.Thus, the conclusion that can be drawn in the end is that in the process of revolutionary struggles, the political behavior of separatists in practice, from isolation to participation in political struggles and in the theoretical field has included lack of interest in revolution and participation in politics.

,1In the general policies of the system, passive defense is a set of unarmed actions that increase deterrence, reduce vulnerability, continue essential activities, promote national stability and facilitate crisis management against enemy threats and military actions. And issues such as trust, norms and networks and increase efficiency, communication, creativity, solving community problems and .... Some of its characteristics (participation, cohesion, etc.) are social. The purpose of this research is to achieve the extent of the impact of the country's passive defense policies on social capital and the method of doing it, case-context and its type, applied-development. The statistical population of a number of related experts is estimated at 400 people, the sample size is estimated based on the Cochran's formula of 100. The results indicate that the implementation of passive defense policies of the social system (participation and cohesion) depends on the extent of this study in a small area. Suggestions have been made in this regard.

The purpose of this article is to explain and analyze the 2011 Tunisian revolution from the perspective of the discourse approach ofErnesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe. In line with the purpose of the research, the central question that can be posed and evaluated is that: in the framework of the theory of discourse analysis of Laclau and Muff, how it canbe analyzed the 2011 Tunisian revolution? The hypothesis of the article is that within the framework of Laclau and Mouffe's discourse theory, the Tunisian revolution can be interpreted as a revolution with intra-discourse and extra-discourse conflict to achieve a hegemonic position. The intra-discourse is related to the competition of the signifier ofsecularism signified , which in the framework its, the signifier of democracy and political freedom replaced the signifier of authoritarianism in the signified of secularism. And the extra-discourse conflict is related to the competition of the discourse of political Islam with secularism, especially the combination of religion and politics against the separation of religion from politics. Eventually, however, the discourse of political Islam and secularism (signifier of democracy and political freedom) formed the Tunisian revolution by being in an equivalence. The findings of the study also indicate that there is no specific ideology in Tunisia, and this in itself has made it possible for rival discourses to manage political and social developments in the country with a constructive coexistence. The research method is descriptive-analytical and discourse analysis has been used as an analysis tool to advance the research work.

For the past four decades, the Islamic Republic of Iran, due to the intervention of supra-regional and regional powers, as well as historical internal social, economic and political problems, has been involved in issues in the context of historical social trends and challenges arising from the emergence of hegemonic powers. The Western interventionist is understandable. The purpose of this study is to explain and draw different scenarios for the future of social, economic and political trends of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The leading article seeks to answer the question of what future can be drawn for the social, economic and political trends of the Islamic Republic of Iran based on the descriptive-analytical method, emphasizing the futures research approach and using data collection and analysis. Thus, after examining social, economic and political issues and trends and using three categories of scenarios (short-term, medium-term and long-term), eleven scenarios were set, each of which points to trends from angles that in the short-term perspective, The scenarios of "continuation of the current stable situation and authority", "struggle of arrogant powers for a global consensus against Iran" are more probable, and in the medium and long term, the failure of the scenarios designed against the Islamic Republic of Iran is explained.

The aim of this study was to identify and sociologically explain feminist attitudes among Iranian women. The method of the present study was qualitative-exploratory and was implemented with a qualitative content analysis approach. The participants were women over 18 years old in Isfahan who satiated the data after 10 interviews with the available sampling method. The data collection tool was a semi-structured interview, and the data analysis was performed in the form of open, pivotal and selective triple coding. The results showed; The women studied had four Marxist feminist, Islamic, liberal and radical attitudes. In the Marxist feminist view, categories such as oppression and exploitation of women in the workplace, gender dominance and women's weak perception were included. In the Islamic feminist view, some of the identified categories included inequality and discrimination in the ransom of men and women, inequality in inheritance, and in the radical feminist view, some categories included the institutionalization of patriarchy and other forms of male abuse. Finally, in the liberal feminist perspective, categories such as women's gender socialization, women's empowerment, and the division of labor function were obtained.

Abstract The process of returning to the Qur'an was initially followed by the revolutionary movement of Seyyed Jamal al-Din al-Assadi and his attention to the concept of parliamentary democracy, and he went on to pursue the theme of political pragmatism on his behalf. Subsequently, Shiite and Sunni thinkers attempted to correct the situation of the Islamic society and spoke on their content, in a way that the flow of return to the Quran became the dominant discourse of the Islamic Ummah. This flow has different concepts and approaches. Among these approaches, the discussion of disillusionment with the Qur'an and the priority of placing it alongside tradition and hadiths are more important and more acceptable. The scholars of Shiism and Sunnis have also been the theorists in this regard and often accept the same approach; except for some extremists who are known as Quranic and who believe that only Quran is sufficient for the Islamic society. The events that have occurred in the Islamic society to this day; the slogan of returning to the Qur'an has not been realized or deviant, and some of the elites of the Islamic Ummah do not have the correct understanding of this slogan.

Political development can be considered as the most important arena of competition between intellectual-political currents, and the external view of political struggles in the contemporary history of Iran can be seen by examining the history of Iranian expansionism. In the contemporary period, too, currents of thought-politics, by diversifying their view of political development, have created an atmosphere of contradiction and competition on the one hand, and interaction and confrontation on the other. One of the currents that has dealt with the issue of political development in contemporary Iran is the current of religious intellectuals. Soroush and Shabestari's religious intellectual discourse includes elements such as minority religion, religious democratic government, human rights, secularism and pluralism. In Soroush's discourse, the acceptance of epistemological pluralism and its logical consequence in social pluralism leads to the acceptance of political pluralism. In Shabestari discourse, man is considered a righteous being and the righteousness of man is placed in front of duty and metaphysics and the domination of religion over all his life. Shabestari recommends the acceptance of Western human rights by Muslims, the precondition for which is the establishment of a democratic system; In his view, in a democratic system, rights are more easily enforced than in an authoritarian system, and political and religious freedoms are better respected. In this article, with the analytical-critical approach, the theories of Soroush and Mojtahed Shabestari, the lack of philosophical depth and the structural and comprehensive approach to modernity, development and new Western civilization are discussed.

The purpose of this article is to examine the religious ideas governing the foreign policy of the Zionist regime through discourse analysis of the statements, speeches and programs of its prime ministers over the past two decades. The main question of the research is how Jewish religious beliefs are reproduced in the words of the Israeli prime ministers in the field of foreign policy?
Research

The research method is Fairclough critical discourse analysis, which we analyze based on three levels of description, interpretation and explanation of selected texts and show what narrative of these textual factors reflects the social relations and in particular the foreign policy of this regime.

The findings show that the foreign policy discourse of the Israeli Prime Ministers (from various political parties and spectrums) is strongly influenced by the Jewish religious political culture, which is based on the general policies of foreign behavior, especially its conflict with Muslims, Arabs and It reflects the Palestinians.

The results of assessments of the textual factors and discourse positions of the three prime ministers of the Zionist regime show that these leaders base their foreign policy mainly on conflicting religious identities, discourse conflicts, Jewish holy precepts, the existence of fundamental conflicts and conflicts with Muslims. In this way, they legitimize their 70-year-old violence, expansionism, and continuing aggression against the Palestinians.

By changing attitudes towards women during the Islamic Revolution, women were able to find a strong presence in the social and political arena. The present research method was an exploratory hybrid type that both qualitative and quantitative methods were used. In the qualitative section, the qualitative content analysis technique was used. The data collection tool was a semi-structured interview. The data analysis method was open triad, selective U axis. In the second part, the survey method was used. The statistical population of this section was all women over 18 years old in Isfahan, who were selected by random cluster sampling of 2000 people. Data collection tool was a researcher-made questionnaire based on the findings of the qualitative section. Data analysis was performed using multivariate regression and SPSS software. Findings from the qualitative section showed that among the women interviewed, four dominant feminist tendencies included Marxist, Islamic, radical, and liberal feminist attitudes. The results of the test also showed the hypotheses; Feminist attitudes have a positive effect on redefining social identity. . Feminist attitude has a positive effect on awareness of citizenship rights. Feminist attitudes have a positive effect on membership in socio-political groups and movements.

Turkey is known as an influential player in the Middle East. The geopolitical connection between Turkey and the Middle East is an issue that none of the regional and trans-regional actors have such a capability, so such indicators have made Turkey an influential player in the geopolitical space of the Middle East. Turkey, as the only Muslim country and the only NATO member in the Middle East, is of particular importance to the United States. Ankara is constantly moving towards a more worthy position in the Islamic world and in the international arena, and this can be seen in the spread of Ankara's different approaches to the West, especially the United States. According to its policies, Turkey regulates its foreign policy movements in order to achieve the maximum benefits and the role of an important and strategic player in the region. In this study, Turkey's foreign policy approach to its important ally, the United States, from 2016 to 2019 is examined. A better understanding of Turkey's foreign policy as an important regional country is essential to building a sensible foreign policy towards it. It seems that what shapes Turkey's foreign policy behavior and approach towards its strategic ally, the United States, is not merely environmental and strategic realities, but the perception that Turkish leaders, especially Erdogan, have of their ally. Therefore, Turkey's regional and international power and position, as well as Erdogan's personality traits, will change the behavior and approach of Turkey's foreign policy towards its ally, the United States.

AbstractThis study was written with the aim of qualitatively studying the factors and obstacles of non-implementation of policies based on naming years by the Supreme LeaderThis study was written with the aim of qualitatively studying the factors and obstacles of non-implementation of policies based on naming years by the Supreme Leader. This research was conducted by qualitative method and through grounded theory and the samples were theoretically saturated through theoretical sampling and by interviews from 39 and the interviews were analyzed using open, axial and selective coding. Based on the results of coding interviews, components 1- Theoretical and strategic factors and obstacles 2- Economic factors and obstacles 3- Factors arising from political culture 4- Social and cultural factors as factors and obstacles of non-implementation of policies based on years of nomination by the Supreme Leader Leadership was identified. And according to the content of the interviews, "poor governance" was chosen as the core.