دکتر غفار زارعی

One of the most important topics in today's world is the development and progress of societies and countries, which requires support, assistance and consensus under strong, coherent, orderly and law-abiding organizations that some countries have taken steps in this direction and have achieved good results. . The comprehensiveness and integrity of our country requires coordination between the three powers, despite the separation of powers, in order to achieve convergence in achieving the goals and excellence and quick and accurate reform of the structure. Because the goal of government in societies is to provide the necessary facilities for the well-being and comfort of the people according to the orders and laws. But in our country, according to the constitution, in addition to the above-mentioned, the principles provided by the holy Shariah and the way of the Prophet (PBUH) and the infallible imams (peace be upon them) are also considered. For this purpose, the relations of the three forces and the limits of their independence are clarified to advance the goals and have the necessary convergence to realize the goals of development and progress, so the issue appears to be very important and vital.

The political turmoil of the last two centuries in Afghanistan and the unfavorable performance of the four-year Mujahideen government (1371-1975), which resulted in insecurity, corruption and severe cultural and economic poverty, created a suitable environment for the emergence of Taliban in the political scene of Afghanistan. Historically, culturally, and territorially, Afghanistan has a lot in common with Iran. But despite these many commonalities, there are various challenges in the path of convergence of these two countries. purpose of this article is the challenges and opportunities of Iran's foreign policy towards Afghanistan (case study: Taliban government), which is done using the descriptive-analytical method. main question of the research is about the challenges and opportunities of Iran's foreign policy towards Afghanistan in the government. What is Taliban? How is role of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the process of war and peace in Afghanistan evaluated? To what extent can history of relations between Islamic Republic of Iran and Afghanistan affect foreign policy of two countries, considering the rule of Taliban? results of research show that challenges such as unclear future of how Taliban will deal with Shiites of Afghanistan and tension over Harivard, as well as Islamic Republic of Iran due to its confrontation with America and presence of this country in Afghanistan, play a role in continuation of war in Afghanistan, and history of relations Islamic Republic of Afghanistan can be influential in foreign policy of two countries due to the Taliban's rule in future in relations between two countries.

Relations between countries are based on economic, security, geographical and cultural conditions. Although the status of these factors is changing in the age of globalization, it is not true to say that these factors do not affect the relations between the two countries. As neighbors, Iran and Azerbaijan have cultural, historical and religious commonalities. Nevertheless, the relations between the two countries have faced certain challenges. One of the main challenges has been the Nagorno-Karabakh issue, which has been addressed in this research on both security and economic levels. This research was conducted with the aim of investigating the economic and security consequences of the Karabakh conflict on the Islamic Republic of Iran. The main question is how the Karabakh conflict can have economic and security consequences for the Islamic Republic of Iran. The findings indicate that the consequences and challenges in these two areas are within the scope of the positions of the Islamic Republic, the conflict in the field of energy and relations between Azerbaijan and Israel, along with the confrontation and the introduction of politics and ideology regarding the economic relations of these two countries. This research is done using descriptive-analytical method.

The model of the political system in any society is always influenced by the beliefs and values of that society. This issue has taken a more prominent form in Iranian society after the Islamic revolution of 1357.with the study of the community of humanities students of the Islamic Azad University of Shiraz University, aims to investigate the influence of religious beliefs and values on the formation and realization of the model of religious democracy. Based on Cochran's formula, 332 people were selected as the sample size by simple random sampling method and were analyzed by t-test method. The findings show that the realization of the model of religious democracy is influenced by the attitude of the people of the Iranian society towards the components of this model. the realization of the model of religious democracy means the acceptance of a distinct form of society administration, which can also be considered as a factor for the expansion of the Islamic Revolution. From this point of view, issuing the model of religious democracy means issuing the values of the Islamic Revolution in the new stage of the Islamic Revolution. Another argument is that the link between religion and political values by the Islamic revolution is a special and distinct model, which is clearly a negation of the propagation of the model of secularism on the one hand and an ineffective negation of the role of religion in the administration of Islamic societies on the other hand.

After withdrawal of US from JCPOA, Americans and their regional allies began a campaign against Iran that was known as maximum pressure campaign. Former US president who was dissident with JCPOA during his presidential campaign knew that deal as a bad deal. He ordered to withdraw US from JCPOA ultimately.in this research we want to answer to this question that what was objective of maximum pressure campaign against Iran. Research’s findings after putting aside of liberal hegemony as American grand strategy and attention to offshore balancing during Obama presidency, US middle eastern policy was made based on preventing of rise of a regional hegemon power. Unlike Obama period was based on Referral of responsibility in Trump era America acted directly to establish balance of power by maximum pressure campaign.in fact that policy was balancing strategy against Iran. America’s actions consist of sanctions, military cooperation with its allies and to regional coalition building. Americans tried with weakening of Iran and supporting of their allies rebalance in Middle East. This research is analytical descriptive and to collect data and information we used of library method.

The Middle East has become more critical in the 2010-2015 decade than ever before. This crisis has originated from issues such as the wave of democratization, increasing tensions between regional countries, ISIS and the Syrian crisis.  For this reason, relations as well as alliances and coalitions of regional countries have also undergone a transformation. One of these developments is the relationship between Saudi Arabia and the Zionist regime in recent years. The tactical proximity of Saudi Arabia as the axis of the Arab countries of the region and the Sunni world and the Zionist regime is of special importance. In this regard, we can mention the internal challenges of Saudi Arabia, increasing Iran's regional power, the crisis in Yemen, reducing Saudi regional influence, the Trump administration's pressure on Saudi officials, and so on. Of course, it should be said that the normalization of relations between Saudi Arabia and the Zionist regime is more tactical. Because the relations between the Zionist regime and Saudi Arabia cannot be considered strategic for reasons such as being the center of the Sunni world, Saudi Arabia is the main origin of extremism and anti-Zionist movements, the negative attitude of the Zionist leaders towards the Arab leaders. 

One of the most important and fundamental ways for countries to achieve strategic interests is to participate effectively in regional organizations. Because cooperation in these organizations is basically based on common goals and interests. The core of the SCO was established on April 26, 1996 in Shanghai, China, with the aim of strengthening mutual trust and disarmament on the borders of the newly independent Soviet Union, including Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan with China. In June 2001, it was renamed the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. The Shanghai Cooperation Organization is currently recognized as one of the most important multilateral regional groupings, and in terms of the vast scope of its activities, since its inception, it has always been considered from various aspects, and For this reason (comprehensiveness of assigned tasks) there has been much debate about the true nature and scope of the organization's core activities. The Islamic Republic of Iran is one of the countries that, on the one hand, due to regional proximity and the existence of ties and common interests, and on the other hand, due to political pressures and sanctions imposed by the West, from the beginning of the organization, applied for membership. In September 2021, after many ups and downs, he was able to obtain the consent of all permanent members of the organization for permanent admission.

Institutional development model is one of the methods of people's political participation in the political system of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Although institutional development and mass political participation are closely related, institutional development is more profound and sustainable and can deepen and expand the constitutional goals and upstream documents on political participation. The purpose of this study is to investigate the strategies for achieving political participation in the Islamic Republic of Iran from the perspective of institutional development that has been done among students and professors of Shiraz Azad University. The statistical population is 384 people who have been selected by simple random sampling. The data obtained from the questionnaire were analyzed using SPSS statistical software at two levels. In the first level, using descriptive statistical methods (frequency, mean and standard deviation) and in the second level, using inferential statistical methods (one-sample t-test), the data obtained from the questionnaire questions were analyzed and questioned. Research questions are answered. The results showed that institutional development is one of the necessities of the Islamic Revolution in the fourth decade and beyond..

The identities of any society are influenced by the political, economic, cultural and social conditions of that society. Despite the existence of common elements between identities and their construction, the identity of the Islamic Revolution has a different approach due to its religious and Islamic principles. In this regard, the present study seeks to examine the consolidating elements of national identity from the perspective of Imam Khomeini's thought. Therefore, the research question is what are the characteristics of the elements that shape the discourse of the Islamic Revolution from Imam Khomeini's point of view? They are not places and they conquered territories. This approach can be a basis for regionalization and globalization of the idea of identity desired by Imam Khomeini (ra), which causes the fattening of national identity and its support outside the territorial borders of Iran. At the forefront of these concepts is the universal umbrella of the "Islamic Ummah" as a fundamental principle. The method that has been used to study these cases is the descriptive-analytical method and citing library sources, views and statements of Imam Khomeini.

Due to its geopolitical and geoeconomic importance, the Persian Gulf region is of great importance for regional and extra-regional actors. The Persian Gulf region has a dual function; peace/war and convergence/divergence and endogenous/exogenous security. What is important in this article is the analysis of the nature of exogenous security on the regionalism mechanism of the Arab countries of the Persian Gulf in the field of their domestic and foreign policy. The main question of the research is what effect does exogenous security have on the regionalism mechanism of the Arab countries of the Persian Gulf? The main hypothesis is that the regionalism of the Persian Gulf countries is based on exogenous security and relies on the provision of regional security by extra-regional powers, and pan-Arab attitudes, Shiite and Sunni geopolitics, maintaining the political system and unity against Large regional players have intensified this strategy. Bringing up topics such as Arab NATO even at the theoretical level and bilateral and multilateral defense agreements with great powers is in line with the completion of the exogenous security project. The research method is descriptive-analytical and based on library and internet collection methods

The attitude and understanding of the political elites has played a significant role in the formulation of governmental institutions and organizations in every period of the political history of Islamic countries, especially countries undergoing political transition. In this period of modern Islamic movements in Muslim countries, the role and impact of political elites was of great importance. The necessity and importance of this role is clearly evident in how to explain and interpret the concepts, values, institutions, pillars, laws, management, efficiency, acceptability and ultimately the desirability of the government influenced by the vision of the political elites. The research method is descriptive-analytical and based on the library collection method. The article deals with this important and fundamental question, what is the role of political elites in the institutionalization of modern Islamic movements in the Islamic world? The main hypothesis is that the strategic nature and management of political elites in modern Islamic movements with regard to optimal decision-making, political self-confidence, strengthening of Islamic identity and efficient institution building in Islamic movements leads to the design of authentic and revolutionary Islamic government models. Due to the lack of attitude and comprehensive understanding of the political elites of authentic Islamic teachings and concepts, innovation in political decisions, deviation in the path of identification of popular uprisings, many Islamic movements in the Islamic world have faced the characteristic of lack of institutionalization.

The purpose of this article is to investigate the effects of social networks on the political behavior of the Iranian people. Because the mass media in our country are constantly losing their authority and credibility. The roots of this process go back to both the media and the outside world. Along with some technological developments and changes in the information ecosystem, governance policies have been an important factor that over the past years has led to the weakening of the media and the reduction of their authority and credibility. The statistical population of this study included all Iranians with the right to vote and we randomly selected 278 people. Analytical-correlation method was used to obtain the desired information in this study. In this article, we seek to answer the question of what effect social networks have had on the political behavior of the Iranian people (since 2008-2018)? There is a positive relationship between the use of social networks between 2008 and 2018 and the political behavior of citizens, in other words, the more the use of social networks increases, the more the political behavior of individuals in elections changes.

Parties in a democratic political system are considered as the most important feature of political development. Parties cause various urban classes, including the poor and middle class, workers, farmers, peasants, to be involved in their political destiny in order to exercise their rights. This article examines the role of parties in the political development of Iran and Turkey and in this regard studies the positive or negative role of parties involved in political development and seeks to formulate their commonalities and differences. The conceptual framework of the article is based on developmentalist theories and its assumption is based on the assumption that the characteristics, beliefs and values ​​of both countries have played a decisive role in the manner and outcome of the activities of the parties of Iran and Turkey. The research method is a comparative comparison of the value components of the Iranian and Turkish parties in the political development process. The data of the article are extracted from the secondary historical analysis of the section for the two countries. The method of qualitative analysis is based on comparing the differences and similarities between the ways in which political parties deal with development issues. This article concludes that politics in the Middle East countries, according to their historical and cultural status, has its own requirements and structural differences in political organizations in interaction with these characteristics create differences in political development in the two countries of Iran. And Turkey.

As the global energy mix is shifting to low-carbon resources, the energy world is entering an era of disruption. The global energy transition continues, but the pace of change is uneven. The Persian Gulf has introduced a unique phase of energy transition through which, although the total energy demand from the region has remained almost constant over the past two decades, it has not relevant to the share of Persian Gulf resources in the consumption basket of the countries. The energy transition in the Persian Gulf is understood as the changing pattern of energy transit from the region. Therefore, this paper is to discover the implications of the global energy transition on the maritime security of the Persian Gulf. The main question of the article is: "how global energy transition change maritime security in the Persian Gulf?" The initial response is that "the global energy transition develops the pattern of maritime security only in case geo-economic cooperation between Arab countries of the Persian Gulf and China upgrades to the level of military and security cooperation." The findings, gained through an inferential methodology, substantiate the validity of the hypothesis and confirm that any change in geo-economics is likely to be accompanied by changing geopolitics, however, it may last decades under the absence of strategic and military developments.

This paper is aimed at exploring the most fundamental step for the implementation of initiatives based on the idea of endogenous security in the Persian Gulf, including the Hormoz Peace Endeavor (HOPE). Therefore, the main question is: “What is the most important fundamental step in implementing the HOPE?”. Since the implementation of the HOPE requires weakening of the durable patterns of amity and enmity intertwined with enmity between Iran and the GCC, the hypothesis says: “Improving Tehran-Riyadh bilateral relations is the most fundamental step in implementing the HOPE”. This research is descriptive-analytical and an inferential methodology is utilized to analyze the findings. The conceptual framework has also been formed through applying the Balance of Threat (BoT) theory to the Regional Security Complex theory. While completing the hypothesis, the findings show that, first, the existence of at least some degree of security convergence between Tehran and Riyadh is necessary to implement any security model based on the idea of endogenous security in the Persian Gulf. And second, since Saudi Arabia has no incentive to implement endogenous security initiatives in the region, Tehran can achieve the minimum necessary requisites for security convergence with this country, through establishing an agreement with Riyadh on some areas of influence in the Middle East.

This study is to "evaluate the impact of Iranian strategic culture on Tehran's response to Washington's coercive diplomacy. The question is, "How has the strategic culture of Iran affected its response to Washington's wills i.e. giving up the ideals of the Islamic Revolution. The findings of the study, obtained through an inferential methodology and analyzed relying on the power of individual understanding, show that the nine components of Iranian strategic culture in regard of diplomacy and defense, including "martyrdom", "resistance", "emphasis on deterrence", tactical flexibility, "Strategic ambiguity", "strategic patience", "self-reliance", "strategic loneliness and a sense of vulnerability" and "the mission of the leadership of Islam and the region" and its 5 characteristics including "achieving the truth of trust", "courage" , "rationalism", "intelligent and thoughtful leadership" and "hybrid and multidimensional nature has led Iran to understand the extravagant and self-reinforcing nature of coercive diplomacy and the importance of resisting US pressure and to prevent an onset for the domino of being blackmailed by US. Thus, the interactions between Iran and US during the past four decades have been based on either the principle of "privilege for privilege" or "reciprocity."

One of the goals of the Islamic Revolution, considering its cultural dimensions, is to create a new Islamic civilization, which has been emphasized by the Supreme Leader of the Islamic Revolution and today is considered as one of the needs of the Islamic society and even the Muslims of the world. For this reason, the main focus of the present study is to study the educational and cultural impulses in the formation of a new Islamic civilization based on the thoughts of the Leader of the Islamic Revolution. The question of the present study is: What are the most important educational and cultural drivers of Iranian society to achieve a new Islamic civilization? The method used by the present study to study the subject of modern Islamic civilization in the views of Ayatollah Khamenei is descriptive-analytical, which is obtained by examining the views and statements of the Supreme Leader of the Islamic Revolution and other sources and documentary books related to the subject. The findings of the present study show that the new Islamic civilization has important cultural impulses, which can include modeling based on justice, negation of materialism and attention to spirituality, attention to committed and specialized revolutionary forces, Scientificism and the upbringing of academic and educational elites committed and loyal to the values of the Islamic Revolution as the main drivers of modern Islamic civilization in the thoughts of Ayatollah Khamenei. Modern Islamic civilization, based on educational and cultural impulses, has both negative and positive aspects. Negative means criticizing Western civilization and exposing its moral, political, social and economic weaknesses. Because material advances such as machinery, industry, technology, and human wealth and education based on it cannot be indicative of a model civilization for humanity. On the positive side, the new Islamic civilization, by considering morality and spirituality, public comfort and security for Muslims and non-Muslims, the combination of religion and the world, and the promotion of spirituality, can be a fulcrum for pulling contemporary man out of unbridled Western morality, and introducing a competent Islamic and humane model.

Perceptions of the US desire to withdraw from the Persian Gulf are accompanied by the question of whether the potential power vacuum created by this event will be filled by emerging powers such as China and Russia. The present article specifically seeks an appropriate answer to the question, "Will China's growing economic interest in the Persian Gulf lead to Beijing's active security policy in the region?" And why? According to the paper, China's economic diplomacy in the Persian Gulf in the short or medium term, as entering into complex Gulf security challenges is at odds with Beijing's policy of maximizing trade capacity to advance national strategic goals. "The period will not lead to the adoption of an active security policy in the region." Findings of the article obtained by the inferential methodology under the theory of strategic coverage, while confirming the hypothesis of the article, is accompanied by the conclusion that the promotion of China's economic interests in the region and its efforts to further influence the region by resorting to safe strategy Reconstruction could potentially lead to the gradual and long-term end of US hegemony in the Persian Gulf. This research is of descriptive-analytical (qualitative) type and in the process of analyzing the findings, inferential methodology has been used. Data collection was also done using the library method based on objective-historical data.

The main purpose of this study is to investigate the effect of religious beliefs on the formation of values of religious democracy, which has been done as an example among students of Shiraz Azad University. In the study, the target population is the students of Islamic Azad University of Shiraz University, which is 2500 people. According to Cochran's formula, 332 people were selected as the sample size by simple random sampling. Analysis of research data using SPSS statistical software is analyzed at two levels. In the first level, using descriptive statistical methods (frequency, mean and standard deviation) and in the second level, using inferential statistical methods (one-sample t-test), the data obtained from the questionnaire questions were analyzed. And research questions are answered. Research shows that religious beliefs do not conflict with democratic values. At the same time, the traditional view of religion and its imposition on members of society is not very acceptable. Rather, what is important is a particular type of religion that can both promote religious values in society and that can build people's votes and opinions on the basis of democratic form, the existence of democratic institutions, and attention to the views and opinions of the people.

Civilizations, like other social phenomena, are constantly changing and evolving.What is known as the New Western Civilization is a set of political, social, economic,and cultural achievements in theWest that are manifested in the form of secular political systems and the capitalist economic system. This approach, criticized from the discourse of the Islamic Revolution, including the views of Ayatollah Khamenei. The present study aims to examine the approach based on the discourse of the Islamic Revolution according to the views of the Supreme Leader of the Islamic Revolution, Ayatollah Khamenei, with the aim of criticizing the new Western civilization. Therefore, the question is: what are the most important criticisms of entering the new Western civilization from the perspective of the discourse of the Islamic Revolution and the views of Ayatollah Khamenei? Based on the findings of the present study,the most important criticisms of modernWestern civilization from the perspective of the discourse of the Islamic Revolution and the views of Ayatollah Khamenei, the dominance of empirical and positive science, the separation of values from science, political secularism, economic capital Axis, the social system is limited to the West and secular human rights. The discourse of the Islamic Revolution has proposed a new approach to the idea of a new Islamic civilization by proposing religious democracy, the instrumentality of the economy, the design of a resistance economy, an inclusive social system based on justice and cooperation, supporting the oppressed and seeking justice. The method used in the research is descriptive-analytical.

The purpose of this study is to investigate the effect of faculty mobilization on po litical elitism in the Islamic Republic of Iran, which was conducted as a survey among faculty mobilization in Shiraz universities.The statistical population, which included 314 males and 61 females, was a total of 375 people, which was done by using the questionnaire method and their distribution among the statistical p o p ulation. Accordingly, the data collection tool is a questionnaire that to measure the validity and reliability of the questionnaire, the value of Cronbach's alpha coefficient is equal to 0.98. The main question is what effect has the mobilization of professors had on the political elite in the Islamic Republic of Iran? The main hypothesis is that the role of mobilization in transmitting political awareness, strengthening national identity, increasing national and religious self-co n fi d e n ce and provincialism,are effective components in It is the training of political elit e s.[1].PhD Student in Political Science, Lamerd Branch, Islamic Azad University, Lamerd, Iran[2].Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Lamerd Branch, Islamic Azad University, Lamerd, Iran, Corresponding Author[3].Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Lamerd Branch, Islamic Azad University, Lamerd, Iran

The purpose of the present research is to study the relationship between Iran’s Islamic Revolution and the formation of the Axis of Resistance in giving identity to Lebanon’s Hizbullāh. The main hypothesis is that the Islamic and Shi’ite identity of Iran’s Revolution having some criteria such as soft power could have give identity to the Shi’ite movement of Lebanon’s Hizbullāh and emphasize on the spirit of seeking martyrdom, religion-centeredness, Shi’ite symbolism, belief in Wilāt-i Faqīh, and battle against the hegemony in regional aspects. The method of study was descriptive analysis and the results showed that the cultural, Shi’ite, political, and geographical features have expanded the identity that Iran’s Islamic Revolution has given to Lebanon’s Hizbullāh.

The main goal of this paper is to evaluate the impact of Basij-Asatid (Teachers Basij) on the generation of soft power of the Islamic Republic of Iran through training of political elite. The main question of the article is "What are the possible methods for the soft power of the Islamic Republic to be enhanced by Basij-Asatid and through training of political elites?" For this purpose, a survey approach has been used. The statistical population of the study consists of all faculty members of Shiraz universities. The sample size includes 375 professors selected through proportional sampling method based on the number and gender of professors. Data collecting tool is a researcher-made questionnaire with Cronbach's alpha coefficient of 0.98. The data are analyzed using SPSS software at two levels: At the first level using descriptive statistics methods (frequency, mean and standard deviation) and in the second level using inferential statistics (one-sample t-test and Friedman ranking test). The findings say that the average role of Basij-Asatid in increasing the soft power of Iran by training of political elites is 5.44 and higher than the low intensity limit for this factor (4), which confirms the decisive role of Basij-Asatid in increasing Iran's soft power. The results also show that the factor of "enhancing student Wilayat (Velâyat Paziri)" with an average of 4.7, is the most important and "increasing the student scientific abilities", with an average of 2.73, is the least important.

In the present study, the authors have tried to better understand the concept of status quo and status conflicts, to answer the question that what effect have the status quo movements of the Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia had on the security environment in the Middle East? The main hypothesis of the present study is that the status conflicts between the Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia have exacerbated tensions and instability in the Middle East. The findings of this study, which is done using a descriptive-analytical method, show that the main status conflicts of the Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia in three types of differences due to friction between prestige and natural authority, increasing mismatch between defined roles and base And the material abilities of the actors, and the relationships with third parties have occurred, and each in turn has caused tension and instability in the Middle East security environment. The most important consequence of these status conflicts has been the lack of a collective security system in the Middle East region, and as a result, the possibility of a structural presence with the presence of all countries in the region for political management of existing challenges has been weakened. As a result of this situation, the Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia have tended to use a strategy of social competition in their prestigious actions in the Middle East, and this in turn has strengthened the threat dynamics.